Mexico and American Modernism by Ellen Landau, Yale University Press, April 8, 2013

Mexico and American Modernism, by Ellen Landau, Yale University Press, 2013.


Professor Ellen Landau, March 15, 2013. Photo by John Crosse.



Above is Case Western Reserve art history professor and noted Jackson Pollock and Lee Krasner scholar Ellen Landau and her new book “Mexico and American Modernism” posing in front of the recently opened restoration of Siqueiros’ “America Tropical.” The mural sits atop the old Plaza Art Center where Pauline Schindler curated the exhibition “Contemporary Creative Architecture” (see below) not long before Siqueiros’ mural was completed. 
“Contemporary Creative Architecture of California” exhibition curated by Pauline Schindler, various West Coast venues, 1930-1932.
 
“Mercedes Matter: A Retrospective” curated by Ellen Landau, Weisman Art Museum, Pepperdine Universtty, January 23-April 4, 2010.
 
 
I met Professor Landau while reviewing the Mercedes Matter retrospective she curated at Pepperdine’s Weisman Art Museum a couple years ago (see above). She is retiring at the end of the academic year and moving to L.A. this summer. She just gave a lecture on her new book at UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum and is also consulting with the Getty on their restoration of Pollock’s mural (see below) he did for Peggy Guggenheim now owned by the University of Iowa. For much more on Ellen’s work see my “Herbert and Mercedes Matter: The California Years.” 
Mural, 1943, 97-1/4 X 236 in., Jackson Pollock.


Don’t forget to order a copy of Mexico and American Modernism which will be released next month, in fact you can preorder now at Amazon or Barnes & Noble. Landau graciously gave me a preview of the book over breakfast last
Friday and it is definitely a must for any modern art lover. It goes into much more depth on the cross-pollination between the Mexican muralists and American artists such as Isamu Noguchi, Jackson Pollock, Philip Guston and Robert Motherwell than I touched upon in my “Richard Neutra and the California ArtClub” on which we compared notes. I hope to do a review of the book after it’s release next month.


For other books by Landau I recommend: 
 
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Outside In: the Architecture of Smith at the UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, April 13 – June 16 and Williams and Smith & Williams: An Annotated Bibliography

 

Whitney R. Smith, Alpha Rho Chi, USC El Rodeo, 1932. 

 Whitney R. Smith demonstrating moké (rhymes with OK), a method of weaving plywood to form intricate designs from dwell.com.

 

Wayne R. Williams. Photo courtesy Communi-k Inc. via Architectural Record.


Smith & Williams office, 1414 N. Fair Oaks, South Pasadena, 1958. Photo by Jocelyn Gibbs, 2012.


Smith & Williams decisively shaped the modern vocabulary of architecture in post-war Pasadena and Los Angeles County. Working in the wake of the first generation of avant-garde architects in Southern California and riding the postwar building boom, the partners Whitney R. Smith, erstwhile Case Study House architect, and Wayne R. Williams developed a pragmatic modernism that, through remarkable site planning and design, integrated landscape and building. Despite the significance of their work, “Outside In” is the first monographic study of Whitney Smith and the Smith & Williams firm. Co-curators Jocelyn Gibbs and Christina Chiang will draw on the extensive archives within the museum’s Architecture and Design Collection.   

 

Case Study House No. 6, “Loggia House,” Whitney R. Smith, 1946. (Project). From Modern California Houses: Case Study Houses, 1945-1962 by Esther McCoy, Reinhold, 1962, p. 27.

 

Whitney R. Smith, ca. 1962, photographer unknown (Julius Shulman?). From Modern California Houses: Case Study Houses, 1945-1962 by Esther McCoy, Reinhold, 1962, p. 208.

 

Besides his partnership with Williams, Smith also collaborated with A. Quincy Jones and Edgardo Contini between 1948 and 1950 on the Mutual Housing Association (see below) planned community in Crestwood Hills in Brentwood.

 

Mutual Housing Association marketing brochure, ca. 1949. From Crestwood Hills.

 

Robert Crowell Residence, Smith & Williams, architects, Sunset, May 1954, front cover. Julius Shulman Job No. 1611, October 27, 1953.

 

Outside In: the Architecture of Smith and Williams is part of Pacific Standard Time Presents: Modern Architecture in L.A.  This collaboration, initiated by the Getty, brings together several local arts institutions for a wide-ranging look at the postwar built environment of the city as a whole, from its famous residential architecture to its vast freeway network, revealing the city’s development and ongoing impact in new ways.


Tract home kitchen by Smith & Williams for merchant builder George Buccola, House & Home, February 1956, front cover. Photo by Julius Sulman. 


Once I ran across the press release for this exhibition I remembered that Julius Shulman was the photographer of choice for this dynamic duo. Smith & Williams early on recognized the importance of good photography in marketing their modernist vocabulary of architecture in postwar Pasadena and Los Angeles County and commissioned Shulman for over 50 assignments during their most productive years between 1947 and 1964. Performing a Smith & Williams search in my 8,000 item Julius Shulman bibliography and 800 Shulman cover photos turned up 130 articles and numerous cover photos which went into the Smith & Williams bibliography below. 

 

McCoy, Esther, “What I Believe…A Statement of Architectural Principles,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, January 8, 1956,  pp. 57-8.

 

Esther McCoy featured the duo’s work in her monthly “What I Believe” column in the Los Angeles Times in 1956 (see above), a feather in any architect’s cap.

 

Smith & Williams, Mobil gas station (Anaheim, Calif.), 1957, Photograph by Julius Shulman, Job No. 2202, May 8, 1956.

 

There is a companion show, “Gas Station Design, a Tour through the Collection, 1930-1965″ which will run from February 15 through May 12 curated by Christina Chiang.

 

Click on the below highlighted link directly below to access bibliography.

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Edward Weston, R. M. Schindler, Anna Zacsek, Lloyd Wright, Reginald Pole and Their Dramatic Circles

(Click on images to enlarge)
R. M. Schindler, 1927. Edward Weston portrait. Owned by Sam and Harriet Freeman. Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents. From Saving Wright: The Freeman House and the Preservation of Meaning, Materials and Modernity by Jeffrey M. Chusid, Norton, 2011, p. 139.
Playbill for “The Idiot” by Fyodor Dostoyevsky as adapted by Reginald Pole and John Cowper Powys, Belmont Theater, January 25th and 28th, 1928. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.
The genesis for this article was the discovery of the above playbill in the papers of architect Rudolph M. Schindler at the University of California Santa Barbara Art Museum’s Architecture and Design Collections. The play, an adaptation of Fyodor Dostoyevsky‘s “The Idiot” by Reginald Pole and John Cowper Powys, included a fascinating cast of mutual friends of both Schindler and his wife Pauline and photographer Edward Weston such as Reginald Pole and his then wife Frances, Pole’s former lover Beatrice Wood, Weston portrait sitter and Schindler client and divorce attorney “Olga” Zacsek, and Boris Karloff. Schindler designed the stage sets for “The Idiot” and was also credited as art advisor. Weston wrote in his Daybooks about attending the play and after her performance partying with Zacsek at the Frank Lloyd Wright-designed house of Sam and Harriet Freeman for whom Schindler also designed many revisions and furniture. (The Daybooks of Edward Weston, Volume II, California, p. 47).
The playbill opened up numerous avenues of research which resulted in the following article. I intend this work to become a chapter in a much broader work encompassing the familial relationships between the Schindlers and the Westons and their radical, bohemian, avant-garde coteries in Los Angeles and Carmel. In this piece, which focuses mainly on their mutual friends in the dramatic community, I intend to interweave the stories of Anna Zacsek, Reginald Pole, Helen Taggart, Lloyd Wright, Kirah Markham, Beatrice Wood, Frayne Williams, Florence Deshon, Max Eastman, Charlie Chaplin, Margrethe Mather, Tina Modotti, Aline Barnsdall, Theodore Dreiser, Helen Richardson, Paul Jordan-Smith and many others within the context of the Schindler-Weston friendship.
Anna Zacsek, screen name Olga Grey, 1916. Photographer unknown. From “Gallery of Picture Players,” Motion Picture Magazine, November 1916, p. 25.

 

Anna Zacsek, 1919. Edward Weston photograph. From George Eastman House courtesy of Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Emily J. Valentine, Founder and President, Los Angeles Conservatory of Music. Photographer unknown. From Los Angeles Herald, December 19, 1909, p. 54.

Anushka “Anna” Zacsek was the child of Stefan and Theresa Zacsek, Hungarian immigrants who moved to Los Angeles from New York around 1902. They lived at 2231 Sunset Blvd. near the movie studios and bohemian artists and actors that would shortly populate the nearby Edendale neighborhood. (For much more on the Zacsek’s Echo Park residence see Historic-Cultural Monument Application for the  2233 ½ W. Sunset Blvd. Home“). By 1908 the Zacseks had enrolled their children Anushka “Annie” and Stefan in classes at the Los Angeles Conservatory of Music and Art which was founded by Emily J. Valentine (see above) in 1883. (Author’s note: With the help of Walt and Roy Disney, the Conservatory merged with the Chouinard Instiitute of Art in 1961 to form the present day CalArts). 

Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) Building, 207 S. Broadway, E. A. Coxhead, architect, 1888. (“Y.M.C.A.; They Get Themselves Into Court Over Building,” Los Angeles Times, May 19, 1888, p. 2). Photographer C. C. Pierce, ca. 1900. Los Angeles Conservatory of Music & Art under gable right of flag. Courtesy USC Digital Library.



Anna attended piano and elocution classes at the Conservatory which was located in the YMCA Building (see above) when Zacsek began classes there. At the age of 11 she performed a piano solo in a year-end concert with selected Conservatory classmates at Symphony Hall in the Blanchard Building (see below) under Valentine’s direction. The Los Angeles Herald listed Annie Theresa Zacsek’s piano recital and her certificates in piano and elocution along with her brother Stefan, and mentioned her being named one of the school’s eleven “Prize Pupils.” (“Musical World,” Los Angeles Herald, June 24, 1908, p. 6)The Conservatory moved to the brand new Walker Auditorium Building the following year along with some other drama and music schools creating somewhat of a center for performing arts education. (See two below).

Blanchard Building, Symphony Hall, 233 S. Broadway, ca. 1921. A. M. Edelman, architect, 1899. From Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection. (See “Building Devoted to Music and Art,” Los Angeles Times, January 1, 1899, p. I-29 for a complete description and floor plans of this building built by Harris Newmark and leased to F. W. Blanchard).
Walker Auditorium Building, 730 S. Broadway, July 1946. Eisen and Son, architects, 1909. Courtesy Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection. 

 

Morosco-Egan School of Dramatic Arts ad, Los Angeles Herald, October 9, 1909, p. 2.
 
Another prominent period performing arts school, the Morosco-Egan Institute of Dramatic Arts, was formed by Frank C. Egan and Majestic Theater Building lessee Oliver Morosco in 1909 after Egan’s recent arrival from from the east via Seattle. Egan advertised regularly (see above) and relentlessly promoted his dramatic productions and the achievements of his graduates in the local press. For example in a 1911 Times article Egan, who had by then bought out Morosco’s interest in the school, talked of the success of his students in Chicago and on Broadway and plans for his own traveling troupes. Of his school’s plans to focus on foreign drama he said, 

“One’s drama education is not complete unless one knows the drama of the world. To be thoroughly acquainted with the drama of America and England, which, histrionically speaking, are one country, and not to know anything about thee great dramatic movements in Germany, the essentials of modern French plays and the comedy spirit in Italy, is like completing a common school education and omitting all knowledge whatsoever of geography.” (“To Send Out Own Companies: Frank Egan Considering New Production Venture,” Los Angeles Times, December 31, 1911, p. III-12. See also “Egan Returns With New Names,” Los Angeles Times, August 13, 1911, p. III-2).

Egan School ad. Los Angeles Times, December 31, 1911, p. III-5.
 
Likely attracted by Egan’s advertising of his drama faculty, the Zacseks also enrolled Anna and Stefan in acting classes there evidenced by a Los Angeles Herald article reporting on their performance of a scene from “If I Were King” in the school’s auditorium on the top floor of the Majestic Theater Building (see below) at the end of the 1910 school year. (“Egan Thespians Open Many Eyes at Recital,” Los Angeles Herald, June 24, 1910. p. 3). The busy Anna continued her piano classes at the Conservatory a block north on Broadway and performed in two ensemble pieces just four days after her and Stefan’s stage performance at the Egan School. (“Musical,” Los Angeles Herald, June 26, 1910, p. III-14). The Zacseks were presciently positioning Anna for her early career in the movie business.
Hamburger Majestic Theater Building (left), 845 S. Broadway, Edelman and Barnett, architects, 1908. Hamburger’s Department Store (later May company) on right. Courtesy of Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.
 
In an article discussing the success of the girl students from his school Egan said,

“Los Angeles has produced some mighty clever boys, but so far the ambitious girls are far in the lead. Many of them are going out in prominent positions in western organizations. Some of them are going straight to Broadway. “Young women that have been sent out from the Egan School during the past year are playing as far West as Honolulu and as far east as London. And in all instances they are Los Angeles girls.” (“Coming Here For Actors,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1912, p. III-20).

The next year Egan moved his school and expanded his operations with the addition of the Egan’s Little Theatre at 1324 S. Figueroa St. at Pico Blvd. After brief early success as a venue for drama, Egan’s theatre venture fell on hard economic times and was reconfigured to also enable the screening of silent movies. (“In the Theater Foyers,” Los Angeles Times, August 7, 1914, p. III-4).



By her late teens Anna began pursuing a Hollywood acting career in earnest. She visited the Majestic Studio in 1914-15, liked what she saw and soon became an extra. Her story as one of the more successful “extra girls” who parlayed her talents into progressively better roles was featured along with those of her D. W. Griffith-trained stablemates Mae Marsh, Seena Owens and Bessie Love in the December 1916 issue of Motion Picture Magazine (see below). The article described Anna, “She being of the foreign type, was given a place in with a mob of exotic looking supernumeraries. A few days later she was given a small part; as the days passed, her parts became better.” 

Zeidman, Bennie, “The Extra Girl,” Motion Picture Magazine, December, 1916, pp. 45-48.
The Birth of a Nation, D. W. Griffith, 1915.

 

Anna’s first credited part was a leading role in the 1915 release “His Lesson” soon to be followed by eleven more films during her first year. In Griffith’s seminal “The Birth of a Nation,” released two weeks before the opening of the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco, Zacsek played the role of Laura Keene whose theatrical company was playing at Ford’s Theatre in Washington, D.C. on the night of Abraham Lincoln’s assassination. After Booth, played by Raoul Walsh, leaped to the stage after shooting Lincoln in the back of the head (see above), Keene, played by Olga rushed up to the presidential box and cradled the wounded President’s head in her lap. In 1916 Griffith would also direct Zacsek in his next extravaganza “Intolerance” in which she played the part of Mary Magdelene, the original femme fatale, in the Judean portion of the film.
 
Intolerance, D. W. Griffith, 1916.
Babylonian movie set for D. W. Griffith’s “Intolerance” at the Reliance-Majestic Studios (later Triangle-Fine Arts) site at the intersection of Hollywood and Sunset Blvds. (Author’s note: The set was one block east of , and easily visible from, Olive Hill, the site of Aline Barnsdall’s Hollyhock House designed by Frank Lloyd Wright with construction supervision by R. M. Schindler and Lloyd Wright.)

 

Zacsek reminisced (most likely through the words of a studio publicist) to a newspaper reporter in 1916 about how she was dubbed Olga Grey by Griffith and how she was tiring of being typecast as a “vamp.” 

“In the first place, I was engaged while a mere spectator on the side lines one day by Mr. Griffith whom we were observing as he directed some scenes for “The Clansman.” When I told him my name he said, “Tut, tut! Impossible!”

As days passed I was continually cast in feature pictures and became accustomed to the work, I began to notice that my business was always to “vamp” to the total eclipse of my tender-hearted ambitions. I finally decided that this was not as it should be, and asked my director for a sympathetic part in the next production. “Impossible!” he snorted. “Heroines are always blonde. Vampires are dark. You are a vamp!” (“Olga Grey, the Griffith Vampire,” by Miss Anushka Zacsek: the Hungarian Ingenue, Philadelphia Evening Public Ledger, July 8, 1916, p. 9).

Anushka Zacsek, screen name Olga Grey. Photographer unknown. “A Vamp With a Goulash Name,” Photoplay, Vol. XI, No. 3, February 1917, p. 73.

 

Triangle-Fine Arts Studio, 4516 Sunset Blvd., 1916. From Early Hollywood by Mark Wanamaker and Robert W. Nudelman, Arcadia, 2007, p. 34.

 

Reliance-Majestic Studios soon evolved into the Triangle-Fine Arts Film Company (see above) and was soliciting screenplays for it’s stable of young stars of which Olga Grey was prominently included. (See below for example).

“Fine Arts Film Company, 4500 Sunset Boulevard, Los Angeles, Calif., is in the market for five-reel features, suitable for any of its stars: Douglas Fairbanks, Mae MarshBobby Herron, Lillian GishNorma Talmadge, Wilfred Lucas, Fay Tinchner, Bessie Love, Olga Grey and Constance Talmadge. Often two or three of these players may appear in one picture; most of the feminine stars are ingenues, and stories in which the principal characters are young girls are therefore most desired. Stories must have underlying themes of considerable power.” (“The Literary Market,”The Editor, Oct 7,
1916, p. 338).

Grey, Olga, “How I Learnt [sic] to Act,” Motion Picture Magazine, December 1916, p. 69.
Ruth St. Denis, 1916. Edward Weston photograph from the Halsted Gallery courtesy of Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.



Besides her role in “Intolerance” Zacsek appeared in six other films in 1916, including the role of “Lady Agnes” in Macbeth. It was around the time of Zacsek’s appearance in “The Birth of a Nation” that Weston began photographing Ruth St. Denis (see above) and her dancers many of whom coincidentally appeared in the Babylonian dance sequences in Griffith’s “Intolerance” under St. Denis’s direction. Weston likely met St. Denis through the movie studio connections of Margrethe Mather (see below), Charlie Chaplin and costume and set designer George Hopkins (discussed later below) thus this may also be around the time that he met Zacsek. (See Stagestruck Filmmaker: D. W. Griffith and the American Theatre by David Mayer, University of Iowa Press, 2009, pp. 179-80 and Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles by Beth Gates Warren, Getty Publications, pp. 79-82 for more details). 

Margrethe Mather and Edward Weston, Glendale, 1922. Photo by Imogen Cunningham. © 1981 Center for Creative Photography, Arizona Board of Regents. 

 

On the marquee, “The Girl at Home” starring Vivian Martin, Jack Pickford and Olga Grey. Palace Theater, 30 Pine Ave., Long Beach, H. A. Anderson, architect, 1916. Photo by G. Haven Bishop, 1917. From the online Huntington Library exhibition “Form and Landscape: Southern California Edison and the California Los Angeles Basin, 1940-1990.”

 

Zacsek would appear in eleven additional films between 1917 and 1920 (see above for example), with a steady decline in the quantity and quality of roles likely exacerbated by factors such as aging, unwillingness to play the casting couch game and the post-war depression of 1920-21 which hit the industry hard. The ambitious Anna, seeing no future on the screen, began seeking other outlets for her acting talents and became involved in local theatrical troupes, possibly through introductions by her former teacher Frank Egan to groups such as the Drama League and the Los Angeles Civic Repertory Company where she soon became entwined within the circles of Reginald Pole (see below), Weston, and Margrethe Mather.

 

 

Reginald Pole, n.d. Photographer unknown. From I Shock Myself: The Autobiography of Beatrice Wood, edited by Lindsay Smith, Chronicle, 1985, p. 59.

 

Rupert Brooke, Fine Arts Building, Chicago, 1914. Eugene Hutchinson photo from The Little Review, June-July 1916, p. 33. Weston photographed Hutchinson in his Fine Arts Building studio in Chicago in 1916 through Margrethe Mather’s connections with Margaret Anderson whose Little Review offices were in the same building as was Maurice Browne’s Little Theatre. (See Warren, pp. 103-104).
 
Pole, co-founder of the Marlowe Dramatic Society with his close friend Rupert Brooke (see above) at Cambridge in 1907, had first arrived in Southern California from Tahiti in 1913 in search of a climate more suitable to his chronic asthmatic condition. Brooke had befriended countryman Maurice Browne and Arthur Davison Ficke along with Floyd Dell and numerous others in Browne’s Little Theatre circle while in Chicago in 1914 around the time architect R. M. Schindler arrived from Vienna seeking employment with Frank Lloyd Wright. Brooke, Browne and his wife Ellen Van Volkenburg continued to develop a very close bond while traveling to England together in the spring of 1914. Pole also happened to be visiting his family at this time and he and Brooke briefly reconnected before Rupert was off to the War. Brooke died an untimely, tragic death due to disease he contracted while on his way to Gallipoli. A few years later Pole would name his son with Helen Taggart in honor of Rupert. (For much more on the ill-fated Brooke see Red Wine of Youth: The Life of Rupert Brooke by Arthur Stringer, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT, 1948 and Recollections of Rupert Brooke by Maurice Browne, A. Greene, 1927).
 
In her November 1915 issue of The Little Review (see below)Margaret Anderson published a Ficke poem eulogizing Brooke accompanying the above photo and a review of his play “Lithuania” posthumously produced by Browne at his renowned Chicago Little Theatre. (To see more on Anderson and Browne and his Chicago Little Theatre circle see my “The Schindlers and Westons and the Walt Whitman School and Connections to Sarah Bixby and Paul Jordan-Smith” (WWS) and PGS). Dell also penned a sonnet on Brooke upon learning of his death in New York. (Floyd Dell: The Life and Times of an American Rebel by Douglas Clayton, Ivan R. Dee, Chicago, 1994, p. 125). 
The Little Review, November 1915. (Note articles on 1926 Kings Road lecturer and life-long friend of Pauline, Maurice Browne, “Portrait of Theodore Dreiser’ by Arthur Davison Ficke, ”Choleric Comments” by frequent contributor Alexander S. Kaun, later Kings Road tenant, Schindler client and portrait sitter for Weston compatriot Johan Hagemeyer, “John Cowper Powys on War” by later Paul Jordan-Smith collaborator Floyd Dell’s wife Margery Currey and a review of the Maurice Browne production of “Rupert Brooke’s ‘Lithuania‘ at the Little Theatre.” For much more on Browne, Kaun, Weston and the Schindlers see PGS. For much more on John Cowper Powys and Paul-Jordan-Smith in Los Angeles see “The Schindlers and the Westons and the Walt Whitman School“).
 
Sophie Pauline Gibling had just moved to Chicago and was living at Hull-House at the time the above issue of The Little Review hit the streets. Her future husband R. M. Schindler had also just returned from a six-week tour of the Panama-Pacific and Panama-California Expositions in San Francisco and San Diego, with stopovers in Los Angeles and Taos. (For more in Schindler’s tour see my “Schindlers in Carmel, 1924“). She quickly immersed herself within the bohemian social networks of the Chicago Little Theatre and The Little Review crowd evidenced by later events in Los Angeles, some of which are discussed later below. (See also my WWS for much more on Pauline’s formative years in Chicago). The Chicago dramatic labrynth of Maurice Browne and Aline Barnsdall and the literary and dramatic circles associated with The Little Review also intermingled with the Mather-Weston-Pole circles on the West Coast as I attempt to somewhat sort out below. Having been steeped in the cauldron of the Chicago Renaissance between 1914 and 1920 it was easy for the Schindlers to thrust themselves into the radical, avant-garde and bohemian orbits of Los Angeles immediately after their arrival in December of 1920.
The Desert Inn, Palm Springs, n.d. Photographer unknown. Courtesy UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library.

 

While in Tahiti in 1913 awaiting a planned rendezvous with Rupert Brooke, Reginald Pole was corresponding with Robert Louis Stevenson‘s widow Fanny who extolled the healthful virtues of Palm Springs where she was then convalescing at the Desert Inn and Sanitarium (see above). More or less evicted by the Royal Family after an affair with a Tahitian princess before Brooke’s arrival, Pole made his way from Tahiti to Los Angeles to Palm Springs where he connected with Fanny Stevenson at Nellie Coffman’s Desert Inn (see above). Thus began his lifelong love affair with the desert and association with Palm Springs. (Diaries of Anais Nin: Volume 5 (1947-1955), edited by Gunther Stuhlman, Harvest, 1974 pp. 26-7). 
Cumnock School of Expression ad. Los Angeles Times, September 28, 1913, p. II-1.
Cumnock School of Expression, 1500 Figueroa St., Hunt and Eager, architects, 1902. From USC Digital Archive.

 

Helen Taggart, date and photographer unknown. From Ancestry.com.

 

Pole had to make a living so after a period of recuperation in Palm Springs he began teaching drama and directing student plays at the Cumnock School of Expression (see above) in Los Angeles around 1914-15. (Author’s note: Martha Graham also graduated from Cumnock in 1916 and began her dance studies with Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn at the Denishawn School.) The Shakespearean thespian Pole met his future wife Helen Taggart (see above), daughter of a future client of Frank Lloyd Wright, Jr., aka Lloyd Wrighteither at the English Tudor-style Cumnock School where she had been a student or during rehearsals for performances of the Drama League and/or the Los Angeles Civic Repertory Company. Taggart’s first publicized appearance was for her part in “The Patriots” by Florence Haines-Reed staged May 1, 1915 by the CRC at the Gamut Club. (See below). (“Patriotism or Murder; Gamut Club Audience Applauds Strong Playlet by Local Woman Attacking the Theory of War,” Los Angeles Times, May 2, 1915, p. II-2). 
Gamut Club, 1044 S. Hope St. (former home of the Dobinson School of Expression and Dramatic Art) 1903, Abram M. Edelman, architect. Photo taken in 1926 courtesy of LA Public Library Photo Collection.

 

In his review of the CRC Gamut Club productions in the California Outlook, then head of the USC School of Journalism Bruce Bliven wrote

“If the company can continue to choose, mount and cast its plays as well as it did in these performances, its success is assured; not in a long time has anything been done, by amateurs or professionals, in this city which has been so artistically satisfying.” (Bliven, Bruce, “Good Plays by Good Amateurs,” California Outlook, May 22, 1915, pp. 9-10). 

A week after Taggart’s Gamut Club appearance the Cumnock School staged a Vaudeville show and the Times review listed performances by her and Martha Graham (see below) who would begin studying with Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn after graduating from Cumnock the following year. (“Comedy Their Specialty; Dramatic Students Stage a Vaudeville Show,” Los Angeles Times, May 8, 1915, p. II-3. For much more on Graham see my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“).
Martha Graham in her Denishawn debut as Priestess of Isis in A Dance Pageant of Greece, Egypt and India, 1915. From Martha Graham: A Dancer’s Life by Russell Freedman, Clarion Books, 1998, p. 30.
 
Original Al Malaikah Temple aka. Shrine Auditorium, 1907-1920, corrner of Royal St. and Jefferson Blvd., Jefferson Blvd. entrance, ca. 1915. Photographer unknown. Courtesy USC Digital Photo Collection.
 
Shortly after enrolling with Denishawn, Graham was drafted along with 100 other classmates to perform with Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn (see below) in an ancient civilazation-themed extravaganza at the Shrine Auditorium (see above) a week after the release of “Intolerance” and a month before rehearsals began for the inaugural performance of Aline Barnsdall’s Los Angeles Little Theatre discussed later below. St. Denis was featured in the roles of Queen of Ethiopia, God Isis, Persephone and Parvati. Thus it is possible that Graham could have also danced with the St. Denis troupe in the Babylonian sequence of “Intolerance” filmed just a month or two earlier, or at least witnessed or was inspired by the company being filmed. (“Dancing Pageant to Depict Egypt; Ancient Civilizattion As Spectacle’s Theme,” Los Angeles Times, September 14, 1916, p. II-2). (Author’s note: Graham refused to pose for Weston while his friend and patron Merle Armitage was preparing a book in her honor during 1935-6. Weston’s biographer Ben Maddow speculated that she may have been afraid that Weston would want to photograph her nude. Edward Weston: His Life, p. 210).
 
Ted Shawn Christmas card, 1915. Photograph by Edward Weston, 1915. Courtesy of New York Public Library Digital Gallery.
 
Two months later in another CRC production of Shakespeare’s “A Midsummer Night’s Dream” directed by Pole in Eagle Rock Park, Taggart played Hermia and Pole, besides directing, ironically played Demetrius presaging his soon-to-be marriage to Helen. This major outdoor spectacle staged for an evening audience of 10,000 in the natural amphitheater at the base of Eagle Rock also featured Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn’s fairy ballet and a giant orchestra. (“Enchantment Holds Sway: “Midsummer Dream” in Garden of Sycamores,” Los Angeles Times, July 10, 1915, p. II-6 and “Midsummer Night’s Dream at Eagle Rock, Santa Monica Bay Outlook, June 30 1915, p. 7. For much more on St. Denis and Shawn see my “Bertha Wardell Dances in Silence“).

 

Greek Theater, Pomona College, Claremont, ca. 1922. Myron Hunt, architect, 1914. Photographer unknown. From the Pomona Library Digital Images Collection. 
 
In 1916 Pole landed the position of Pomona College drama director and produced student performances of Shakespeare and Greek drama in the campus’s recently completed Greek Theater (see above). (Ford, Sydney, “Opening of
Pomona College,” The Pacific, Oct 5, 1916, p. 6).
 The venue was a perfect fit for the Elizabethan-trained Pole whose uncle William Poel (see below) founded London’s Elizabethan Stage Society which held performances free of scenery and modern staging to simulate the theatrical conditions under which Shakespeare’s plays were originally performed. In late 1916, uncle William visited Reginald in Los Angeles, who was by then living with Helen, and was feted along with Aline Barnsdall’s Los Angeles Little Theatre director Richard Ordynski by the Drama League. Both Poel and Ordynski were questioned during interviews what they thought of Griffith’s “Intolerance” and both deferred to Griffith. (“Two are Honored by the Drama League,” Los Angeles Times, November 12, 1916, p. II-1 and “This Is Day for American Drama; Noted British Critic Here With Comment,” Los Angeles Times, November 6, 1916, p. II-5).
 
William Poel as Adonai (God) in an Elizabethan Stage Society production of Everyman, 1901. Courtesy Victoria and Albert Museum.
 
During 1916, the seemingly indefatigable Pole divided his time between Pomona College, Cumnock School and other various productions in and around Los Angeles. This year also marked the tricentennial of William Shakespeare’s death which was honored by Griffith’s earlier-mentioned production of “Macbeth” featuring Zacsek as Lady Agnes. During April and May there were numerous Shakespearean productions in and around Los Angeles including Reginald Pole starring in a scene from “Twelfth Night” staged by the Galpin Shakespeare Club at their Cumnock School headquarters and again playing the king in act five from “Richard the Second” at the Hollywood Woman’s Club (see below). (“In Remembrance of the Great English Bard,” Los Angeles Times, April 16, 1916, p. II-13).
Woman’s Club of Hollywood, 7078 Hollywood Blvd.between Sycamore Ave. and La Brea Ave. From “Woman’s Club of Hollywood,” Holly Leaves, July 1, 1922, p. 18. Photo by Viroque Baker, Schindler friend and soon-to-be photographer and client.

 

Inspired by the work of Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg at their Chicago Little Theatre, wealthy oil heiress Aline Barnsdall in 1915 begun discussing with Frank Lloyd Wright plans for a new, larger Chicago theater envisioned to be under their directorship. After summering in California and visiting the state’s Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco Barnsdall’s plans changed. She moved to San Francisco in 1916 and at first decided to open her theater there while Browne and Van Volkenburg opted to stay in Chicago. (For much more on Browne and Van Volkenburg see my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism” and “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“). Coincidentally, Frank Lloyd Wright had also visited the Panama-California Exposition and its prominently displayed models and photos of Uxmal and Chichen Itza (see below) through he which he was likely imbued with Mayan inspiration for the later design of Barnsdall’s Olive Hill complex. (See for example Frank Lloyd Wright: The Lost Years, 1910-1922 by Anthony Alofsin, University of Chicago Press, 1993, p.225 and Frank Lloyd Wright: A Life by Ada Louise Huxtable, Penguin, 2004, p. 157).
Carlos Vierra, fresco of Chichen Itza, Panama-California Exposition, 1915. From Alofsin, p. 228. Originally in Art and Archaeology 2, 1915.
Hollyhock House, perspective view, Los Angeles, 1917-20. Alofsin, p. 236.
Model, “The Palace,” Uxmal, Panama-California Exposition, 1915. From Alofsin, p. 229. Originally in Art and Archaeology 2, 1915.
Mary Austin, front center, rehearsing the cast of “Fire” for a 1913 performance at Carmel’s Forest Theatre. Herbert Heron played the lead role of Evind, the fire bringer. George Sterling as Atla the hunter, upper right. From Old Carmel in Rare Photographs by L. S. Levin produced by Sharon Lawrence with Kathryn Prine, Carmel, 1995, p. 29.

 

While in San Francisco, Barnsdall wrote to erstwhile Carmel playwright and author Mary Austin about the possibilities of opening an outdoor theater there, likely having heard of her earlier exploits at the seaside village’s Forest Theater (see above for example). (For much Austin, Maurice Browne and the Forest Theater on this see my Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage hereinafter SWKC and PGS). Encouraged by what she heard Barnsdall visited Carmel in May and met with Forest Theater director Herbert Heron (see below) but soon responded to Austin that she needed a larger city for her vision to succeed. (Barnsdall Letters to Mary Hunter Austin, Mary Hunter Austin Collection, Huntington Library, cited in Friedman, pp. 34-37). Possibly lured by the burgeoning Hollywood scene, Barnsdall proceeded south to Los Angeles but not before enticing Heron to sign an eight-month, $50.00 per week contract to join her growing troupe upon the completion of his Forest Theatre summer season. (Letter from Herbert Heron to Will   , Heron Papers, Harrison Memorial Library, Carmel).
Herbert Heron, director, Forest Theatre, Carmel.
Egan School of Music and Drama and Little Theatre, 1324 S. Figueroa St., 1914.

 

Through her Players Producing Company Barnsdall took out a six-month lease on Frank Egan’s earlier-mentioned Little Theatre (see above) and renamed it the Los Angeles Little Theatre and engaged Norman-Bel Geddes to design the sets and signed Richard Ordynski to a ten-week contract to direct the plays. (Miracle in the Evening by Norman Bel Geddes, Doubleday, New York, 1960, pp. 152-170 and Frank Lloyd Wright: Hollyhock House and Olive Hill by Kathryn Smith, Rizzoli, 1992, pp. 15-37). Also moving to Los Angeles to take part were some Ordynski recruits from New York including Irving Pichel and Gareth Hughes, and some alumni from Maurice Browne‘s Little Theatre in Chicago including Elaine Hyman, later stage name Kirah Markhama former lover of Floyd Dell and Theodore DreiserFrayne Williams (see below), an old friend of Charlie Chaplin‘s from their Vaudeville days in England, also accompanied Ordynski to Los Angeles and soon hooked up with the Mather-Weston circle and reconnected with Chaplin. (Warren, p. 121).
 
Frayne Williams as Hamlet, 1918. Margrethe Mather photo. From Margrethe Mather & Edward Weston: A Passionate Collaboration by Beth Gates Warren, Norton, 2001, p. 49.
Kirah Markham in “Nju.” “Little Theater Opening Is To Be Feature of Week,” Los Angeles Times, October 29, 1916, p. III-1.

 

A May 1917 article in The Little Theatre Magazine summed up Barnsdall’s 10-week, seven-play season and outlined the roles played by Ordynski, Geddes, Kirah Markham, Frayne Williams, Herbert Heron, Irving Pichel and many others. Frayne Williams directed and played the lead role in “A Farewell Supper” by Arthur Schnitzler. Besides starring in Barnsdall’s opening production of Ossip Dymow‘s “Nju,” Markham (see above) had the lead role in Chicago playwright Oren Taft’s ”Conscience” which Barnsdall had staged the previous year in the Fine Arts Theater in Chicago also starring Markham, and the world premiere of D. H. Lawrence‘s “The Widowing of Mrs. Holyroyd,” both under Pichel’s direction. Former Carmel luminary George Sterling‘s translation of Hugo von Hofmannsthal’s version of “Everyman,” in collaboration with Ordynski, was the grand finale of Barnsdall’s season. (Dare, Ann, “The Little Theatre of Los Angeles, The Little Theatre Magazine, May 1917, p. 5. The Oilman’s Daughte: A Biography of Aline Barnsdall by Norman M. and Dorothy K. Karasick, Carleston Publishing, 1993, pp. 50-53, and Warren, p. 121). (Author’s note: For much more on D. H. Lawrence see my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence“).
Aline and Louise Aline “Sugartop” aka Betty Barnsdall ca. 1917. From Park2Park.
Barnsdall and the bisexual Ordynski had a brief, turbulent affair in November 1916 which resulted in Aline becoming pregnant. The couple had a falling out after Aline’s condition became known prompting Ordynsky to resign from the company after only two plays and apparently begin a relationship with George Hopkins. Barnsdall carried on with substitute directors Frayne Williams, Herbert Heron, and Irving Pichel who ably filled in for Ordynski for the season’s remaining four plays including Schnitztler’s “Anatol” in which Williams played the leading role (see below).
Frayne Williams as Anatole, ca. 1920. Photo by Margrethe Mather. From Warren, p. 200. Courtesy J. Paul Getty Museum, 86.XM.721.3.
Trinity Auditorium, 855 S. Grand Ave. ca. 1920. Thornton Fitzhugh, Frank G. Krucker and Harry C. Deckbar, architects, 1914. USC Digital Library.

 

Likely after learning of Hopkins’ considerable costume and set designing skills, Ordynski came up with the idea to produce a modern day version of “Everyman” imitating his former colleague Max Reinhardt‘s earlier Berlin productions. (Kingsley, Grace, “‘Everyman’ To Be Presented in Up-To-Date Version,” Los Angeles Times, December 21, 1916, p. II-6). He also likely discussed his plans with Reginald Pole’s uncle William Poel during their mid-November reunion mentioned earlier above. Despite their acrimonious breakup, Ordynski was able to convince Barnsdall to finance his grandiloquent production and stage it at the 3,000 seat Trinity Auditorium (see above). After committing to finance Ordynski’s production Barnsdall was quoted, “Whatever is worth doing along this line is worth doing well. No expense should be spared to make the play as perfect as possible.” (“More Big Things May Follow,” Los Angeles Times, December 24, 1916, p. III-17). 
George Hopkins, 1915. (see Warren, p. 79). Photo by Edward Weston. Johan Hagemeyer Collection. © 1981 Center for Creative Photography, Arizona Board of Regents. 



The well-reviewed Barnsdall-Ordynski “Everyman” production starred a late recruit from New York, Gareth Hughes as Everyman, Kirah Markham as Everyman’s mother, Irving Pichel, and Frayne Williams. George Hopkins (see above) received much praise for his stage sets and costumes (see below). (“Ordynski “Everyman” Production at Trinity Promises to Unveil New Vista in Esthetics of the Stage – Brilliant is the Conception of Play,” Los Angeles Times, December 31, p. III-11). The production was undoubtedly followed with great interest by Reginald Pole. (“Othello to Have Production Here,” Los Angeles Times, January 22, 1920, p. II-9). Weston photographed Hopkins the year before and was also hired by him to photograph his creations modeled by dancers Maud Allan and Violet Romer (see two below) as well as Yvonne Sinnard, Katharane Edson, and Margaret Loomis, then dance students of Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn. (For much more on Ordynski, Barnsdall and the Schindlers see my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism” (PGS)). 

“Modern In Its Art; Ordynski Everyman Production at Trinity Promises to Unveil New Vista in Esthetics of the Stage – Brilliant is the Conception of the Play,” Los Angeles Times, December 31, 1916, p. III-11.
 
Violet Romer (as a Peacock by a Pool), ca. 1916. Photography by Edward Weston at the Anita Baldwin McClaughrey estate “Anoakia. Costume likely by George Hopkins. From Warren, p. 80. Courtesy of The Huntington Library, 000.111.505. 

 

Anita Baldwin McClaughrey estate “Anoakia,” Arcadia, Arthur B. Benton, architect, 1913. Photo dated July 25, 1915 from the LA Public Library Photo Collection. (Author’s note: McClaughrey commissioned later Weston-Schindler compatriot Dorothea Lange‘s husband Maynard Dixon to decorate her “Indian Room” with a continuous frieze depicting scenes from the northern plains. “Unique Among Homes of America’s Rich,” Los Angeles Times, September 21, 1913, p. II-7. Dixon attributed this commission as a major turning point in his career. Architect Benton also designed Sarah Bixby Smith‘s “Erewhon” and the Friday Morning Club).
 
Knowing of his father’s work for Barnsdall, especially for her theater, Lloyd Wright followed the progress of her Little Theatre productions, especially since he was also designing sets for Cecil B. De Mille‘s and Frank A. Garbutt‘s Paramount Pictures. (Gebhard, p. 22). He kept his father up to date on Barnsdall’s activities by letter. (See for example Women And the Making of the Modern House: A Social and Architectural History by Alice T. Friedman, note 26, p. 62). This most likely brought him into contact with Barnsdall’s set designers Geddes and Hopkins and he also soon became starstruck by the captivating Kirah Markham (see below). After an extremely brief courtship the couple got married sometime around October or November. The ambitious Markham was likely attracted to the connections Lloyd was privy to at Paramount and also later claimed she was seduced by the fame and architecture of his larger-than-life father. (Theodore Dreiser: Letters to Women; New Letters, Volume II edited by Thomas P. Riggio, University of Illinois Press, 2009, p. 119, note 2). Around the time Markham began rehearsals for “Everyman” she was already reporting back to Dreiser on the difficulties with her marriage. (Dreiser letter to Markham, December 14, 1916, Riggio “Letters,” pp. 118-19.
 
Kirah Markham, from the W. A. Swanberg Papers, Penn Libraries, Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

 

Markham first met Frank Lloyd Wright during his month-long December 1916-January 1917 stopover in Los Angeles on his way to Tokyo to begin work on the Imperial Hotel. While catching up with his son and consulting with Barnsdall on her theater and residence plans for which a site had not yet been selected, the elder Wright apparently found the time to design stage sets for a production of the Cherry Blossom Players under the artistic direction of future Schindlers friend and Weston-Mather intimate, Ramiel McGehee (see below). 
 
Clarence McGehee portrait with announcement of upcoming Cherry Blossom Players productions, Los Angeles Times, December 31, 1916, p. II-10.
“Cherry Blossom Players to Give Performances Soon,” Los Angeles Times, January 14, 1917, p. III-19.

After a two-year association with Ruth St. Denis helping her develop her Japanese dance routines, Japanophile McGehee supported himself translating and lecturing on Chinese and Japanese topics and and producing and performing Japanese dance routines before a wide range of organizations and women’s clubs. By 1916 he had become involved with a Japanese theatrical troupe called the Cherry Blossom Players for which he directed drama and dance productions under his friend Norma Gould’s business manager and impresario Lyndon E. BehymerHis contagious enthusiasm for the Cherry Blossom Players likely helped him convince impresario Behymer that being able to advertise set designs by the noted architect and fellow Japanophile Frank Lloyd Wright would help in attracting a wider audience to their Japanese troupe’s performances at the Alexandria Hotel (see below) in January 1917. (For much more on McGehee and Ruth St. Denis see my “Bertha Wardell: Dances in Silence: Kings Road, Olive Hill and Carmel“). (Author’s note: There might be a possibility that the above Times report was inaccurate and the sets were instead designed by his son, Frank Lloyd Wright, Jr. who by this time was designing stage sets for Paramount Pictures. If that was the case, Lloyd would undoubtedly have shown his father the sets while he was in town.).

Alexandria Hotel, 501 S. Spring St.,ca. 1920s. John Parkinson, architect, 1906, 1911 addition. From Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.
Chicago Examiner, May 17, 1911, p. 9.

 

The precocious Markham, then Elaine Hyman, studied drama at the Art Institute of Chicago ca. 1911-12 where she staged a play she had written, “The Master Painter.” (“Girl Art Students Show Dramatic Genius; Life Class Stages Tragesy and ‘Thriller’,” Chicago Examiner, May 17, 1911, p. 9). She soon appeared as Andromache (see below) in Maurice Browne‘s first staging of Euripedes‘ “The Trojan Women” at his Chicago Little Theatre in 1913 where she likely first drew Aline Barnsdall’s attention. It was also during this performance that Floyd Dell, then married to suffragist Margery Currey, became entranced with her and began an affair. Then in Chicago working on The Titan, the legendarily lecherous Theodore Dreiser who had accompanied Dell to the opening of “The Trojan Women,” was also mesmerized by Markham and was able to lure her affections away from Dell. Dreiser left for New York a few months later and was soon joined by Markham on occasion as her Little Theatre touring schedule permitted. (Author’s note: It was during this time that Paul Jordan-Smith, then in graduate school at the University of Chicago, became intertwined in the bohemian circles of Maurice Browne, Floyd Dell, John Cowper Powys and Arthur Davison Ficke thus he likely knew Markham as well. For more on this see my “WWS“).
Kirah Markham as Andromache in Euripedes’ “The Trojan Women,” at Maurice Browne’s Chicago Little Theatre, 1913. (Riggio, “Letters,” p. 81).
Theodore Dreiser in his Greenwich Village apartment at 165 W. 10th St. in the late 1910s. In Chicago Dell wrote influential reviews commending Dreiser’s early novels. Dreiser later praised Dell’s first novel, Moon-Calf. From Floyd Dell: The Life of an American Rebel by Douglas Clayton, Ivan R. Dee, 1994, p. 144. Courtesy Theodore Dreiser Papers, Penn Libraries, Rare Book and Manuscript Library.
 
Despite being utterly dismayed by being jilted by Markham and having by then left his wife Margery Currey, Dell visited Markham and Dreiser later that summer and became reconciled to the fact that she preferred the older, wiser, more established man. After also visiting Provincetown and finding the bohemian lifestyle much to his liking, Dell too decided to move to New York. The next year Markham moved in with Dreiser in Greenwich Village on a more or less permanent basis. She would soon be performing in plays written by Dell at Greenwich Village’s Liberal Club and the Provincetown Players in Cape Cod and later at their New York Playhouse until leaving Dreiser in the summer of 1916 to join Barnsdall’s Little Theatre troupe in Los Angeles.
Lloyd Wright, ca. 1920. From “The Blessing and the Curse” by Thomas S. Hines in Lloyd Wright: The Architecture of Frank Lloyd Wright, Jr. edited by Alan Weintraub, Abrams, 1998, p. 14.

 

In an undated letter ca. 1916 Lloyd Wright reached out to his father with an invitation to visit him, 

“so that I might show you what I am doing and so that we might have an outing together. I am now in shape to entertain rather than be entertained as previously. Have just become a member of the Sierra Madre Club and am slowly establishing myself in the life of this city. Have just written a little one-act sketch called ‘Manikin’ … with an opportunity for good dancing, music, and stage sets. My real work is progressing to a point where worry is finding little chance to play its part. … Pretty good considering that I started here without capital, name, or a very wide experience.” (LW to FLW, n.d. Frank Lloyd Wright Correspondence, Getty Research Institute. Also cited in Hines, p. 15).

Lloyd’s mention of his “Manikin” sketch possibly places him within the Mather-Weston circle as early as this period as Alfred Kreymborg, whose plays “Manikin and Minikin” was staged at the Hollywood Community Theatre in February of 1918 starring Lloyd’s and Reginald Pole’s lifelong friend Lawrence Tibbett and Carlotta Rydman. On the same bill Tibbett also played the lead role in Earnest Dowson’s “Pierrot of the Minute.” (Warnack, Henry Christeen, “Players Popular,” Los Angeles Times, February 22, 1918, p. II-3).

Kreymborg first visited Los Angeles in the summer of 1917 to read his poetry at the Friday Morning Club and promote his latest literary journal Others. (Troubadour: An Autobiography by Alfred Kreymborg, New York, 1925). During the trip he also visited Mather’s studio, likely at the suggestion of friend and former Little Review employee and contributor William Saphier. Saphier had a brief fling with, and had his portrait taken by Mather who also exhibited same a few months later. (Anderson, Antony, “Of Art and Artists,” Los Angeles Times, May 27, 1917. Also see Warren, p. 118. For much more on Kreymborg and Saphier see my “Bertha Wardell: Dances in Silence“).

Gaining ever more confidence with his Los Angeles surroundings and expanding dramatic circle Lloyd proposed to his father that they form a partnership and enjoy the finer things that the burgeoning city had to offer.

“I often wish that you might be able to free yourself from the various loads you seem to enjoy piling upon your back and that we two could enter the field together as father and son. I believe we could make them all sit up and enjoy us, and we’d have a glorious time doing it. Architecture, landscape architecture, the theater, and music with the various luxuries and interesting diversions that attach thereto. And do it in a gloriously fine way too. If I only had your sincere support in the matter, I could rip the very devil out of his hole.” (LW to FLW, Frank Lloyd Wright Correspondence, Getty Research Institute. Also cited in Hines, p. 15).

Although the two Wrights never established a permanent partnership, they would work together on a rather large number of projects between 1922 and 1924, some also with Schindler’s minor involvement, as Lloyd and RMS gradually developed totally independent careers after Wright returned to Taliesin in early 1924.
 
While in Los Angeles in late 1916 to discuss ongoing plans with Aline Barnsdall for her theater and residence projects (Olive Hill would not be purchased until the summer of 1919), Frank Lloyd Wright met Lloyd’s new bride Kirah. In a letter sometime after his father sailed for Japan in mid-January 1917 Lloyd (see above) presciently described his wife as, 

“… an independent. In spite of it, however, a wife. We have taken an old shack in an acre of acacia and [are] decorating the house on next to nothing. Kira is restless, ambitious and forceful, a good thing for us both. She is, however, prone to, or rather impressed by, the fact that the successful stage careers of today (the majority of them) are made by the ‘successees’ selling their bodies and their souls to the ‘successors.’ Perhaps she will get over it. I hope so.” (LW to FLW, n.d. Hines, p. 15).

Kirah soon shared her opinion of Barnsdall with her new father-in-law,

“[She] really has no actual conception of what she wants to do with a theatre at all. She has vague illuminated moments, but the flashes that come in are eternally slipping away on close contact she puts in power to execute them….And she wants so much to go on. Yet I scarcely believe I could endure the strain of a second season with her.” (Kirah Markham to FLW, February 7, 1917, FLW Archives, Taliesin West cited in Frank Lloyd Wright: Hollyhock House and Olive Hill by Kathryn Smith, Rizzoli, 1992, pp. 22-3).

Kirah and Lloyd visited the elder Wright at Taliesin in the late spring of 1918 after his recent return from Tokyo where he had begun work on the Imperial Hotel project.  (Hines p. 16). The newlyweds spent six weeks at Taliesin and Chicago where Kirah possibly reconnected with Browne and Van Volkenburg about the time their Chicago Little Theatre in the Fine Arts Building was folding up its tent for good. She reported her impressions of  the elder Wright in one of her frequent letters to Dreiser. (Letter from Dreiser to Markham, July 3, 1917, Riggio “Letters,” pp. 127-8). Markham eagerly wanted to continue back to Greenwich Village to be among her friends and have a better chance for work. As his young practice had yet to gather steam and still wishing to make the marriage work, Lloyd agreed to accompany her. 

 

Once back in New York Kirah happily reconnected with Dell and Dreiser and the Washington Square Players, Provincetown Players and Playhouse crowds while Lloyd worked a series of day jobs including Standard Aircraft, Curtis Aircraft and the architectural firm of Rouse and Goldberg. (Lloyd Wright, Architect: 20th Century Architecture in an Organic Exhibition edited by David Gebhard and Harriette Von Breton, Art Galleries, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1971, pp. 22-23). In his spare time Lloyd designed stage sets for at least one of the Provincetown Players’ productions, “The String of the Samisen” (see playbill below). 
 
“The Provincetown Players Fifth Season 1918-1919,” p. 3. From The Provincetown Players and the Playwright’s Theatre, 1915-1922 by Edna Kenton, McFarland, 2004, p. 92. Courtesy Scheaffer-O’Neill Collection at Connecticut College.
 
Dreiser wrote of his first get together with Markham after her return,

“Kirah calls up. Is at 7 Fifth Avenue. Wants me to come over. Go. She is downstairs when I get there. Haven’t seen her in over a year, when we lived together. Cries and hugs me. Tells me of her life in Los Angeles as star of Little Theatre. The attitude of [Richard] Ordynski the director toward her. Played two leading roles. Didn’t like her because she wasn’t his style of beauty. Now is Mrs. Frank Lloyd Wright, Jr. Character of her father-in-law, the architect. His opposition to her because he thought she wanted to return to me. Her father also in opposition-same reason. Wright’s great estate in Wisconsin. His mistress. Housekeeper steals letters and publishes them. He takes his discarded mistress back. Kirah wants me to meet her occasionally when she is with her husband and pretend not to have seen her before. I leave, agreeing to meet her somewhere soon.” (Riggio “Diaries,” pp. 170-1).

Markham remained in periodic contact with Dreiser but always without Lloyd. Oddly, she seemed uncomfortable introducing him to her former lover. They apparently did not socialize together as Dreiser’s December 6, 1917 diary entry mentioned awkwardly encountering Markham and Wright in a cafe and saying of him “He looks very interesting.” (Riggio “Diaries,” p. 230. Author’s note: Dreiser would formally meet Wright at his Taggart House in the summer of 1922 as discussed later herein.). As Dreiser’s frequent 1917-18 correspondence with Markham and diary entries indicate, the Wright-Markham marriage was indeed turbulent and fraught with separations brought on by Kirah’s growing boredom with Lloyd and lack of work. (Riggio “Letters,” and Theodore Dreiser: American Diaries, 1902-1926 edited by Thomas P. Riggio, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982).
From left, William E. Smith, R. M. Schindler, Arato Endo, Goichi Fujikura, and Julius Floto, consulting engineer on the Imperial Hotel, at Taliesin, spring 1918. From Frank Lloyd Wright: Hollyhock House and Olive Hill by Kathryn Smith, Rizzoli, 1992, p. 20.
 
Meanwhile, trying to find work with Lloyd’s father while working for Ottenheimer, Stern and Reichert since his 1914 arrival in Chicago from Vienna, R. M. Schindler was finally able to move into Taliesin (see above) in February 1918 and immediately began working on the Imperial Hotel and Barnsdall theater and residence projects. Schindler most certainly met Lloyd during his and Kirah’s lengthy spring 1918 Taliesin stopover while on there way to New York where they hoped to save their shaky marriage and establish careers. After FLW sailed for Japan that fall, Schindler and Will Smith moved into Wright’s Oak Park Studio. Soon afterwards, Schindler met Sophie Pauline Gibling (see below) and would marry her the following summer. Coincidentally and unbeknownst to him, by helping his father put together his famous Wasmuth Portfolio in Italy in 1909-10 (see below) which was published in Germany the following year, Lloyd played a small part in attracting R. M. Schindler (and later Richard Neutra) to America to work for their mutual idol. (For more on this see my “Chats“). 
 
Nineteen-year-old Lloyd Wright at Villino Belvedere, Fiesole, Italy, 1910 where he was assisting his father on the drawings for the Wasmuth Portfolio. Photo by Taylor Wolley. From Frank Lloyd Wright: The Lost Years, 1910-1922, University of Chicago Press, 1993, p. 50.
Pauline Schindler ca. 1919.
Pauline Schindler at Taliesin, 1920.
 
“Olive Hill as Art-Theater Garden,” Los Angeles Examiner, July 6, 1919, p 5.
 
Homesick for California and with his marriage failing, Lloyd returned to Los Angeles, filed for divorce and became his father’s construction supervisor for Barnsdall’s compound (see drawing above) on her recently-purchased 36-acre Olive Hill site on the eastern edge of Hollywood. (Lawrence, Frieda, “Eminence to Become Rare Beauty Spot,  Los Angeles Examiner, July 6, 1919, p 5). On his way to Tokyo in December 1919 FLW turned over the Olive Hill reins to Lloyd. An eager Schindler had written Wright on numerous occasions in early 1920 that he was more than ready to come to Los Angeles to work on the Barnsdall projects. FLW replied in a February 1920 letter that,

“I am provoked with Lloyd for wool-gathering again and leaving me entirely in the dark about everything. I am quite tired of maintaining a service that doesn’t enlighten me when I am unable to enlighten myself regarding my own affairs. I still look toward Los Angeles as a place in which I might turn your services to good account, but I know nothing, absolutely nothing of what is going on there. And therefore the matter is in abeyance at least until I can get on the ground myself and make up my mind on what to do.” (FLW, Tokyo to RMS, Oak Park, February 9, 1920, Getty Research Institute). 

Model for Barnsdall Theater, Olive Hill, 1917-1920, unbuilt. From Alofsin, p. 244.
 
Barnsdall’s ongoing and ever angrier complaints to the senior Wright in Tokyo regarding Lloyd’s construction management difficulties on her project (see below) became too much for Frank to bear so in late 1920 he finally directed the ecstatic Schindler to move from Taliesin to Los Angeles to tactfully head up the project and try his best to mend fences with Barnsdall
 
“New Residence Tract Opening,” Los Angeles Times, March 13, 1921, p. 4. Courtesy R. M. Schindler Papers, Architecture and Design Collections, UC-Santa Barbara Art, Architecture and Design Museum.

In hindsight, Wright mistakenly insisted that Schindler stay on far too long at Oak Park improving his compound into rentable units and finding tenants for same. He also likely wanted a presence at both Taliesin (Will Smith) and Oak Park in case additional work happened to materialize. It is my contention that if Wright had entrusted the Oak Park situation to Will Smith and brought Schindler out to Los Angeles much earlier, the Olive Hill work would not have gotten so out of control in regards to the hungry contractors feeding at the wealthy Barnsdall’s inheritance trough. (Frank Lloyd Wright Correspondence With R. M. Schindler, 1914-1922, Box 1, Folder 16).
Homer Laughlin Building, far right, 317 S. Broadway, John Parkinson, architect, 1897. Photo circa 1915 just prior to the opening of the Grand Central Market on the ground floor where RMS and LW would likely have often lunched. From Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

 

Schindler’s and Lloyd Wright’s business office while working on Olive Hill was in the Homer Laughlin Building (see above) at 317 S. Broadway in downtown Los Angeles. By the time they were working in the building the Grand Central Market had opened on the ground floor providing them quick and easy access for midday sustenance. Pauline Schindler wrote of the cramped office conditions,

“At present RMS and Lloyd Wright(who is at least six feet tall), two draftsmen and an office boy are all crowded into two small office rooms, which are otherwise already overflowing with huge drafting tables and desks and on TOP of them, various stenographers coming in to bring rush copy of contracts, while burly contractors stand about looking crafty and expensive.” (Cited in Communities of Frank Lloyd Wright: Taliesin and Beyond by Myron A. Marty, Northern Illinois University Press, 2009, p. 71).

Letter envelope from Richard Neutra to R. M. Schindler, Taliesin to Laughlin Building, postmarked December 27, 1920. Courtesy R. M. Schindler Papers, Architecture and Design Collections, UC-Santa Barbara Art, Architecture and Design Museum.
It was here that Schindler’s fellow Adolf Loos disciple Richard Neutra’s mail arrived from a war-torn Europe imploring his help immigrating to the United States. Neutra would finally follow in Schindler’s footsteps at Taliesin in 1924-5 before finally making it to Los Angeles and Kings Road in March 1925. (For more on this see “Chats“).
 
Schindler was thrust into a difficult position of balancing the demands of a by then angry, disenchanted, wealthy client, greedy contractors and sub-contractors, and oversight of the activities of his employer’s moonlighting, and likely resentful, son. In response to a request from the elder Wright for a report on Lloyd after taking over supervision at Olive Hill, Schindler tactfully replied, 

“Concerning Lloyd I shall not make any reports….his relation to the office is to[o] vague for me to set upon. I should think he could send you all news himself and save me the suspicion of spreading gossip.” (RMS (Los Angeles) to FLW (Tokyo), March 26, 1921, Getty Research Institute).

Firenze Gardens, 5218-5230 Sunset Blvd., William J. Dodd, architect. Landscape possibly by Lloyd Wright. Photographer unknown, ca. 1922. From Los Angeles Public Library photo collection.

 

While in Los Angeles during July 1921 on his way back to Japan, FLW stayed at the Firenze Gardens Apartments (see above) for a few weeks in July 1921 while checking on the status of his nearby Olive Hill projects and conferring with Barnsdall. (FLW pencil note to RMS, n.d.,ca. July 1921, from Frank Lloyd Wright Correspondence With R. M. Schindler 1914-1929, Special Collections Getty Research Institute). Firenze was designed by William J. Dodd, possibly known to the elder Wright from their Midwest days, for whom Lloyd had designed numerous landscaping projects beginning in 1916 including the landscaping for his personal estate in 1920 (see below) and possibly for Firenze Gardens as well. 
 
Garden for Dodd Estate, Lloyd Wright, landscape architect, 1920. From Gebhard, p. 7.
 
Dodd was extremely well-connected with strong ties to the movie industry and local developers through his close friendship with fellow Los Angeles Athletic Club crony Frank A. Garbutt, wealthy scion of early Los Angeles pioneer and extensive land-owner Frank C. Garbutt. (For much on Garbutt see my “Playa del Rey: Speed Capital of the World, 1910-1913“). It was through Dodd that Lloyd met Garbutt, then a partner with Cecil B. De Mille with Paramount Pictures where for a period of over a year during 1916-18 Lloyd was in charge of their Set Design and Drafting Department. (Gebhard, p. p. 22). (Author’s note: Dodd had recently been appointed by the Governor to the State Board of Architecture replacing retiring F. L. Roehrig. “Architect Named; W. F. [sic] Dodd Appointed to State Board by Governor,” Los Angeles Times, October 24, 1919, P. II-11. See also my “Playa del Rey: Speed Capital of the World” for much more on Garbutt). Dodd was also known to Schindler through Lloyd evidenced by Wright asking Schindler to deliver his mail and update him on the status of contracts at Firenze Gardens, “the place that Dodd built.” (FLW pencil note to RMS, n.d. Frank Lloyd Wright Correspondence With R. M. Schindler 1914-1929, Special Collections Getty Research Institute). 
 
A few weeks after FLW left for his final trip to Japan, at the same time Schindler was pleading for more funds Lloyd wrote his father in his “weekly report” that his “…drawing for Miss “B” is of course late” and that “Schindler frets at the time it consumes, and so it does, but it must be done.” He excitedly continued on about the great deal he got on a new $2,200, 1920 Buick Roadster for only $1,500 and that he had found a new apartment closer to Olive Hill than the Hotel Lankershim (see below) which was “no cheaper than the Hotel but better.” Lloyd’s extravagant purchase must have somewhat irked Schindler as the project purse strings were seemingly under his control indicated by his comment that he “…put $450 in a joint account for Rudolph to draw upon that has lasted about three weeks, nor are any of these expenditures extravagant or unnecessary.” By comparison, Schindler had earlier written Wright that he was able to scrape enough money together to buy a used Chevrolet. (LW (Los Angeles) to FLW (Tokyo) ca. August 1921, Frank Lloyd Wright correspondence, 1900-1959, and Frank Lloyd Wright Correspondence With R. M. Schindler 1914-1929, Special Collections, Getty Research Institute).
 Hotel Lankershim, southeast corner of Broadway and Seventh St., J. B. Lankershim, owner, R. B. Young, architect, 1904.
Los Angeles Athletic Club, 431 W. Seventh St., Parkinson and Bergstrom, architects, 1912. From the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

 

Uplifters Club House, Rustic Canyon, Santa Monica William J. Dodd, architect, ca. 1922. From Santa Monica Library.
Lloyd and his father had apparently attended a social event which included Dodd and the Uplifters, for whom Dodd was constructing a club house in Rustic Canyon in Santa Monica (see above), as intimated in his “weekly” report mailed to Tokyo shortly after Wright arrived in Japan in late August of 1921. He had also introduced his father to his by then very close friend from the Mather-Weston-Jordan-Smith circle, Reginald Pole, for whom he had designed numerous stage sets for his theatrical productions (see discussion later below). The Schindlers were also by the summer of 1921 firmly intertwined within the same social orbit, having met Weston through their involvement with the Walt Whitman School where Pauline was teaching Weston’s two oldest sons, Chandler and Brett. (For much more on this see my “The Schindlers and the Westons and the Walt Whitman School“). It almost a certainty that Lloyd took his father, to the Pilgrimage Play Theatre to view a performance of Wetherill’s “Pilgrimage Play” starring Pole as Judas evidenced by his continuing “weekly report” comments that he had,

“…joined the L.A Athletic Club (see two above) through pressure from Dodd and the Uplifters!! (Same Uplifters). It is an expense that is heavy to bear just now but perhaps a wise one. Time will tell. Have started divorce proceedings. [Reginald] Poel sends his best and was sorry not to have seen you off. Expects to put on Shakespeare’s “Hamlet” at the Trinity Auditorium next month. (For much on the Uplifters, a group of prominent L.A. Athletic Club members including Dodd and Frank Garbutt, see “Uplifters on Way to Enter Bohemia,” Los Angeles Times, October 26, 1917, p. II-6 and “Uplifters Will Inspect Work on Clubhouse,” Los Angeles Times, August 21, 1921, p. II-6). (Author’s note: Garbutt’s father’s land development partner J. B. Lankershim also built the Hotel Lankershim). 

He [Schindler] chafes in the (unintelligible) and has bewailed the fact that you forbade him to get in touch with Miss “B.” I have not been able to give him much assistance, hardly any in fact, between the landscape work which I am pushing rapidly along and the perspectives and sickness.” (LW to FLW (Tokyo) ca. late August 1921. Frank Lloyd Wright Correspondence, Getty Research Institute).

Another reason Lloyd may not have given Schindler much assistance is that throughout the period he was working on Olive Hill he was also moonlighting on projects for the Phoenix Country Club, Dodd’s personal estate, the Kenneth Preuss Estate, and Santa Monica High School during the hectic period Schindler was trying to wrap up construction activities and legal disputes on Barnsdall’s Hollyhock House and Residences A and B. (Gebhard, p. 98).

Frank Lloyd Wright, 1920. Photographer unknown. Published in Truth Against the World, Meehan, 1987, p. 20. Courtesy R. M. Schindler Papers, Architecture and Design Collections, UC-Santa Barbara Art, Architecture and Design Museum. 
 
Coincidentally, Dodd was himself an amateur stage actor and performed with the Hollywood Community Theatre, a local group formed by Neely Dickson in 1917. Dickson received financial support from Cecil’s brother, William C. deMille and Aline Barnsdall at the same time she was staging her earlier-mentioned productions at the Los Angeles Little Theatre. (“Fifth Production at Community Theater,” Los Angeles Times, March 11, 1918, p. II-8). After purchasing Olive Hill in 1919, Barnsdall generously offered the group a corner of her land for a new playhouse providing they could raise the money for construction but sadly, the project never came to fruition. (Warnack, Henry Christeen, “Hollywood Discovers the Community Theater,” Los Angeles Times, November 11, 1917, p. III-18 and “Plans of Hollywood Community Theater,” Los Angeles Times, August 10, 1919, p. III-29).
 
Kinema Theater, 642 S. Grand Ave., William J. Dodd, architect for the Kehrlein Brothers, Shirley C. Ward, builder, 1917. Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.
Dodd’s involvement with the Dickson troupe came just a few months after the grand opening of the Kinema Theater (see above) he designed for the Kehrlein Brothers. He likely had hopes for another theater commission knowing that Dickson had received financial backing from Barnsdall and William C. deMille to get her theater and troupe established. Activities related to the grand opening of the much-anticipated 1200-seat, $500,000 movie palace were followed closely by the local press. For example, a couple months before the opening, a lengthy piece appeared describing the special load testing performed to ensure the structural integrity of the auditorium. A load of 1,500,000 pounds in the form of 6,000 sacks of concrete to simulate a full house house was placed as seen below and the building passed structural inspection with flying colors. (“Gallery Stands A Severe Test,” Los Angeles Times, October 21, 1917, p. V-1).
The Kinema Theater opened to much fanfare on December 15, 1917 with the premiere of Cecil B. De Mille’s “The Woman God Forgot” (see below) starring Geraldine Farrar and also a minor role for Olga Grey as an Aztec woman and future Lloyd Wright client by association, Ramon Navarro, as an Aztec man. At the grand opening De Mille presided as master of ceremonies. Dodd made a “humorous talk about the trials of a poor architect in building a motion picture house which drew roars of laughter from the [invitation only] audience” in which almost certainly sat the head of Paramount’s stage set Design and Drafting Department, Lloyd Wright, his wife Kirah Markham and Anna Zacsek, aka Olga Grey. (Harleman, G. P., Opening of Kinema Theater; Brilliant Audience at Premier Presentation,” Moving Picture World, January 5, 1918, p. 65).
Movie Poster for “The Woman Who God Forgot,” 1917.
Alfred Kreymborg, 1920. Photo by Edward Weston. From Weston’s Westons: Portraits and Nudes by Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr., Museum of Fine Arts Boston, 1989, p. 123.
 
The Hollywood Community Theatre received much cross-pollination from the Provincetown Players during the time Lloyd and Kirah Markham were in New York performing and designing sets for same. Dickson staged plays written by Players regulars Eugene O’NeillSusan GlaspellGeorge Cram “Jig” Cooke and Alfred Kreymborg (see above) whose “Manikin and Minikin” and “Lima Beans” were performed by Dickson’s Hollywood troupe in February 1918, possibly through the Markham-Wright West Coast connections. As previously mentioned, Lloyd’s sometime employer William J. Dodd also played a leading role in Lady Gregory‘s “Spreading the News” in the following production in March.
Kirah Markham from The Women of Provincetown, 1915-1922 by Cheryl Black, University of Alabama Press, 2002, p. 28.

 

Numerous plays by William C. deMille were performed and newcomers to the stage such as Lloyd’s close friend Lawrence Tibbett honed their chops before going on to bigger and better things. The indefatigable Dickson received much national and local publicity for her well-reviewed productions for which she not only designed the stage sets but the costumes as well. Sheldon Cheney‘s prestigious Theatre Arts Magazine gave Dickson a six-page spread in his July 1919 issue for example. (See: Beymer, William Gilmore, “Hollywood Community Theatre,” Theatre Arts, July 1919, pp. 172-8 and “Studio of the Theatre,” Holly Leaves, September 29, 1922, pp. 12-13. For much more on Kreymborg see my “Bertha Wardell: Dances In Silence“).
Sheldon Cheney, n.d.. Photo by Carl Van Vechten. Courtesy Portrait Photography of Carl Van Vechten, Marquette University, Raynor Memorial Libraries.
“A Christmas Pantomime” at the Chicago Little Theatre, photo by Eugene Hutchinson. The New Movement in the Theatre by Sheldon Cheney, Mitchell Kennerly, New York, 1914, p. 186. 
Gleaning much subject matter from Maurice Browne and his Chicago Little Theatre (see above), Cheney had published The New Movement in the Theatre in 1914. This book and Maurice Browne and his Little Theatre were Barnsdall’s original inspiration for her theatrical dreams. Excited during his late summer 1916 by the creative bustle he witnessed surrounding the formative period of  Barnsdall’s Los Angeles Little Theatre, Ordynsky, Markham, and Geddes, Cheney announced that “he was leaving for Detroit to start a magazine that he would call Theatre Arts Magazine.” (Miracle in the Evening by Norman-Bel Geddes, p. 160 cited in Friedman, note 42, p. 62). Cheney surrounded himself with an excellent cast of contributing editors which included Maurice Browne from Chicago, Sam Hume from Berkeley and Los Angeles’s own Ruth St. Denis.
Joann Geddes birth announcement-Christmas card, December 1916, designed by Norman-Bel Geddes. Courtesy Carmel-by-the-Sea Harrison Memorial Library Herbert Heron Papers.
Norman-Bel Geddes with costume sketch for his “Divine Comedy,” ca. 1921. From Designing Modern America: Broadway to Main Street by Christopher Innes, Yale University Press, 2005, p. 26. Norman-Bel Geddes Collection, Courtesy of the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center.
At the end of Barnsdall’s Little Theatre season Geddes stayed in Los Angeles with his wife and newborn daughter (see announcement above) in the hope that her theatrical dreams would bear fruit and in the meantime became artistic director for Ruth St. Denis and designed a dance theater for her and husband Ted Shawn. After a while New York beckoned and he never looked back to Los Angeles except for a brief interlude in 1924 when he returned to design sets for Cecil B. De Mille’s “Feet of Clay” (see below) and his unbuilt Island Dance Theater and Restaurant.
“Feet of Clay” movie still featuring Norman-Bel Geddes set design. From Classic Movie Favorites
That same summer Geddes also taught a class in stagecraft at the Hollywood Community Theater entitled “Modern Developments in Theatrical Production” which was attended by Schindler-Weston intimate Annita Delano and also possibly Barbara Morgan. (Annita Delano biography dated October 1924, from Archives of American Art, Annita Delano Papers, 1909-1975, microfilm roll 3000). Delano and Morgan would later put to use their stagecraft skills learned from Geddes in student productions at UCLA and also at the Potboiler Art Theater from 1925 to 1929. (Daybooks of Edward Weston, Vol. II, California, pp. 60-61). (Author’s note: Pole, Gareth Hughes, Irving Pichel, and others would also perform at Sigurd Russell’s Potboiler Art Theatre and Russell took his troupe to Carmel for the inaugural 1924 season of Edward Kuster’s Theatre of the Golden Bough discussed elsewhere herein.).
(“Constructions of Gigantic Scenes for “Miracle” Under Way,” Los Angeles Times, January 23, 1927, p. III-23). 

 

Geddes made another dramatic Los Angeles appearance in 1927 to oversee the conversion of the Shrine Auditorium into a Gothic cathedral for a four week run of the Broadway hit “The Miracle” directed by Max Reinhardt. He also designed the costumes (see below for example) and special lighting which he customized for the Shrine performance. (Ibid). While in town Geddes also designed the Festival Theatre for Reinhardt which never came to fruition.
Playbill for “The Miracle,” 1926. From flickr.
Like Barnsdall, recognizing genius when he saw it firsthand, Cheney published virtually everything Geddes produced in the way of stage set, theater and costume design during his 1916-21 Theatre Arts editorship as did his successors. For example in 1919 Cheney published Geddes’ article “The Theatre of the Future,” set designs from four plays and a lengthy feature article on Geddes by Bruce Bliven entitled “Norman-Bel Geddes: His Art and His Ideas” in the same issue as the previously-mentioned article on the Hollywood Community Theatre. (Theatre Arts Magazine, Vol. III, 1919).
Theatre Arts Magazine, Vol. III, No. 1, January 1919.
Besides editing and publishing Theatre Arts Magazine (see above), the prolific Cheney published numerous books on the theater, architecture and design including An Art Lover’s Guide to the [Panama-Pacific International] Exhibition in 1915 which was attended by Schindler, Barnsdall, the Wrights and exhibitor Weston, The Art Theater in 1917, The Open Air Theater in 1918 (sparked by an on-going “lively” correspondence with Barnsdall (Friedman, p. 52)), Modern Art and the Theater in 1921, and A Primer of Modern Art in 1924, prior to his 1930 publication of The New World Architecture (see below).
 
The New World Architecture by Sheldon Cheney, Tudor Publishing Co., New York, 1930. (From my collection).

 

The New World Architecture featured much of the 1920s work of Frank Lloyd Wright and his son Lloyd, R. M. Schindler and his 1925-30 Kings Road tenant and sometime partner Richard Neutra. Published in 1930, this important publication preceded the seminal Museum of Modern Art’s The International Style: Architecture Since 1922 exhibition catalog by two years and also included work by almost all of the MOMA show participants thus Philip Johnson and Henry-Russell Hitchcock were not alone in recognizing the rapid shift from Beaux Arts architecture to modern architecture throughout the 1920s. One of the earliest publication photos of Schindler’s Lovell Beach House in Cheney’s book (see below) was taken by Edward Weston on August 2, 1927. To this day Weston has been uncredited for his iconic Beach House images published all over the world. My discovery of the provenance of Weston’s Lovell House images in the Schindler Papers in the UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections inspired my enthusiasm for this research effort.
Lovell Beach House, Newport Beach, R. M. Schindler, Architect. Edward Weston photo, August 2, 1927. From The New World Architecture by Sheldon Cheney, Tudor Publishing Co., New York, 1930, p. 235..
Tina Modotti in a still from “The Tiger’s Coat,” 1920.
Around the time the Schindlers were establishing themselves in Los Angeles and befriending Edward Weston and his two oldest sons at the Walt Whitman School, Weston was striking up an affair with yet another aspiring actress, Tina Modotti (see above and below). After a somewhat successful stage career in San Francisco Modotti and her lover Robo de Richey moved to Los Angeles in 1918 and by 1920 had become entwined within the Mather-Weston-McGehee-Deshon circle.
Edward Weston, Head of an Italian Girl [Tina Modotti], 1921. (Warren, Passionate Collaboration, p. 84).

 

Not long after beginning his affair with Modotti in early 1921, Weston wrote to Johan Hagemeyer, then in San Francisco,

“Life has been very full for me – perhaps too full for my own good – I not only have done some of the best things yet – but also have had an exquisite affair – what more could one wish – and yet through it all I am haunted by that one unsatisfied desire – perhaps if it is ever accomplished I shall be even more unsatisfied! The pictures I believe to be especially good are the one of Tina de Richey – a lovely Italian girl – Venetian…” (Edward Weston handwritten letter to Johan Hagemeyer, April 14, 1921, Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Papers, Getty Research Institute).

After appearing in numerous bit parts and three credited roles between 1919 and 1922, like Florence Deshon, Anna Zacsek, and Helen Richardson (see below), Modotti soon tired of the Hollywood treadmill. In the summer of 1923 she opted to accompany Weston and his son Chandler to Mexico and learn the art of photography. (For much more on the Modotti-Weston relationship see my WWS and “Edward Weston Remembers Tina Modotti” and any of the numerous Modotti biographies.).
Helen Richardson and Theodore Dreiser at their rented bungalow at 1515 Detroit St. near Sunset Blvd., Hollywood, ca. 1921. Courtesy Theodore Dreiser Papers, Penn Libraries, Rare Book and Manuscript Library.
Coincidentally, in late 1919 Theodore Dreiser had also moved to Los Angeles with his latest lover, his youthful second cousin Helen Richardson (see above). The move was a plan to work incognito on numerous writing projects including various scenarios for movies, and his novels The Bulwark and An American Tragedy while Richardson was attempting to begin a career in the movies. After making her show business debut in Vaudeville in the Pacific Northwest in 1917, the highly ambitious Richardson, whose grandmother was a sister of Dreiser’s mother, made her way to New York in 1919 and looked up her famous relative. They quickly struck up an affair and when the ambitious Helen informed Dreiser of her plans to move to Hollywood to seek a career in the movies, he decided to tag along.
Helen Richardson, Hollywood, ca. 1921. Photograph by Evans. Courtesy Theodore Dreiser Papers, Penn Libraries, Rare Book and Manuscript Library.
Movie poster for “The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse,” 1921.

 

Helen Richardson to the right of Ramon Novarro in “The Four Hosemen of the Apocalypse,” 1921. Courtesy Theodore Dreiser Papers, Penn Libraries, Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

 

Helen soon found work and performed in numerous minor uncredited roles in films such as The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse,“ Ramon Novarro‘s first credited film role, (see above) and Robin Hood” (see below) co-starring Douglas Fairbanks and Wallace Beery. (As mentioned earlier Novarro appeared in 1917 with Olga Grey [Anna Zacsek] in “The Woman God Forgot”). Richardson’s and Dreiser’s activities during their time in Los Angeles are well-documented in Theodore Dreiser: American Diaries, 1902-1926 edited by Thomas P. Riggio and My Life with Dreiser by Helen Richardson Dreiser.
Movie poster for “Robin Hood,” 1922.
Helen Richardson in Robin Hood, 1922 with set designs by Lloyd Wright. Courtesy Theodore Dreiser Papers, Penn Libraries, Rare Book and Manuscript Library.
 
Despite Dreiser’s attempts at anonymity, he and Helen were eventually drawn into the periphery of the Weston-Mather-Deshon orbit when Deshon began corresponding with him in October 1920 in an attempt to further her career. Reluctant and still trying to stay incognito, Dreiser finally agreed to meet with Deshon on November 29 and wrote in his diary that he spent most of the day with her and that she told him all about her relationships with Eastman and Chaplin and gossiped about their idiosyncrasies. Dreiser surmised that Deshon’s reason for wanting to befriend him was that she craved another literary celebrity to help further her career. (Theodore Dreiser, American Diaries, 1902-1926 edited by Thomas P. Riggio, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982, pp.349-350). Over a few meetings with Deshon and some likely social interaction with her circle, Dreiser compiled enough information to write “Ernestine,” a semi-fictional sketch based upon the short unhappy career and suicide of Deshon, with some elements of Helen Richardson’s Hollywood experiences thrown in, which was included in his 1927 Gallery of Women.
 
Shadowland, September 1920. Cover art by A. M. Hoptmuller. From Visual Arts Library.
Dreiser also wrote a shocking four part expose on the motion picture industry, “Hollywood: It’s Morals and Manners,” for the fan magazine Shadowland (see above for example) which appeared from from November 1921 to February 1922 during the period that Schindler’s Kings Road House and Lloyd Wright’s Taggart House were under construction. In it, the ultimate user of women ironically shares his observations on the seedier aspects of a young actress’s career and Hollywood’s “casting couch” game based upon Richardson’s and Deshon’s and their circle of friend’s experiences. Tragically, the last episode appeared the same month of Deshon’s suicide which makes one wonder if Florence had been following the Shadowland series.
 
After being in Los Angeles for almost three years without being discovered by the press, L.A. Times reporter Edith Millicent Ryan finally tracked Dreiser down for a lengthy interview shortly before his and Helen’s return to New York. Besides a scathing review of Los Angeles, Dreiser reiterated his thoughts on Hollywood and it’s artlessness. (“Cruel Words, Theodore Dreiser!,” Los Angeles Times, September 17, 1922, pp. II-13-15). A few days later Paul Bern, editor of the Goldwyn Scenario Department, penned a similarly lengthy rebuttal to Dreiser’s Hollywood critique and his casting couch accusations. (“Take That, Mr. Dreiser,” Los Angeles Times, September 22, 1922, p. II-4).
 
Floyd Dell ca. 1921. Photographer unknown. From Clayton, p. 144 via the Floyd Dell Papers, Newberry Library.
There is some evidence that there may have been social interaction between Dreiser and Richardson and the Weston-Modotti-Mather-Deshon circle evidenced by a letter from Weston to Johan Hagemeyer, by then in San Francisco, which discussed several visits by Dreiser to his studio during 1921. (Edward Weston Letter to Johan Hagemeyer, September 16, 1921. Cited in Warren, p. 233). In the same letter, Weston mentioned that he and Mather had photographed Floyd Dell (see above) who was then in town with his wife, B. Marie Gage visiting her family in Pasadena. (Warren, p. 116). By this time the Schindlers were also socializing in the same circles as Pauline was teaching Weston’s sons Chandler and Cole at the Walt Whitman School in Boyle Heights. (For more see my WWS). (Author’s note: I have been unable to locate the Weston-Mather photo of Dell but per Weston’s bibliographer Paula Freedman, the image was exhibited at Frederick & Nelson Dept. Store in Seattle in 1921 and the MacDowell and Friday Morning Clubs in Los Angeles in 1922).
Gage had formerly been an assistant to Paul Jordan-Smith during his anti-war activities for the People’s Council of America for Peace and Democracy, thus it is safe to assume that Dell and Gage got together with Jordan-Smith and Weston’s cousin Sarah and likely that they and Weston, Mather and Deshon and possibly the Schindlers all socialized together at some point. (For more details on this see my WWS). This was also around the time that Dell and Jordan-Smith began collaborating on the translation of Burton’s The Anatomy of Melancholy, the same book that Florence Deshon read on the train during her move to Los Angeles in 1919.
Marie Rankin Clarke ca. 1920. Photo by Edward Weston. From the Clarke Estate Collection, Santa Fe Springs City Library.
Marie Rankin Clarke ca. 1920. Photo by Edward Weston. From the Clarke Estate Collection, Santa Fe Springs City Library.
 
In the fall of 1917, a few months before Schindler began working for Wright, Frayne Williams (see above) met and befriended Paul Jordan-Smith, husband of Edward Weston’s cousin Sarah Bixby Smith. Williams was brought to Paul and Sarah’s home in Claremont by Mrs. Chauncey Clarke (see Weston photo above), soon-to-be one of the founding board members and patroness of the Hollywood Bowl along with Christine Wetherill Stevenson (see below), T. Perceval Gerson, Aline Barnsdall and others. The trio of Jordan-Smith, Williams and Reginald Pole would soon become became mutual life-long friends. (“Mrs. Chauncey Clarke, Founder of Bowl, Dies,” Los Angeles Times, October 31, 1948, p. II-22. See also  The Road I Came by Paul Jordan-Smith, Caxton Printers, Caldwell, Idaho, 1960, p. 381 and WWS). 
Christine Wetherill Stevenson at the Pilgrimage Play Theater, Cahuenga Pass, ca. 1921. Bernard Maybeck, architect, 1920. From Hollywoodbowl.com
 

Clarke and Stevenson were also the land purchasers and major patronesses and trustees of the nearby Pilgrimage Play Theater (see above) (now the John Anson Ford Amphitheatrein which Pole (see below) would be the given roles of Judas, Jesus Christ, and eventually the directorship of Stevenson’s popular annual summer pageant ”The Pilgrimage Play: The Life of Jesus Christ.” (For example see “Pilgrimage Play Cast Is In Making,” Los Angeles Times, June 17, 1923, p. I-15 in which Clarke is pictured along with the rest of the cast selection committee). 

 

“The Pilgrimage Play” was ardent Theosophist Stevenson’s adaptation of Georgina Jones Walton’s dramatization of Sir Edwin Arnold’s mystical poem “The Light of Asia,” first performed at the Krotona Stadium in Beachwood Canyon in 1918. The performance featured Ruth St. Denis and her Denishawn Dancers including Martha Graham. (Warnack, Henry Christeen, “Drama: The Light of Asia,” Los Angeles Times, August 1, 1918, p. II-3). (Author’s note: Stevenson brought out her Theosophist protege Dane Rudhyar from Philadelphia in 1920 to write the music for “The Pilgrimage Play.” Like Pauline Schindler, a frequent contributor to The Musical Quarterly in the late 1910s, Rudhyar would become a regular feature in, and fellow contributing editor with Edward Weston for The Carmelite during Pauline Schindler’s 1928-29 editorship). 

 

Of Pole’s enactment of Christ near the end of the 1925 season the Times reviewer said,

“Mr. Pole…seems unique in the satisfying quality of his interpretation. As his voice repeats phrase after phrase and parable after parable, the mind of the listener disappears from the little open air theater in the Hollywood Hills and is born again in Jerusalem at the time of Christ.” (“Pole Plays Christ Role,” Los Angeles Times, September 2, 1925, p. I-11).

Reginald Pole as Judas in the Pilgrimage Play, ca. 1920. Photographer unknown. From I Shock Myself, p. 67. (Author’s note: Pole would be promoted to the role of Christ for the 1925 and 1926 seasons.)

 

Greatly impressed with the Palace of Fine Arts at the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco, Stevenson commissioned it’s architect Bernard Maybeck (see below) to design the original Pilgimage Play Theater and a personal residence nearby for herself. 
Architects of the Pan-Pacific International Exhibition, San Francisco, 1915. Bernard Maybeck, third top hat from the left. From the Bancroft Library, University of California.
Palace of Fine Arts, Bernard Maybeck, architect, Panama Pacific International Exposition, San Francisco, September 1915. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

R. M. Schindler also visited the Expo during his September-October 1915 West Coast vacation and photographed Maybeck’s Palace of Fine Arts (above) and the Palace of Liberal Arts (below) where Edward Weston’s photographs were on display in the Pictorial Photography Exhibition. (For more on Schindler’s fateful trip see my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence” and “The Schindlers in Carmel, 1924“).
Palace of Liberal Arts, W. B. Faville, architect, Panama Pacific International Exposition, San Francisco, September 1915. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers. 
New Pilgrimage Play Theater under construction with Hollywood Bowl in the background, 1931. From the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.
Clarke Residence under construction in Santa Fe Springs, 1920. From Calisphere courtesy of the Santa Fe Springs Library.
Marie Rankin Clarke and Irving Gill at the Clarke Residence under construction in Santa Fe Springs, 1920. From Calisphere courtesy of the Santa Fe Springs Library.
 
The Official Guidebook of the Panama California Exposition San Diego 1915. Note bridge designed by Irving Gill lower left. 
About this time the Clarke’s commissioned Irving Gill, fellow Louis Sullivan protege alongside Frank Lloyd Wright, to begin design on their residence in Santa Fe Springs (see above). Coincidentally, Schindler visited some of Gill’s Southern California projects during his fateful 1915 West Coast trip to visit the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco and the Panama-California Exposition in San Diego. (See my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence” for more details). Lloyd Wright had previously moved to San Diego in 1911, transferring from Olmsted and Olmsted‘s Boston office to help develop the landscaping the firm designed for the San Diego Exposition. This project led to a position with Irving Gill from 1912 to 1914. Gill’s collaboration with the Olmsteds on a major infrastructure and landscaping project for the City of Torrance brought Lloyd to Los Angeles and his eventual meeting of Markham and Barnsdall. (Hines, p. 14).
 
Dodge House, 950 N. Kings Road, West Hollywood. Irving Gill, architect, 1915-16. From the cover of .
 
Schindler most likely visited the construction site of Gill’s Walter L. Dodge House (see above) on Kings Road which was under construction while he was in Los Angeles after visiting the San Diego Exposition in the fall of 1915. This is evidenced by the fact that Gill used his innovative tilt-slab construction technique (see article excerpt below) to construct the walls of the Dodge House and, after moving to Los Angeles in 1920, Schindler and his then partner/builder Clyde Chace would purchase some of Gill’s tilt-slab construction equipment (see two below) to build their own communal home on a lot purchased from Walter Dodge, in what seems more than a coincidence, just a block south at 835 N. Kings Road. (March, Lionel, ”Rudolph M. Schindler, Schindler House and How House,” GA 77, A.D.A. Edita, Tokyo, 1999, p. 3. For more on Schindler’s 1915 West Coast adventure see my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence” and for more on Gill see my “R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats” and “Selected Publications of Esther McCoy“). (Author’s note: Dreiser moved to 1015 Kings Road in 1941 and became socially involved with the Schindlers, his erstwhile researcher Esther McCoy, and her husband Berkeley Tobey).
 
Irving Gill’s “A California House With Pre-Cast Walls,” in Concrete Houses: How They Were Built edited by Harvey Whipple, Concrete-Cement Age Publishing co., Detroit, 1920, pp. 161-2. Originally appeared in Concrete, May 1918, p. 197.
“As a House of Cards Is Made; Remarkable Home of Chicago Capitalist Is Completed,” Los Angeles Times, March 19, 1916, p. I-12.
 
Clyde Chace had worked for, and lived with, Gill in 1920-1 during construction of  his Horatio West Court project where he learned the intricacies of  tilt-slab construction. His wife Marian Da Camara Chace was a close friend of  Pauline’s from Smith College and Chicago where they taught together at the progressive Ravinia Village School before the Schindlers, and shortly thereafter the Chaces, moved to Los Angeles.
Schindler-Chace House tilt-slab walls under construction, 835 N. Kings Road, West Hollywood, 1922. R. M. Schindler, architect, Clyde B. Chace, co-owner and contractorCourtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.
Aerial view of West Hollywood, 1922. Note the Dodge House and recently completed Schindler House on Kings Road at the right center of the Spence Aerial Photography photo. From the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

 

John Cowper Powys and Paul Jordan-Smith, at “Erewhon,” Claremont, 1918. Edward Weston photograph. Courtesy George Eastman House and Edward Weston Collection, Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Weston’s cousin Sarah Bixby Smith’s husband Paul Jordan-Smith accompanied his houseguest John Cowper Powys (see above) to Palm Springs for a week long visit with his fellow Cambridge alum Reginald Pole and Helen Taggart, his soon-to-be pregnant (with Rupert) wife in the spring of 1918. (The Road I Came, pp. 329-30). (For much more on Jordan-Smith, Powys, Weston and the Schindlers see WWS). By this time, possibly through the largess of Helen’s mother who owned various acreage in the Coachella Valley, Pole and Taggart had acquired an adobe cottage in Palm Springs where they would spend much time alleviating Reginald’s chronic asthmatic condition. After the birth of Rupert, Helen abandoned the stage and opened a millinery shop featuring her own creative designs (see ad below).
Helen Taggart Millinery ad, Los Angeles Times, February 22, 1920, p. III-33.

 

As mentioned earlier, Jordan-Smith and Pole became fast friends and often got together, many times with with Frayne Williams, at Paul and Sarah’s “Erewhon” to discuss the theater after Pole’s drama class rehearsals at Pomona College  (see below) 
Bixby Smith Residence “Erewhon,” Claremont, front elevation. Eighth St. and Claremont Ave., Claremont, ca. 1918. Arthur B. Benton, architect, 1906. From Claremont Colleges Digital Library, Wheeler Scrapbook Collection, p. 214.

 

Reginald Pole as Othello, 1920, Margrethe Mather. From Margrethe Mather & Edward Weston: A Passionate Collaboration by Beth Gates Warren, Norton, 2001, p. 72.

 

In early 1920, a major production of Shakespeare’s “Othello”was staged at the 3,000-seat Trinity Auditorium under the auspices of William Andrews Clark, Jr. for the benefit of the Children’s Hospital of Los Angeles. Under the direction of Reginald Pole, the cast included Pole as Othello (see above), Frayne Williams (see below) as Cassio, Lawrence Tibbett as Iago, Florence Deshon and others while the sets were designed by Lloyd Wright. (The Road I Came, p. 380 and “Othello Benefit for Children’s Hospital,” Los Angeles Times, February 19, 1920, p. II-12).
Frayne Williams as Hamlet ca. 1918. Margrethe Mather photo. From Margrethe Mather & Edward Weston: A Passionate Collaboration by Beth Gates Warren, Norton, 2001, p. 48.

 

Beatrice Wood and Lawrence Tibbett, New York, ca. 1923. Photographer unknown. From I Shock Myself, p. 66.
After earlier starring as Crichton in Pole’s production of “The Admirable Crichton,” Paul Jordan-Smith was originally cast as Iago in “Othello” but a bad case of laryngitis brought substitute Lawrence Tibbett (see above with Beatrice Wood) to the fore in his first major stage role. (The Road I Came, p. 380). (Author’s note: Lloyd Wright would in 1930 remodel a house for Tibbett at 933 Rexford Dr. in Beverly Hills and in 1949 design a house for Beatrice Wood in Ojai which was not built). It was during this period that Pole, Tibbett and Lloyd Wright became very close friends. The Tibbetts (Lawrence and his two wives Grace and Jane) and Wrights corresponded quite frequently over the years and often got together on vacations. Lloyd also remodeled a house for the Tibbetts at 933 Rexford Dr. in Beverly Hills in 1930. (See correspondence and project files in the Lloyd Wright Papers at UCLA).

 

Pole attempted to sleep with Deshon while “Othello” was in production which caused a fit of angst when she reported the incident to her lover Max Eastman (see below). (Tramp: The Life of Charlie Chaplin by Joyce Milton, Da Capo Press, 1998, pp. 168-9). In his autobiography Eastman related, “Although I was jealous to the point of “shaking from head to foot” about a certain stranger whose attention she spoke of, a creature (I still so think of him) called Reginald Pole…” (Love and Revolution: My Journey Through An Epoch by Max Eastman, Random House, New York, 1964, pp. 184-5). 
Florence Deshon and Max Eastman, ca. 1920. Photo possibly by Margrethe Mather? From Love and Revolution: My Journey through an Epic by Max Eastman, Random House, New York, p. 368.
After the 1917 departure of Barnsdall to Seattle to give birth to her and Ordynski’s love-child, Frayne Williams found work at Universal Studios through the largesse of his old English pal Chaplin and mutual friend and Weston-Mather gathering habitue Elmer Ellsworth. Quickly tiring of minor roles, Williams began lecturing at venues such as the Ebell and Friday Morning Clubs and performing in and directing plays at local venues. Evidencing Williams’ intimate relationship within the Weston-Mather circle, in January 1919 Edward first named his youngest son Frayne before, for unexplained reasons, changing his name to Cole more than a year later. (Warren, p. 152 and 1920 U.S. Census).
Seeking a college drama teaching position similar to Pole’s at Pomona, Williams was hired by friend Paul Jordan-Smith’s employer, the University of California Extension Division in Los Angeles, to teach drama and history of the theater and in 1922 formed, and became the director of, its Literary Theatre. (“Department of Lectures,” The Spokesman; University Extension Division, November 1922, pp. 84-5). Under Frayne, the Literary Theatre performed at both the Ebell and Gamut Clubs and numerous other Southern California venues between 1922 and 1927. (“Open Literary Theater Here; Frayne Williams Will Have Charge of Project,” Los Angeles Times, October 15, 1922, p. III-29, various other Times articles and The Road I Came, p. 382). 

 

Frayne Williams (From Whitaker, Alma, “Rival Starts Drama Feud,” Los Angeles Times, October 21, 1923, p. II-12).

 

Frayne’s Literary Theatre players, a mix of 40% professional actors and 60% Extension students from his classes in Dramatic Interpretation and Dramatic Construction and Production, staged their plays at their home, the renamed Fine Arts Theater in the Walker Auditorium Building, and took their shows on the road to numerous Southern California venues. The $2.00 annual subscription fee enabled the department to cover all expenses and even turn a small profit. L.A. Times drama critic Alma Whitaker reported on a rival group headed by France Goldwater, Wilhelmina Wilkes and Morgan Dickson, taking note of Frayne’s success and starting an all-professional troupe under the same name, using the same Fine Arts Theater and performing some of the same plays trying to steal Frayne’s troupe’s thunder. (Whitaker, Alma, “Rival Starts Drama Feud,” Los Angeles Times, October 21, 1923, p. II-12).
Florence Deshon, 1919. Photo by Margrethe Mather. From Margrethe Mather & Edward Weston: A Passionate Collaboration by Beth Gates Warren, Norton, 2001, p. 59.

 

Florence Deshon’s (see above) acting career paralleled Anna Zacsek’s in many ways. Both ambitious young women began in the movie business in 1915, Deshon in New York and Zacsek in Hollywood. Both were featured often early in their careers with roles tapering off for similar reasons as they aged and refused to play the “casting couch” game. Deshon was credited with appearing in 24 films between 1915 and 1921 while Zacsek had 31 roles between 1915 and 1920. Both then gravitated to the stage in attempts to lengthen and broaden their acting careers and to be taken more seriously for their talents. Besides collaborating with Pole in “Othello,” Deshon also became associated with the Wilkes Stock Company and the Pasadena Playhouse in 1920-21 around the same time Zacsek began appearing in Ibsen dramas produced by Pole at the Egan Little Theatre. (York, Cal, “Plays and Players,” Photoplay, October, 1921, p. 80).
The ardent feminist Deshon first met Max Eastman at The Masses Ball on December 15, 1916 shortly before starring in the film version of Jaffrey, a popular novel by William J. Locke. Not long thereafter Eastman left his wife Ida Rauh and son  to pursue a relationship with her. Unfortunately, Deshon’s roles began tapering off due to her being blacklisted for refusing to stand for the national anthem at the New York premeire of Jaffrey. Eastman came up with a plan to revive her career during a February 1919 trip to Los Angeles to raise funds for The Liberator. Charlie Chaplin attended an Eastman lecture, as did Weston, Hagemeyer and Mather (Warren, p. 153) and introduced himself backstage.
Charlie Chaplin and Max Eastman at the Chaplin Studio, Hollywood, 1919.

 

Chaplin invited Eastman to his studio the following day (see above) and the two quickly became friends. Eastman relayed to Chaplin Deshon’s blacklisting woes and apparently persuaded him to help her out. Always one to support a socialist cause, Chaplin arranged to have Sam Goldwyn offer Florence a contract. Deshon arrived in Los Angeles in July 1919. While on the train the intellectual Florence read Robert Burton‘s The Anatomy of Melancholy which Paul Jordan-Smith and Floyd Dell would soon begin collaboration upon for an all-English translation which was finally published in 1927. (See correspondence in the Paul Jordan-Smith Papers at UCLA). Thus it would be interesting to know whether Dell possibly turned Deshon on to the book or Deshon mentioned it to Paul Jordan-Smith whom she likely met through Mather shortly after her arrival in Los Angeles. Eastman also asked Mather’s friends Elmer Ellsworth and Rob and Florence Wagner to look after Deshon. (Tramp, p. 164). It is likely through them that Mather and Deshon soon became intimate friends not long after her arrival (see below).
Florence Deshon, 1921. Photo by Margrethe Mather. From A Passionate Collaboration, p. 93.
Edward Weston and Margrethe Mather, “Max Eastman at Water’s Edge”, 1921. Platinum-palladium print, tipped to a mount, signed by Mather and signed and dated by Weston in pencil on the mount, matted, a Museum of Modern Art label on the reverse, 1921. (From Sotheby’s: Photographs from the Museum of Modern Art : April 25, 2001 : Sale NY7632, p. 140).
Betty Katz, 1920. Photograph by Edward Weston. Courtesy of Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Tiring of not receiving a commitment from either Chaplin or Eastman, both of whom which she had aborted pregnancies, and the sexual hurdles she needed to traverse for meaningful movie roles, Deshon returned to New York in late 1921. In a letter to yet another of Weston’s (and possibly Mather’s) lovers, Betty Katz (see above), confidant Ramiel McGehee despairingly wrote of Mather’s and Deshon’s depressed states,

“…I had two short glimpses of Margrethe. Margrethe, the unchanging. I have done all I can – nothing further to offer, one way or another. She must work out her own destiny quite alone – no one can help her. A lotus in a mud-pond near an old, deserted temple.

Florence [Deshon] was to leave soon for New York – had given up stage work, and was to return east, planning hopefully to enter Columbia University. Feels that she lacks training for any special work, may take a literary course, and later try to write. She needs self-discipline most of all.” (Ramiel McGehee to Betty Katz, ca. October-November 1921, courtesy of Leslie Squyres, Center for Creative Photography. Also cited in Warren, p. 235).

Deshon, Florence, “A Great Art,” Motion Picture Magazine, Feb 1922, pp. 39-40, 100.

 

Having fallen into a state of depression soon after her return to New York Florence committed suicide in February 1922 about the time that her satire on the “art” of the movie business was published in Motion Picture Magazine (see above). (“Clews Sought in Death Case,” Los Angeles Times, February 6, 1922, p. II-1). Deshon’s suicide caused quite a stir in the Weston-Mather circle as soon-to-be Kings Road tenant Betty Katz (see front center below) frankly relayed the news of  Deshon’s demise to by then close friend Pauline Schindler, “Florence Deshon did not commit suicide. It was an accident like everything else which came to her.” (Betty Katz letter to Pauline Schindler, ca. March 1922. Courtesy Schindler Family Collection cited in Warren, p. 244). Weston mentioned her passing in a letter to Johan Hagemeyer, “…I have been in a super-sensitive state with Florence’s death – and Robo’s – and Tina’s father and M[argrethe]‘s very low condition [over Deshon's death]…” (Edward Weston handwritten letter to Johan Hagemeyer, February, 1922, Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Papers, Getty Research Institute). (Author’s note: Robo was Tina Modotti’s lover who had preceded her and Weston to Mexico and died on February 9, 1922 just a few days after Deshon.)
Thanksgiving at the Schindler-Chace House, Kings Road, 1923. Betty Katz, front center facing camera. Continuing clockwise, Alexander R. Brandner, unidentified, Max Pons (obscured), Herman Sachs, Karl Howenstein, Edith Gutterson, Anton Martin Feller, E. Clare Schooler (lover of Dorothy Gibling), person partially obscured at right (unidentified). Photo likely by R. M. Schindler. From the UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers. (I am indebted to architectural historian William Scott Blair, steward of the Feller Archive, for identifying Feller and sharing his tragic story with me and help in identifying some of the others in the photo.)
Reginald and Rupert Pole at Martha Taggart Residence, ca. June 1923. Lloyd Wright, architect, 1922.

 

Not long after Deshon’s death, Dreiser and Richardson visited Helen Taggart Pole and son Rupert at the Taggart House (see above) on Sunday, April 30, 1922. The house’s architect, Lloyd Wright, was also in attendance at what was likely a house-warming party of sorts for the recently completed house. Finally meeting Wright for the first time after hearing of him only through Kirah Markham’s marital complaints, Dreiser wrote,

“Helen does not want to go to Helen Poles, because of the possible crowd but I finally persuade her to go. …  At 5:30 we ride over to the Poles. Beautiful house, built by Frank Lloyd Wright, Jr., who is there. He is the man who married Kirah after I left her and from whom she secured a divorce. A fine fellow. Looks like Ed. A charming artistic point of view. We are shown the house. Dinner. The lights. Mrs. Poles little boy. Jack [John Cowper Powys] and his queer friends [Paul Jordan-Smith, Margrethe Mather, Edward Weston, Florence Deshon, the Schindlers, et al?]. We talk until ten, then motor home. I like Wright so much and wish I might see him again. (Dreiser Diaries, p. 385). (Author’s note: It was during Powys’ month-long April 1922 Los Angeles lecture tour that Tina Modotti prevailed upon him to pen the introduction to her Book of Robo, a compilation of her recently deceased husband’s writings.)

 

 Helen Freeman, ca. 1920. (From I Shock Myself, p. 16).
Helen’s husband Reginald Pole was then in New York, first directing and starring in then an actress Beatrice Wood‘s lifelong friend Helen Freeman‘s “Great Way” (see below playbill). He then staged his and John Cowper Powys’ adaptation of Dostoyevsky’s “The Idiot” and soon began an affair with Wood. Wood, who had been appearing on the New York stage as early as 1915, also performed in leading roles with Freeman in both plays. (I Shock Myself, pp. 59-68 and “The Idiot Acted at Benefit,” New York Times, April 8, 1922).
“‘Great Way’ is Colorful; Helen Freeman Acts a Tempestuous Spanish Heroine at the Park,” New York Times, November 8, 1921
Excerpt from Young, Stark, “Dostoievsky’s Idiot,” New Republic, April 26, 1922, p. 255.
from John Cowper Powys, A Record of Achievement by Derek Langridge
The enterprising Pole likely put in a good word with Christine Wetherill Stevenson for Freeman to be selected for the new part of Mary Magdelene in the 1922 version of the Pilgrimage Play. Stevenson sequestered herself in Palm Springs to write the part while Pole was staging “The Idiot” at New York’s Little Theatre and his co-author Powys was visiting his wife, Lloyd Wright, Dreiser and Richardson in Los Angeles during his West Coast lecture tour. Pole and Freeman came to Los Angeles in late May to begin rehearsals for the six-week summer run of the Pilgrimage Play. (Schallert, Edwin, “Develop Theme of Magdelen,” Los Angeles Times, May 4, 1922, p. III-1 and “Pilgrimage Play: Helen Freeman to Portray Mary Magdelen,” Los Angeles Times, June 30, 1922, p. III-1).
“Erecting Home of Unusual Design in Foothill Tract,” Los Angeles Times, December 18, 1921, p. V-1.
Schindler, R. M.,  ”Who Will Save Hollywood,” Holly Leaves, November 3, 1922, p. 32. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection. (Author’s note: The bottom photo is of the Martha Taggart Residence, mother of Reginald Pole’s wife Helen, designed by Lloyd Wright. Helen would divorce Reginald and marry Lloyd in 1926).
Evidenced by the above articles, R. M. Schindler likely followed the construction Wright’s Taggart House closely, and vice versa, as he and Clyde Chace were concurrently building their own house on Kings Road. Schindler used Wright’s Taggart House to illustrate his article on his concerns regarding the development of the Hollywood Hills (see above). The architects had much in common as their solo career’s were on parallel FLW-inspired paths. They traveled in the same social and artistic circles, sought some of the same clients and Wright was also an early habitue of the Schindler’s salons where he occasionally performed on his cello.
Frank Lloyd Wright apparently commandeered the Taggart House for a period the following year while he was trying to establish a West Coast office with son Lloyd. This was referenced in John Cowper Powys’ below letter to his brother Llewellyn written from the boutique Holly Hotel at 1754-1/4 N. Vermont Ave. a block away from Olive Hill, which also presaged that Pole’s marriage was failing and Helen’s replacement for him would be none other than his then best friend, Lloyd Wright. (I Shock Myself, pp. 63-4).

“I am very lucky to have found this room in this very small hotel just where I wanted to be. It was only after a very long hunt that I found it. Mr Lloyd Wright who is Helen Pole’s chief friend helped me to find it, motoring me round all this district in her ramshackle little car – an excellent young man, but speak of him not to Reginald! But alas! Helen Pole is still not convalescent from her bad attack of pleurisy and she is going down to her ‘adobe’ cottage at Palm Springs next week, so that I shall be alone – again – except for this admirable young architect who is known to Dreiser and also to our sister Marian. His father, the great architect Mr. Wright, is hiring Helen’s house or rather her mother’s house here, so they have to clear out now. But the appearance of his formidable father will set up the fortunes of Lloyd, I hope; for he is a nice youth and an honest.

Reginald’s little son [Rupert, seen earlier above] has become a fast friend of mine and always calls me ‘John Powys ‘. We are the greatest Rabelaisian cronies. God! he is a little rogue. But he’ll be gone too with his mother.” (Excerpt from letter from John Cowper Powys to Llewellyn Powys, January 10, 1923 from Letters of John Cowper Powys to His Brother Llewellyn, Vol. 1, edited and selected by Malcolm Elwin, Village Press, London, 1975, p. 313). (Author’s note: Lloyd Wright may have met Marian Powys when he visited New York in 1922 where he also met Beatrice Wood at a performance of Pole’s at the Provincetown Theater. See I Shock Myself, pp. 63-4).

Lloyd Wright “was known” to Dreiser via letters from Kirah Markham as early as 1916 and, as previously mentioned, formally met him along with Helen Taggart and guests in April of 1922 at Helen’s mother’s recently completed house which Lloyd designed. Lloyd possibly first met Powys’ sister Marian while living in New York with Kirah Markham. It is likely that Lloyd and Helen were spending much time at the Pole-Taggart ‘adobe’ cottage in Palm Springs where Lloyd met Pearl McCallum McManus and landed the Oasis Hotel commission. (See below).
Architect Lloyd Wright, contractor Quinn Spalding, and Austin McManus watch as Pearl McCallum McManus turns over the first spade of dirt starting the construction of the Oasis Hotel, Palm Springs, 1923. From The McCallum Saga: The Story of the Founding of Palm Springa by Katherine Ainsworth, Palm Springs Desert Museum, 1973, p. 183.

 

Rendering for the Oasis Hotel, 125, S. Palm Canyon Dr., Palm Springs, Lloyd Wright, architect and landscape architect, 1923. From Weintraub, p. 239.

Oasis Hotel, 125 S. Palm Canyon Dr., Palm SpringsLloyd Wright, architect, 1923. From Palm Springs Holiday: A Vintage Tour from Palm Springs to the Salton Sea by Peter Moruzzi, Gibbs-Smith, 2009, p. 23.

 

Lloyd Wright’s Oasis Hotel in Palm Springs, 1923 and Taggart House, Los Feliz, 1922. Will Connell photos from “The New World Architecture” by Sheldon Cheney, Tudor Publishing Co., 1930, p. 264.

In  June 1923, Pole, then separated from Helen and living with Beatrice Wood in New York, broke the news to her, “You know, I think I should take a trip west and see my wife and son. … I really should go see her. Of course, my best friend, Lloyd Wright, lives nearby and if she wants advice she has him. But I would feel better if I went and saw her.” Beatrice hoped that Reginald, the love of her life, was going back to arrange for a divorce so that they could marry and received the joyful news two weeks later that Helen had fallen in love with Lloyd (see below) and that they were indeed divorcing. (I Shock Myself, pp. 63-4).

Lloyd Wright, Helen Taggart Wright and son Eric ca. 1933. From I Shock Myself: The Autobiography of Beatrice Wood edited by Lindsay Smith, Chronicle, 1988, p. 118.

Despite marrying his ex-wife Helen in 1926, Wright was able to remain friends with Pole due to their mutual love of his son Rupert and the theater. Thus it was likely through Pole’s connections with the Pilgrimage Playhouse and Hollywood Bowl patrons Gerson, Clarke and Wetherill that Wright was entrusted with the design of the stage sets for  the September 1926 production of “Julius Caesar” at the Hollywood Bowl. (Gebhard, p. 26). A busy summer indeed for Pole as he had just finished his six-week run as Jesus Christ at the nearby Pilgrimage Playhouse, he was also named to direct Shakespeare’s “Julius Caesar,” probably on the grandest scale it had ever been staged. Of Wright’s elaborate sets for the the massive extravaganza (see below) the Times reported, 

“The entire stage and surrounding terrain of the Bowl will be used in the construction of the massive sets. The hills in the background will be blended with the stage settings to complete a series of remarkable backgrounds for the action of the drama…

The great set prepared for the event breaks up into several units including the Roman Forum, Caesar’s house, the orchard or garden of Brutus, the walls of Rome, the Senate house, a street in Rome, the tent of Brutus, the battlefield of Phillippi, etc.

It is so constructed that the action once started may be continuous without delays attendant upon the shifting of scenery. The great battle scene, employing 1000 men, which takes place in the canyon and on the hills in the rear of the Bowl stage, may seen by striking two units of the set, which is done while action is taking place on the terraces in front of the stage.” (“Bowl to Stage Tragedy on Magnificent Scale,” Los Angeles Times, September 5, 1926, p. II-1.).

Hollywood Bowl stage set for “Julius Caesar” designed by Lloyd Wright, 1926. Los Angeles Times, September 5, 1926, p. II-1.
 
Hollywood Bowl, 1927. Lloyd Wright, architect. From Hollywood Bowl.

The success of the “Julius Caesar” spectacle led to Wright’s commission to design the Bowl’s short-lived orchestra shells for both the 1927 and 1928 seasons (see above and below). The above 1927 shell was built of left over lumber from the stage sets he designed for the June production of “Robin Hood.”  (“Bowl Show in Final Rehearsal,” Los Angeles Times, June 12, 1927, p. 19).

Hollywood Bowl, 1928. Lloyd Wright, architect. From Hollywood Bowl.
 

Tiring of family life Pole separated from Helen in 1921 and throughout the rest of the 1920s split his time between Los Angeles during the summer pageants at the Pilgrimage Play Theater and  Hollywood Bowl and New York during the winter theater season while also lecturing on art, literature and philosophy at Harvard and Yale. As mentioned earlier, Pole met Beatrice Wood in New York in late 1921 while directing her in Helen Freeman’s adaptation of Horace Fish’s novel “Great Way.” Before meeting Pole, Wood had been close friends with art collectors Walter and Louise Arensberg and their artist circle of friends which included Marcel Duchamp with whom she had a romantic relationship in the late 1910s. The Arensbergs moved to Hollywood in 1921 around the time Pole first left Helen and moved to New York. It was through Pole that Wood also met his close friends Lawrence Tibbett when he first moved to New York at Pole’s urging and Lloyd Wright when he came to visit his friends.

It was during this period that Pole staged his and John Cowper Powys adaptation of Dostoyevsky’s “The Idiot” which was first staged in April 1922 at the Republic Theatre and the Little Theatre under Pole’s direction and with Pole and Estelle Winwood in the lead roles and Beatrice Wood in a supporting role. (“The Idiot Acted at Benefit,” New York Times, April 8, 1922). According to Wood the play was a great success and caught the attention of David Belasco and many others. (I Shock Myself, p. 62). The following month Pole performed with his and Powys’ mutual friends Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg in their American premiere production of Swedish playwright August Strindberg‘s “Creditors” at the Greenwich Village Theatre. (“Strindberg in Greenwich Village,” American-Scandinavian Review, July 1922, p. 436. For more on Pole and Powys see my “The Schindlers and the Westons and the Walt Whitman School“).

Ellen Van Volkenburg “Mrs. Maurice Browne” from “Nye, Myra, “Women’s Work, Women’s Clubs,” Los Angeles Times, November 5, 1922, p. III-35.

Later that year Browne and Van Volkenburg (see above) made a stop in Los Angeles for a lecture-reading of “Medea” for the Friday Morning Club at the 1,300-seat Morosco Theater (see below). (Nye, Myra, “‘Medea’ Worthy Offering,” Los Angeles Times, October 22, 1922, p. III-38). While in town they almost certainly reconnected with Paul Jordan-Smith and his wife Sarah (Edward Weston’s cousin), a longtime member and future President of the Friday Morning Club, Reginald Pole and Frayne Williams and possibly the Schindlers as well. (For more on these interrelationships see my “SWWWS“). Browne and Van Volkenburg were on their way to San Francisco where they hoped, with the help of Charles Erskine Scott Wood and Sara Bard Field, to open another Little Theatre similar to the one they had so much success with in Chicago. (For much more on this see my “SWKC“). Browne made a brief foray back to Southern California in the summer of 1923 with an appearance at cast dinner for the American premiere production of Strindberg’s “Lucky Pehr.” (“To Found Athens of America,” Los Angeles Times, August 19, 1923, p. III-29).

 

Morosco Theatre, 8th St. and Broadway, Morgan, Walls and Morgan, architects, 1913.

Pole and Wood (see below) soon struck up a relationship and together discovered the works of Dr. Annie Besant and Charles Leadbetter while browsing in the Philosopher’s Bookshop which began a lifelong fascination with Theosophy. (I Shock Myself, p. 60).

 

Beatrice Wood and Reginald Pole, ca. 1925. (From I Shock Myself, p. 79).

In the summer of 1923 Pole invited Wood to come out to Los Angeles and join him for his Pilgrimage Play season, a pattern they would repeat the following summers until Wood, attracted by the presence of Krishnamurti in nearby Ojai, permanently move to Los Angeles in 1926. Wood soon introduced Pole to the Arensbergs who had been living in Aline Barnsdall’s Residence A on Olive Hill which Schindler and Lloyd Wright had just recently completed (see above). (“Diaries of Beatrice Wood” in Beatrice Wood: Career Woman – Drawings, Paintings, Vessels, and Objects by Elsa Longhauser and Lisa Melandri, Santa Monica Museum of Art, 2011, p. 93).

Louise Arensberg at Residence “A,” Olive Hill, ca. 1923. (From I Shock Myself, p. 68).

Wood quickly adapted to the Los Angeles scene and took up right where she had left off with the Arensbergs, Lawrence Tibbett and his wife Grace and befriending Lloyd and Helen [Taggart] Wright. Despite growing further apart by the end of 1926, Wood and Pole began attending lectures by Annie Besant and visiting the Theosophist community in Ojai. (I Shock Myself, p. 82). During 1926-7 Wood may have also crossed paths with another ardent Theosophist, Pauline Schindler, whose first stop after packing up her son and leaving husband Rudolph and Kings Road in August 1927 was also the fledgling Theosophist community in Ojai. (For much more on this see my Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism).

Los Angeles Times, May 22, 1928, pp. 1-2.

Wood’s involvement with Theosophy deepened throughout 1927 and by 1928 Wood and Pole had become frequent contributors to The Star: An International Magazine, the official organ of the Order of the Star in the East. For the initial Ojai Star Camp in the spring of 1928 Pole and Wood produced the play “The Light of Asia” starring Pole, his by then wife Frances and Wood (see below). (“Krishnamurti Defines Star,” Los Angeles Times, May 27, 1928, p. II-6 and Crane, Helen R., “The Light of Asia,” The Star, August 1928, p. 38).

Reginald and Frances Pole and Beatrice Wood, ca. 1928. (I Shock Myself, p. 81). 
Anna Zacsek, 1919. Edward Weston photograph from the Johan Hagemeyer Collection at the Center for Creative Photography©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.
 
Apparently sometime in 1919 Anna Zacsek (see above) was drawn into the Pole-Mather-Weston-Wright orbit as that was the year she posed both nude and clothed for Weston. Not long thereafter she began performing in plays directed by Pole at her early mentor Frank Egan’s Little Theatre and other venues. (See below for example).
Ad for Ibsen’s “When We Dead Awaken” at Egan’s Little Theater, Los Angeles Times, April 22, 1920, p. III-4).
 
In the Grace Kingsley’s Times theater column announcing a staging of Ibsen’s “When We Dead Awaken,” Olga Gray [Zacsek], “a protege of [Alla] Nazimova,” and Reginald Poel are named as the lead roles and Lloyd Wright’s sets were singled out as requiring “…special attention because they embody changes of scene, and also the visualizing of a sunrise and sunset…” (Kingley, Grace, “Cinema and Stage News,” Los Angeles Times, April 18, 1920, p. III-11). Later in the year Zacsek and Pole teamed up again for another Ibsen drama “Rosmersholm.” The play was again staged at Egan’s Little Theatre under Pole’s direction and with him in the lead role. The play also also featured Frayne Williams, Lawrence Tibbett, Bertha Fiske and Max Pollock. Times drama critic Edwin Schallert generally praised the show and offered this of individual performances,

“Mr. Poel conveys the impression of rampant asceticism with a vivid clearness in his portrayal of Rosmer. His personality blends very ideally with the role. Anna Zacsek’s repressed acting and her finely controlled emotional outburst at the end of the second act made for a really brilliant portrayal of Rebecca West.” (“Rosmersholm” Is Given At The Little Theatre,” Los Angeles Times, November 10, 1920, p. III-4).

Brack-Shops Magazine cover from “Saving a Loft Building,” Buildings and Building Management, February 1917, p. 17-19.
Likely in conjunction with the staging of “Rosmersholm,” [Anna] Olga Grey [Zacsek] spoke at a Drama League meeting in room 805 of the Brack-Shops Building (see above). (Nye, Myra, “Women’s Work, Women’s Clubs; Drama League,” Los Angeles Times, November 11, 1920, p. II-11). Later that month Grace Kingsley, Times drama critic, wrote of Zacsek’s mentor Frank Egan’s opinion of her affinity for Ibsen roles,

“Without pausing to wrinkle even one moment over the question, Frank Egan made up his mind the very minute the curtain rang down, on “Romersholm,” on opening night, at the Little Theatre, that Anna Zacsek would do well in a series of Ibsen matinees in New York, and therefore, being a man of decision, he means at once to make arrangements to that end. So New York may look out for a highbrow invasion.

Miss Zacsek is the same brilliant young actress whom we used to know in pictures as Olga Gray. She always had a great desire to play Ibsen, even in the old days, in Triangle mellers [melodramas].

Ever since her first appearance in Ibsen plays a year or so ago, at the Little Theatre, she has shown unusual brilliancy and aptitude for such roles.” (Kingley, Grace, “Olga Gray As Was,” Los Angeles Times, November 26, 1920, p. III-4).

A couple days later, Olga Gray Sachel [Zacsek] “leading woman in Reginald Poel’s company” spoke on the aims of the drama at the Ebell Club(“Women’s Work and Women’s Clubs,” Los Angeles Times, November 28, 1920, p. III-35).
“‘Hedda Gabler’ Soon; Olga Gray Zacsek to Play Title Role,” Los Angeles Times, January 9, 1921, p. III-14).
Pole’s next Little Theatre production was Ibsen’s “Hedda Gabler” with [Anna] Olga Gray Zacsek in the title role (see above). The play was the most successful from a box-office standpoint Egan had ever staged at his Little Theatre. In a later lengthy feature on Zacsek Grace Kingley reported that when the play’s opening seemed about to be postponed due to the sets not being ready Zacsek unceremoniously “bought a pot of paint, put on an old apron, and stayed up all night to help paint the scenery.” (Kingsley, Grace, Art Play Is In Rehearsal; Modernistic Production of “Monna Vanna”; Olga Grey Zacsek In Title Role,” Los Angeles Times, February 20, 1921, p. III-13). Edwin Schallert remarked on Zacsek’s performance,

“Hedda is not typically her metier as was the lady of intriguing purposes in “Rosmersholm,” although there was a steady gaining of performance in her portrayal. She showed a tendency at the opening to strain for emotional effect, not exactly suitable to the woman who, with all her determination to reach out to rule, was constantly held in check by her conventional bonds. … With the play’s progress Miss Zacsek made this part of her interpretation ever more convincing. Still, she did not differentiate quite sufficiently in the part from her previous Ibsen roles.” (Schallert, Edwin, “Hedda Gabler” Presented at Little Theatre,” Los Angeles Times, January 18, 1921, p. III-4).

“‘Monna Vanna’ Soon, Los Angeles Times, February 27, 1921, p. III-16.
By far Zacsek’s most well-received performance of the 1920-21 dramatic season was her portryal in the title role of “Monna Vanna” (see above). After suffering the indignities of the fledgling movie business for the first five years of her acting career, this was a part she could clearly identify with if her, Margrethe Mather’s and Pauline Schindler’s idol Emma Goldman‘s analysis of Maurice Maeterlinck‘s intentions is any indication.

“In “Monna Vanna Maurice Maeterlinck gives a
wonderful picture of the new woman – not the new woman as portrayed in the
newspapers, but the new woman as a reborn, regenerated spirit; the woman who
has emancipated herself from her narrow outlook upon life, and detached herself
from the confines of the home; the woman, short, who has become race-conscious
and therefore understands that she is a unit in the great ocean of life, and
that she must take her place as an independent factor in order to rebuild and
remold life. In proportion as she learns to become race-conscious, does she
become a factor in the reconstruction of society, valuable to herself, to her
children, and to the race.” (The Social Significance of the Modern Drama by Emma Goldman, Badger, Boston, 1914, pp. 130-131).

Times drama critic Grace Kingsley lauded Frank Egan for bringing the play for the first time to Los Angeles and entrusting the renowned Hedwiga Reicher to direct. She described Zacsek as,

“…the dark-eyed volatile, fascinating young siren, who used to be Olga Grey in pictures, but who flashed suddenly meteor-like across our vision a few months ago at the Little Theatre, when she created a sensation in Ibsen’s “Rosmersholm,” and later as the heroine of “Hedda Gabler.” She has sort of a slender, Burne-Jones brunette beauty, has Miss Zacsek, that is oddly striking anywhere, and which is especially attractive on the stage. Having seen her you’ll not forget her. Her personality is vivid, but odd. Alive every minute, her brilliant black eyes miss nothing.”

Presciently describing the character traits that would bode well for her later career as an attorney, Kingsley continued,

“Miss Zacsek takes an active interest in everything, both in and out of her profession, believing all is fish in the way of equipment that comes to the actress’s net. … It wasn’t mere idle curiosity that prompted her, nor mere idle observation, for previously she had spent much time reading along medical and psychopathic lines believing that such knowledge is endlessly helpful insight into life. Up in San Francisco she went once and dwelt in Chinatown with a missionary woman friend for a fortnight, and another time she aided a detective in unraveling a crime mystery. While in New York a few years ago, she lived in Greenwich Village, absorbing atmosphere. But back of this young player’s seemingly meteoric success are several years of hard, grueling work and heart-breaking professional experiences. She had studied music and art, and fitted herself as a concert pianist, when curiosity led her one day, about six years ago, over to the Griffith studio, where D. W. Griffith was putting on “The Birth of a Nation.”

Kingsley briefly summed up Zacsek’s early movie career and continued with,

“…but she got the New York fever, went back there, met Nazimova, who kindly advised her, took her to dinner, lunch and the theater, and was a great and real source of inspiration to the little unknown western girl. But all of her hopes for the theatrical engagement she had longed for fell through, and when a picture engagement also failed, she became so disheartened that she came home and took a position as governess.”

Zacsek always maintained hope of returning to the stage and her chance came when Egan engaged Pole to stage some Ibsen plays at his Little Theatre and when he introduced her to him,

“…[Pole] at once believed in her, and it was in her first stage venture, Ibsen’s “When We Dead Awaken,” that she showed what her talent really was made of. Then she did “Rosmersholm” and “Hedda Gabler,” but it appears that “Monna Vanna” her brilliancy will find even more congenial atmosphere. Such great faith has Frank Egan in Miss Zacsek that he means to send that young woman to New York in a series of Ibsen matinees.” (Kingsley, Grace, Art Play Is In Rehearsal; Modernistic Production of “Monna Vanna”; Olga Grey Zacsek In Title Role,” Los Angeles Times, February 20, 1921, p. III-13).

Zacsek played the lead role in “The Jest” in San Francisco in May 1921 prompting Frank Egan to announce his plans produce it at his Little Theatre but the production never came to pass. (“Kingsley, Grace, “We’ll See ‘Jest’ Here; Egan to Produce It With Olga Zacsek Starred,” Los Angeles Times, June 18, 1921, p. III-1). In a preview of the 1921-22 dramatic season the Times reported that as part of impresario Frank Egan’s Little Theatre offerings included his plans

“…to bring Olga Gray Zacsek, who is now in Detroit working on a series of musical productions in conjunction with the New York Symphony Orchestra. Among other productions in which he will feature Miss Zacsek, Mr. Egan mentions “Thy Name Is Woman,” played last year at the Mason with Mary Nash, and “The Riddle Woman” by Charlotte E. Wells.” (“Art Theaters Active Here,” Los Angeles Times, October 23, 1921, p. III-13).

While in Detroit Zacsek worked with earlier Aline Barnsdall-Kirah Markham collaborator Irving Pichel, Sam Hume and Pasadena Community Playhouse director Gilmor Brown staging “Pelleas and Melisande,” “The Merry Wives of Windsor,” “A Midsummer Night’s Dream,” “Beyond the Horizon,” “The Importance of Being Earnest,” and “Pygmalion and Galeta” – all to the accompaniment of Ossip Gabrilowitsch‘s Detroit Symphony Orchestra.
 
While Schindler and Lloyd Wright were busy building their Kings Road and Taggart Houses and a few weeks before Florence Deshon’s suicide in New York in early 1922, Frank Egan tapped his star pupil Zacsek to try her hand at directing. She was charged to put the all-black Momolu Players through their paces in local newspaper woman Eloise Bibb-Thompson‘s “Africanus” at the Walker Theatre. (“Colored Cast Stage Drama at Walker,” Los Angeles Times, January 22, 1922, p. III-28). Zacsek commissioned avant-garde cubist stage settings in the manner of Provincetown Players collaborators Arthur Hopkins and Robert Edmund Jones from local set designers Clyde Tracy and Harry Oliver and selected a jazz orchestra for accompaniment. 
 
A Times report on the play quoted Egan, “I am giving the colored folk their first opportunity in this city to express themselves through the medium of the drama. We have had colored minstrels, musical comedies and the like, but never before to my knowledge has the negro of this city been given the chance to display his real dramatic ability in a big downtown theater to a mixed audience.” (“Colored Cast in “Africanus,”" Los Angeles Times, January 19, 1922, p. III-4). Egan also tried  a unique seating arrangement reserving the first floor exclusively for colored people and the balcony for whites. He quickly had to integrate the seating when the initial arrangement met with strong disapproval from blacks. (“Seating Changes for Negro Play,” Los Angeles Times, January 23, 1922, p. I-14). 
 
The play was held over due for a second week due to it’s popularity and novelty. (“‘Africanus” Stays,” Los Angeles Times, January 29, 1922, p. III-29). A review in NAACP publication The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races read, 

“Working with pliable material sensitive to color and rhythm, Olga Grey Zacsek, director, produced some interesting results with “Africanus.” There was nothing stiff nor ungraceful about the work of these Negro actors and actresses and the lilt of their musical voices was pleasing to the ear. The play is rich in Negro humor, some of it of a delicious order, and the audience was kept laughing most of the time. … In stage settings Miss Zacsek has struck a note entirely new to Los Angeles, following the lead of Arthur Hopkins and Robert Edmond Jones, disciples of Gordon Craig. Tracy and Oliver were the artists.” (“The Looking Glass,” The Crisis, April 1922, p. 275).

Zacsek spent the 1922-23 season in a still-war-torn Europe studying drama in Paris, Vienna and Budapest where she also performed in “Hedda Gabler,” “Anna Karenina” and “Judith of Bethulia” in her native Hungary. (“Portia Once Screen Star,” Los Angeles Times, June 10, 1935, p. I-1). Upon her return she shared with Grace Kingsley her future plans to appear in a series of classic dramas at Frank Egan’s Little Theatre before going to New York under Egan’s management to perform in “Monna Vanna” and “Hedda Gabler.” She also had hopes of interesting the powers that be and friends in New York of her plan of forming a subsidized national theater such as she observed first hand in Austria and Hungary. (Kingsley, Grace, “Subsidized Art Finds Apostle; Actress Advocates National Theater; Anna Zacsek Tells of Post-War Vienna,” Los Angeles Times, September 9, 1923, pp. III-21-2). Zacsek also likely shared news of Vienna with an eager Schindler the first time they socialized upon her return.
 
While Zacsek was in Europe, Reginald Pole was active on Broadway in two productions of “Hamlet” and one of “King Lear.” Pole played the ghost alongside the legendary John Barrymore as Hamlet and Tyrone Power, Sr. as the King of Denmark at the Sam H. Harris Theatre which ran from November 16, 1922 through February 1923. During November 1922 Edward Weston was in New York for a visitation with the high priest of photography, Alfred Stieglitz, thus it’s possible that he could have attended a performance. A year later Pole again appeared alongside Barrymore in “Hamlet,” this time at Norman-Bel Geddes’ patron Otto Kahn‘s Manhattan Opera House(Miracle In The Evening by Norman Bel Geddes). 
 
In March of 1923 Pole produced and directed “King Lear” at the Earl Carrol Theatre in which he played the title role, Kirah Markham played his daughter Regan, and Lawrence Tibbett played Edgar, Gloucester’s son and with Beatrice Wood undoubtedly in attendance. Coincidentally, this Lear production featuring Lloyd Wright’s two best friends, Pole and Tibbett, and his ex-wife Markham seemingly indicates that they all first met while Markham was performing at Aline Barnsdall’s Los Angeles Little Theatre in 1916-17. In her autobiography Wood mentions meeting Lloyd Wright at a performance of the Provincetown Players with whom Markham was also connected. (I Shock Myself, pp. 63-4). Markham performed at least five times on Broadway in the early 1920s including George Cram Cook‘s Provincetown Players production of “The Spring” at the Princess Theatre in September-October 1921 thus this is possibly the performance where Pole first introduced Wood to Wright. 
Lovell Beach House, Newport Beach, R. M. Schindler, architect, 1926. Edward Weston photo, 08-02-1927. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

 

While Edward Weston was spending most of mid-1923 to late 1926 in Mexico with Tina Modotti, Schindler and Lloyd Wright were establishing their solo careers and building some of their most iconic work. Besides the Kings Road House and the Taggart House and others, Schindler and Wright respectively completed in 1926 the Lovell Beach House in Newport Beach and Sowden House in Hollywood (see above and below).
Sowden House, Hollywood, 1926, Lloyd Wright, architect. Photo by Willard D. Morgan. (From “Glass Roof Lights House Without Windows” Popular Mechanics, July 1927, p. 25). (Author’s note: Morgan was the husband of Barbara Morgan who, along with Annita Delano mounted an exhibition of Weston’s work at UCLA shortly after his return from Mexico. For more on this see my “Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism“).

 

During this same period Zacsek was trying to establish herself on Broadway. She spent most of 1924-6 in New York where in December 1924 and January 1925 she performed in “Carnival” with Elsie Ferguson at the Cort Theatre under the direction of Frank Reicher, brother of the previously-mentioned Hedwiga Reicher. (“Echoes of Music Activities Here,” Los Angeles Times, February 1, 1925, p. 30). In the spring of 1924 Schindler spent a few months in New York remodeling a commercial space and personal residence for his recent Hollywood client Helena Rubenstein. It seems plausible that while he was in town he could have hooked up with Zacsek and/or Pole. In November 1925 Zacsek signed to appear in the supporting cast of Lionel Atwill‘s production of “Deep in the Woods” but the play never materialized. (Kingsley, Grace, “Anna Zacsek Heard From,” Los Angeles Times, November 12, 1925, p. I-11). The same month she was part of the ensemble of “Girofle-Girofla” at Jolson’s 59th Street Theatre.
Rendering for the Pasadena Community Theater, Elmer Grey, Grey Architect, 1924. Courtesy LAPL Photo Collection.
In the meantime Frayne Williams was directing his Los Angeles Literary Theatre troupe in Ibsen’s “John Gabriel Borkman” at the Pasadena Community Playhouse in conjunction with the 1924 Drama League National Convention. The play followed a program of dance numbers under the direction of Weston and Schindler intimate Bertha Wardell and her partner Dorothy Lyndall. (“Clubs Hit In Drama Talk,” Los Angeles Times, May 31, 1924, p. I-2). (For much more on Wardell see my “Bertha Wardell: Dances in Silence: Kings Road, Olive Hill and Carmel“). Also part of Convention festivities was the laying of the cornerstone for Gilmor Brown’s new Pasadena Community Theater designed by Elmer Grey (see above). Also mentioned as possibly performing during the convention besides Gilmor Brown’s Pasadena Community Players were Neely Dickson’s Hollywood Community Players and lecturers Sam Hume, Irving Pichel and Maurice Browne, then in Carmel where he was preparing for the grand opening of Edward Kuster’s Theatre of the Golden Bough (see below). (“League of Players To Meet Here,” Los Angeles Times, February 10, 1924, p. 30 and SWKC).
From left, Maurice Browne, Carol Aronovici, Hedwiga Reicher, Edward Kuster, Ruth Kuster, Betty Merle Horst and Paul Stevenson in front of the Theatre of the Golden Bough, Carmel, 1924. Courtesy Edward Kuster Papers, Harrison Memorial Library Collections. (Author’s note: The Schindlers likely met future partner (with Richard Neutra) Carol Aronovici while visiting Carmel during the summer of 1924. For more on this see The Schindlers in Carmel, 1924 ). 
Brochure for “Summer School of the Art of the Theatre” conducted by Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg at Edward Kuster’s Theatre of the Golden Bough, Carmel, 1924. Courtesy Edward Kuster Papers, Harrison Memorial Library Collections.
 

The restless Browne continued his vagabond ways and moved his center of operations to Los Angeles after his and Kuster’s successful 1924 season in Carmel. Around this time Browne had a stopover in Halcyon to spend some time with the pregnant Janson where he also read Jeffers’ recently published Tamar which prompted a letter of praise to the poet and his reply, “…That you should read “Tamar” through such a divine hazard, in the oasis by Santa Maria [Halcyon], is more luck than any writer deserves…“ (Letter from Jeffers to Browne, February 11, 1925, from The Selected Letters of Robinson Jeffers, 1897-1962 edited by Anne N. Ridgeway, Johns Hopkins Press, 1968, p. 33).


Announcement for performances of two of Browne’s plays. Los Angeles Times, December 14, 1924.

Upon settling in Los Angeles Browne produced the occasional play (see above) and for the next two years taught at USC. Hearing that he was in the city, former students came back one by one to work with him. (Browne, p. 286). Appalled by Browne’s squalid surroundings at USC, frequent Edward Weston portrait subject as early as 1916, Ruth St. Denis allowed him free use of her building and office while she was gone on a world tour. (Browne, p. 287). (For much more on Ruth St. Denis see my Bertha Wardell: Dances in Silence.)

Maurice Browne Theatre promotional fund-raising letter from Thomas H. Elson and G. G. Detzer to the Schindlers, August 24, 1925. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

 

Despite Browne’s philandering ways, Van Volkenberg continued her professional relationship and they were soon back working together on projects such as an April, 1925 Maurice Browne Players performance at the Wilshire Ebell Theater of Browne’s “Mother of Gregory” first performed in Carmel the previous summer. (“Ebell Program for Month Out”, L.A. Times, April 23, 1925, p. I-7.)  Throughout 1925 momentum began to build for construction of  a little theater for Los Angeles to house the newly formed Maurice Browne Theatre Association. During the summer a consortium of sponsors began a $125,000 fund-raising campaign to finance the construction of a new theater and classrooms for the project. RMS couldn’t help but hope that the theater commission would come his way. (See above solicitation letter for example).
Maurice Browne Theatre Association season-ticket subscription form, 1926.  Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

As one of the movers and shakers of the planning effort, Pauline organized an event at Kings Road to help promote the cause. She arranged for Browne to lecture on Hermann Keyserling, likely on the occasion of the recent publication of his The Travel Diary of a Philosopher(Author’s note: Edward Weston often referenced Keyserling’s diary in his Daybooks). Possibly accompanied by Ellen Janson to the soiree, Browne recollected, “And Pauline Schindler, brilliant, warm-hearted, bitter-tongued, who was trying to create a salon amid Hollywood’s cultural slagheap, invited me to her home to lecture on Keyserling.” (Browne, p. 287). Pauline excitedly wrote her mother of the salon, “[the party]…is going to be huge. We have never had more than a hundred guests before … But this will be overflowing.” (PGS letter to her mother, [n.d.] circa October, 1925. Cited in Sweeney, p. 96). 

A few months later Browne formally announced that Los Angeles would be the production headquarters for his Maurice Browne Theatre Association with offices to be located in the Transportation (aka Subway Terminal) Building and that he would be joined by Van Volkenberg. (“Nationally Known Producer Chooses City as Production Headquarters for Little Plays”, Los Angeles Times, February 28, 1927, p. 23). The following week another lengthy article reported on the specifics of the association’s planning efforts and the plays Browne currently had in rehearsal. The members of the Sponsors’ Committee were listed and included as chairman Thomas H. Elson, G. G. Detzer, Mrs. R. M. Schindler and others. (Little Theater Planned, Los Angeles Times, March 7, 1926, p. 21). 
A banquet at the Men’s City Club a few nights later feted Browne and Van Volkenburg with numerous testimonial speeches and telegrams from around the country wishing the venture well. (“Announces Premiere Production,” Los Angeles Times, March 9, 1926, p. I-10). Browne reminisced,

“A great banquet was planned in my honour; every theatrical celebrity whom I knew in America and Europe was invited to attend as a guest of honour; an astonishingly large number sent messages of goodwill; some even accepted. The realtor danced round Ruth St. Denis’ office: “With these names behind us the theatre is as good as built.” It was all so splendiferous that I telegraphed Nellie Van to come to the banquet; she sat beside me; the speeches made us feel that we had not lived in vain. Finally our evening came to its end. As I was leaving, the chairwoman of the Publicity Committee unostentatiously handed me an envelope. ”A cheque on account,” I thought, “how charming:” and thanked her warmly. When I got home I opened the envelope. It contained the bill for printing, postage, stationery, telephone, telegrams, table decorations and dinner for the guests of honour. Grinning wrily, Nellie Van returned to Seattle. My students and I gave performances anywhere – schoolrooms, tents, barns - where a ten-dollar note could be earned toward paying that bill: dollar by dollar we paid it to the last cent. Then I spat savagely and straight into the streets of Los Angeles and, worn out by the interminable conflicts within myself, the interminable struggle to establish a theatre which mattered, the interminable inability to pay for it, said goodbye to my theatric dreams.” (Browne, p. 288).

Browne dejectedly left for San Francisco where he licked his wounds over the next nine months and during which time Browne and Janson were married. (“Maurice Browne and Seattle Girl Married,” Carmel Cymbal, March 9, 1927, p. 1). He reflected before returning alone “back to the womb” to England, ”After fifteen years’ continuous struggle I had failed in the theatre; I had failed as a husband twice; I had failed as a father.” Browne later recollected Pauline’s unflagging support, “Twenty-four years later, during my farewell visit to America, Pauline lent me the house [Kings Road]. There I forgathered again daily with these and other old friends. Pauline was battling against political, Grace against educational, Sophie against social stupidity.” (Browne, p. 287).

 

 
Shortly after Weston and his son Brett returned from Mexico in late 1926, Zacsek’s mentor Frank Egan summoned her back to Los Angeles to make one of his first and best disciples an equal partner in the formation of their ill-fated experimental “Actor’s Theater.” Their troupe was to perform at Egan’s Little Theatre but Egan’s untimely March 15, 1927 death nipped their lofty dreams in the bud. (“Portia Once a Screen Star,” Los Angeles Times, June 10, 1935, p. I-1). It was also around this time that Zacsek, then living in a nondescript house at 1488 Sunset Blvd. (see below), had Schindler prepare preliminary plans for a house for her mother Theresa on Sayre Lane near Sunset and Silver Lake Boulevards. (Drawer 46, folder 517, Schindler Collection, UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections). 
Former Zacsek Residence, 1488 W. Sunset Blvd., Los Angeles. Built in 1923, archietct unknown. Courtesy Google Earth.
 
Belmont Theatre, 1st St. and Vermont Ave., 1926. L. A. Smith, architect. Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

 

Zacsek reconnected with Pole later that year and the pair joined the Sprague Repertoire Players for an early 1928 Belmont Theatre (see above) reprise of the Powys-Pole adaptation of “The Idiot” which Pole premiered in New York with Beatrice Wood in 1922. The new cast included Pole in the lead role and Boris Karloff, Pole’s wife Frances, Beatrice Wood and others (see playbill below). R. M. Schindler, recently separated from his wife Pauline who was then in Carmel with son Mark embarking on a journalism career with first, the Carmel Pine Cone and later The Carmelite, designed the stage sets. Schindler’s opinionated mother-in-law Sophie Gibling weighed in on his set designs with,

“Is your “Idiot” scenery to be for stage or movie? I read the book last summer, and found much in it to criticize, much to praise, and much food for thought. I could tell you exactly how to do the setting. When I read a book I am continuously painting new mental pictures.” (Sophie Gibling to RMS, n.d., ca. January 1928. UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection).

Playbill for “The Idiot” by Fyodor Dostoyevsky as adapted by Reginald Pole and John Cowper Powys, Belmont Theatre (see below), January 25th and 28th, 1928. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.
 
Los Angeles Times critic Marquis Busby thought the play was “Excellently acted and intelligently staged” and “one of the most interesting events of the winter stage season.” Of Pole, who was spending his first winter season in Southern California since 1920-21, he opined, 

“Reginald Pole gives a remarkable performance as Myshkin, the frail Russian prince. Pole has a marvelously sensitive face, on which expressions are mirrored with perfect fidelity. There are times in “The Idiot” when he appears almost in an eerie fashion as the true Redeemer. His voice, as in the Pilgrimage Play with which he has been identified, is of youthful, sympathetic timbre.”

Busby thought Zacsek to be “a picturesque, interesting Natasya and the possessor of a splendid voice.” (Busby, Marquis, “”Idiot” is Intensely Powerful,” Los Angeles Times, January 26, 1928, I-11). Former lover Weston had a similarly favorable review as he wrote of Zacsek,

“Through Harriet [Freeman], – Ahna Zaesek [sic] sent me tickets to “The Idiot,” in which she and Reginald Pole took the leads. I thought Ahna [sic] showed a mature conception, compared to those Ibsen days of, I guess, ten years ago. Both she and Reginald were excellent, though the cast was weak in some parts.

After, Ahna joined us: Harriet, Sam and myself, to supper and an evening of dancing and reminiscing at the Freeman home. (The house is by Frank Lloyd Wright: a fine conception except for the insistent pattern on cement blocks which weakens by over-ornamentation.) Ahna can cook as well as act. Some of her idolaters should see her in kitchen array! I teased Ahna, remembering the day years ago when she posed in the nude: a modest virgin who insisted on covering herself at certain points with a towel after each negative, and quite hampering my way of seeing the critical moment.

Harriet dances well: if she were smaller – in bulk – she would be ideal for me. We danced many times to exquisite Spanish tangos.” (DaybooksIIJanuary 29, 1928, p. 47). 

Harriet Freeman, 1925. Photographer unknown. From Chusid, p. 138. University of Southern California Freeman House Archive © 2011.

As they did with Zacsek and numerous other women, Weston and Schindler also shared a romantic interest in Harriet Freeman (see above). Like Aline Barnsdall and John Storer, the Freeman’s would commission Schindler to design additions, renovations and furniture over the years for their Frank Lloyd Wright-designed homes in Hollywood (see below for example).  The last of four concrete block houses Wright designed during his brief 1923-4 stint in Los Angeles, the Freeman House was also a major stop on the salon-party circuit for the Schindler-Weston circles (see announcement for Schindler lecture two below for example).  (For much more on the Freeman House and the Schindler-Weston circles see my “Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism“).

Freeman House, 1962 Glencoe Way, Hollywood, Frank Lloyd Wright, architect, 1924. Living room furniture by R. M. Schindler. Photo by Julius Shulman. From The Furniture of R. M. Schindler edited by Marla C. Berns, UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, 1996, p. 100.
Announcement for R. M. Schindler Lecture on “Modern Architecture” at the Freeman House, 1962 Glencoe Way, Hollywood, September 29, [1928?].

After “The Idiot” wrapped, Pole retreated to his beloved Palm Springs where he devoted himself to completing his “life work,” a musical drama entitled “The Elfrith Idyll” which was conceived during his Cambridge days in collaboration with best friend Rupert Brooke. As an antidote for his months of concentration, Pole announced that he would present a series of matinee performances starting with Arnold Bennett‘s “The Great Adventure” and that future matinees would probably include some Ibsen dramas featuring Zacsek as the heroine. (“Reginald Pole Writes Music Drama; To Do Play Series,” Los Angeles Times, April 15, 1928, p. C-13).



  

“Monna Vanna” ad, Los Angeles Times, April 1928.
In the meantime, Zacsek’s next role was the lead in the Maeterlinck drama “Monna Vanna” in which she first appeared at the Egan Little Theatre in 1921. Of the play, which had a six-night run at the Trinity Auditorium (see ad above) under the auspices of the Los Angeles Opera and Drama Guild, the Times review read, 

“The presentation which featured Olga Zacsek, was effective to the tiniest detail. The cast was an excellent one, and the costumes and the settings harmonized in a highly effective manner, the whole blending into a colorful tableaux. … As mentioned before, Olga Zacsek, in the role of the heroine, Monna Vanna, completely captured last night’s audience, not only with her histrionic ability, but with her charm and exceedingly lovely appearance. Boris Karloff gave a splendid characterization in the difficult role of Guido Collona, and William Stack shared honors with his interpretation of the Florentine general, Prinzivalle.” (Olga Zacsek Acts Lead in Guild Drama,” Los Angeles Times, April 24, 1928, p. I-11).

Ad for “For the Soul of Rafael” at the Trinity Auditorium, Los Angeles Times, May 1928.

 

Continuing her association with the Drama Guild and Boris Karloff, Zacsek next appeared in the leading role in the stage adaptation of the recent movie based on Marah Ellis Ryan‘s book “For the Soul of Rafael,” a romantic depiction of the early mission days of California (see ad above). The enraptured Schindler again provided the stage sets, possibly inspired by the decorative page designs provided for Ryan’s book (see below) by his close Chicago and Carmel friend, publisher Ralph Fletcher Seymour. (For much more on Seymour see my “Schindlers in Carmel, 1924” and “R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra, and Louis Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats“).
 Title page, For the Soul of Rafael by Marah Ellis Ryan, A. C. McClurg, Chicago, 1910.
Movie poster for “Hotel Imperial.”

 

Next out of the box for Zacsek was the leading role in the American stage debut of Hungarian countryman Lajos Biro‘s “Hotel Imperial” which had recently met with much success on the silver screen for Paramount Pictures starring Pola Negri (see above poster). Zacsek (see below) again appeared alongside Boris Karloff and William Stack, this time as part of the Sprague Repertoire Players at the Egan Theatre with Schindler again providing the stage sets (see playbill two below). Zacsek’s acting and Schindler’s sets were particularly singled out for praise.

“Honors go to Olga Zacsek for a poignantly lovely interpretation of the awkward inarticulate chamber maid. She has scenes of passionate fright and choking misery that are beautiful bits of emotionalism. … Settings by R. M. Schindler are strikingly contraposed arches and angles against black curtains. A most interesting effect of remoteness was achieved in the murder scene by placing the furnishings of a room on a small high platform. The fact that the bottoms of the tables and trays were visible gave the feeling of the fourth floor back with a clever simplicity of means.” (Miller, Llewellyn, “Olga Zacsek in Egan Play,” Los Angeles Record, May 24, 1928).

Olga Zacsek, “Repertoire Players Take a Bow,” Los Angeles Times, May 23, 1928, p. I-9.
“Hotel Imperial” Playbill, Sprague Repertoire Players, Egan Theatre, 1928. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

 

Attendance for “Hotel Imperial” did not meet expectations and Sydney Sprague decided to cut his losses by not paying Zacsek the $450 he owed her. Having to go through the process of suing Sprague in Municipal Court, winning a judgment, filing a lien on his property and then still not get paid was the last straw for Zacsek’s acting career prompting her to quit the footlights for the study of law at Loyola University.
 
“Ex-Actress In Court As Defendant,” Los Angeles Times, April 10, 1930, p. I-12).
 
While Zacsek was in law school Sprague’s wife Farah brought suit to quiet title to the property Zacsek had attached claiming that her husband had deeded it to her years earlier. (“Russian Actress Fights Suit of Producer’s Wife,” Los Angeles Times, April 7, 1930, p. I-6). Zacsek knew she had finally chosen a career in which she would have better control over her financial destiny when the judge ruled in her favor a few weeks later ruling that “the attachment must stand until Miss Zacsek is paid her $450.” (Portia Wins Wage Fight As Actress,” Los Angeles Times, May 12, 1930, p. I-1). Zacsek’s passage of the bar exam two years later was headlined along with her group photo in an article in the Los Angeles Times (see below).
“Fathers and Sons in Bar Ceremony,” Los Angeles Times, December 10, 1932, p. I-2.

 

Zacsek practiced in relative anonymity until 1935 when she was “unmasked” during her successful defense in a highly publicized murder trial in the courtroom of Superior Court Judge Fletcher Bowron, soon to become the 35th Mayor of Los Angeles (see below). (“Portia Once a Screen Star; Trial Unmasks Olga Grey; Griffith Actress Finds More Drama at Bar Than in Films,” Los Angeles Times, June 10, 1935, pp. I-1, 8).

  ”Portia Once Screen Star: Trial Unmasks Olga Grey”, Los Angeles Times, Jun 10, 1935, pg.I-1, 8.

Zacsek Residence, 114 Ellen St., Playa del Rey, 1938. From R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Gustavo Gili, 1998, p. 151.


Flush with money for the first time in her life, Zacsek commissioned Schindler to design a new house on the sand dunes of Playa del Rey in 1936. The striking home with commanding views of Santa Monica Bay (see above and below) was completed not long after the Schindler’s divorce proceedings began in earnest in late 1937. In a December 21, 1937 letter to her client Schindler Zacsek wrote, “I suggest that you have assembled your income and expenditures. Not that I desire to look into your private life, but, it is truly necessary if we are to muzzle Pauline.” There is also 1938 correspondence in the Schindler Archive at UCSB from Pauline’s attorney, Morris E. Cohn, regarding child support. Cohn, like Pauline, was an amateur composer, thus they were also probably longtime friends from happier times at Kings Road. (I am indebted to author Susan Morgan for the above UCSB Zacsek-RMS and Cohn-PGS correspndence from UCSB).

Zacsek Residence, 114 Ellen St., Playa del Rey, 1938. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.
While Schindler was completing her house in Playa del Rey, Zacsek was possibly performing in her last role in “The Trial of Sally Rand” as part of the April Frolic of the California Business Women’s Council on April Fool’s Eve at the Royal Palms Hotel. (“Business Women Plan April Frolic,” Los Angeles Times, March 31, 1937, p. I-5). A few months later John Cage’s mother Crete reported that Zacsek was one of the participants assisting Judge Oda Faulconer in a National Association of Women Lawyers and California Business Women’s Council dinner honoring Florence Monahan, the first woman superintendent of a California correctional facility, the California Institution for Women at Tehachapi. (Cage, Crete, “Tehachapi Leader to be Feted,” Los Angeles Times, August 7, 1937, p. I-5). John Cage was a tenant at the Schindler’s Kings Road House in 1934 and arranged a concert there in 1935 during his brief affair with Pauline Schindler who was then living in Ojai with son Mark. (For much more on the Schindler-Cage relationship see my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“).
 
Epilogue
Fudger-Hughes-Zacsek Residence, 211 S. Muirfield Ave., Hancock Park. Roland E. Coate, Sr., architect, Florence Yoch and Lucile Council, landscape architects,  1926 with later interior modifications by R. M. Schindler for Anna Zacsek. From The Legendary Howard Hughes, Jr. web site.
 
After she attained even broader success as an attorney, Zacsek purchased from Howard Hughes his estate at 211 Muirfield Road (see below), in Hancock Park. The 30-room Monterey-style home near Hughes’ hangout, the Wilshire Country Club, was designed by architect Roland E.Coate, Sr. in 1926 for socialite Eva K. Fudger with landscaping by Florence Yoch and Lucille CouncilHughes first lived there with his first wife, Ella Rice, and after their divorce Billie Dove moved in, later to be followed by Katharine HepburnHughes first leased the property from Fudger for $1,000 a month and purchased it in 1929 for $135,000 including her antiques and art collection. (See The Legendary Howard Hughes, Jr. web site). About the time Hughes sold her the property, purportedly to avoid paying property taxes, Zacsek was deeply involved in the very high profile Sleepy Lagoon Murder Trial (see below). Still in close contact with Schindler, Zacsek commissioned him to perform numerous modifications on both her beach house and the Muirfield House.

Sleepy Lagoon Murder Trial arraignment,  August 10, 1942. Attorney Anna Zacsek in center foreground. Courtesy Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.
Lloyd Wright went on to have a distinguished career as an architect while his wife Helen continued to keep her hand in the theater by occasionally reading plays at various venues such as the Friday Morning Club. Close friends Beatrice Wood would go on to become a renowned ceramicist, Lawrence Tibbet a noted opera singer and Reginald Pole would remain active in the theater the rest of his days.
This article focuses upon just one aspect of the Schindler-Weston friendship, i.e., their mutual friends of stage and screen. When combined with their bohemian friends from the dance, music, art, literary and academic communities and miscellaneous radical, bohemian rogues among their circles, a fascinating, interwoven story can be told indeed.
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The Schindlers in Carmel, 1924

(Click on images to enlarge)

Mission San Carlos Borremeo de Carmelo, August 1924. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Pauline Schindler, 1935. Portrait by Dorothea Lange. Courtesy Oakland Museum of Art.

 

R. M. Schindler, 1927, Edward Weston portrait. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R.M. Schindler Collection.


 

Johan Hagemeyer self-portrait, 1923. From Lorenz, Richard, Johan Hagemeyer: A Lifetime of Camera Portraits in Johan Hagemeyer, Center for Creative Photography, University of Arizona, Research Series No. 16, June 1982, p. 4. 

 

It is well-established that the quaint seaside village of Carmel-by-the-Sea played a major role in the life of photographer Edward Weston. However very little is known about the intertwined Carmel activities of mercurial radical modernist Pauline Gibling Schindler and her enigmatic avant-garde architect husband Rudolph (see above) whom Weston met in Los Angeles in 1921 shortly after their arrival from Chicago and remained friends with the rest of his life. (For much on the initial meeting of the Westons and the Schindlers see my “The Schindlers and the Westons and the Walt Whitman School“). In this article I will attempt to lay the foundation of how the Schindlers and Westons and their mutual friends, including Johan Hagemeyer, were attracted to what Franklin Walker coined “The Seacoast of Bohemia” for the title of his 1966 Book Club of Californiaclassic. (See below). 

 

The Seacoast of Bohemia by Franklin Walker, Peregrine Smith edition, 1973. Front cover, Carmel group on the rocks, (top): Charmian London, Alice MacGowan, Grace MacGowan Cooke, grandmother of Edward Weston’s second wife, Charis Wilson, (bottom): George Sterling, Jimmy Hopper, Jack London, Carrie Sterling.

 

 The Seacoast of Bohemia by Franklin Walker, Peregrine Smith edition, 1973. Back cover, Some Carmelites at the Bohemian Grove, 1915, (top): Jack London, Harry Leon Wilson, father of  Edward Weston’s second wife Charis Wilson, (bottom): George Sterling, Stewart Edward White, George Ade, Ernest Peixotto.

 

Willard Huntington Wright, 1913 by Stanton MacDonald Wright. From National Portrait Gallery.

By 1910 Carmel-by-the-Sea, California on the scenic Monterey Peninsula had gained much notoriety and renown as a haven for an avant-garde, bohemian colony of artists, novelists, poets, playwrights, actors, gurus, intelligentsia and radicals. During May of that year the then literary critic for the Los Angeles TimesWilliam Huntington Wright, spent a week in Carmel absorbing the local lore and gossip and penned a lengthy piece that headlined section two of the Sunday edition with the scintillating title “Hotbed of Social Culture, Vortex of Erotic Erudition.” (Los Angeles Times, May 22, 1910, pp. II-1, 8). The tongue-in-cheek article used much poetic license in caricaturing the more famous denizens and their lifestyles (see below). The above portrait of Wright, who would gain later acclaim for his Philo Vance crime novels under the pen name S. S. Van Dine, was painted by his brother Stanton MacDonald Wright in Paris in 1913 while he was on the way to Munich to view an exhibition of the work of his brother and Morgan Russell who the year before had founded the Synchromism MovementIn hindsight it seems inevitable that the village would eventually attract the Westons and the Schindlers and their circle of like-minded friends.

The Carmelite’s Picnic on Point Lobos, 1910. Cartoon by Gale. Left to right, Jack London, Alice MacGowan, Grace MacGowan Cooke, Upton Sinclair, Xavier Martinez, Mary Austin, George Sterling, Lucia Chamberlain, Fred Bechdolt, James Hopper, Fra Henry Lafler. From Wright, Willard Huntington, “Hotbed of Social Culture, Vortex of Erotic Erudition,” Los Angeles Times, May 22, 1910, p. II-1, 8.

Harry Leon Wilson Residence, “Ocean Home,” Carmel Highlands, built in 1910. Photographer, date and architect unknown. Courtesy Harrison Memorial Library Local History Room, Carmel. 

About the time the earlier Bohemian Grove photo of Weston’s future father-in-law Harry Leon Wilson and his Carmel cronies Jack London and George Sterling was taken in 1915, Wilson was basking in his Carmel Highlands “Ocean Home” (see above) over the great success of his latest book, Ruggles of Red Gap, which was serialized beginning December 26, 1914 in The Saturday Evening Post. (Wikipedia). The book, dedicated to his young bride Helen MacGowan Cooke less than a year after the birth of daughter Charis, soon became a best selling novel. The book was also adapted for the Broadway stage as a musical the same year, and was made into a movie several times, most famously in 1935 starring Charles Laughton and Zazu Pitts shortly after Edward Weston took up housekeeping with Charis. (See below poster).

“Ruggles of Red Gap” movie poster, 1935. From Wikipedia.

 

 

Helen MacGowan Cooke picking California golden poppies, Carmel Point, 1911. Arnold Genthe photo. Courtesy Library of Congress, Arnold Genthe Collection.

 

After appearing in a 1911 production together at Carmel’s recently opened Forest Theaterthe following year the 44-year old Wilson married 16-year old Helen MacGowan Cooke(See above). The mature before her years Helen had also been courted by the likes of noted photographer Arnold GentheNoble Prize-winning author Sinclair Lewis, and his Yale class-mate, poet William Rose Benet. (See below). (Through Another Lens: My Years with Edward Weston by Charis Wilson, North Point Press, 1998, pp. 18-20). Helen’s attraction for older men (Genthe, 26-years, Lewis and Benet, 11 years and Wilson, 28 years) was clearly passed on to daughter Charis who, like Helen with Harry, was 28 years younger than Weston when they met in 1934.

Carmel beach picnic, 1909. Standing: Sinclair Lewis, Alice MacGowan, William Rose Benet. Seated: Helen MacGowan Cooke, Grace MacGowan Cooke, Miss Scannell, Kitty Cooke, Arthur Vachell. From Walker, p. 67.

R. M. Schindler in Taos, October 1915. Photo likely by Victor Higgins using Schindler’s camera. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers. 

Also in 1915, Rudolph Schindler embarked upon a formative six-week tour of California and the Southwest during which he viewed the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco (PPIE), Panama-California Exposition in San Diego, Los Angeles, the Grand Canyon and the artist colony of Taos, New Mexico where he preceded Weston’s first visit by 18 years. (For much more on this see my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence and Selected Caremel-Taos Connections.”).

Palace of Liberal Arts, W. B. Faville, architect, Panama Pacific International Exposition, San Francisco, September 1915. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers. 

 

Weston made his first visit to Carmel in 1915, likely while on his way to San Francisco to view his work hanging in the national Pictorial Photography Exhibition in the Palace of Liberal Arts at the PPIE. (Conger, Amy, “Edward Weston: A Preface to the Carmel Years” in The Monterey Photographic Tradition: The Weston Years, Monterey Peninsula Museum of Art, 1986, p. 5 and Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles by Beth Gates Warren, Getty Publications, 2011, pp. 74-5). Schindler likely viewed Weston’s images while at the fair evidenced by his above photograph of the Palace of Liberal ArtsWeston made additional visits to Carmel in 1919, 1925 and at least twice in 1928 before Pauline Schindler heralded his permanent 1929 move from San Francisco in The Carmelite(Conger, p. 5 and Schindler, Pauline, “Edward Weston on the Way,” The CarmeliteDecember 26, 1928, p. 2. See my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism” for more details.).

Palace of Fine Arts, Bernard Maybeck, architect, Panama Pacific International Exposition, San Francisco, September 1915. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Some of the other Exposition buildings which interested Schindler enough to photograph included the Palace of Fine Arts by Bernard Maybeck (see above), who would in 1926-7 design the Harrison Memorial Library in Carmel, and the California Building by later Los Angeles Public Library designer Bertram Goodhue. (See below). 

 

 

The California Building, Bertram Goodhue, architect. Panama Pacific International Exposition, San Francisco, September 1915. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

 

Ralph Fletcher Seymour letter to R. M. Schindler, March 14, 1924, recto. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

 

Ralph Fletcher Seymour letter to R. M. Schindler, March 14, 1924, verso. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

There is no record of Schindler having visited Carmel on this trip thus his first visit was likely in the summer of 1924. It is unclear whether his wife Pauline accompanied him but it seems likely that she did. The trip was prompted by a string of correspondence (see above for example) with his good friend from the Chicago, Ralph Fletcher Seymour (see below)with whom Schindler stayed for a brief period after his arrival from Vienna in 1914. Seymour was also friends with fellow Chicago Fine Arts Building tenant and Schindler employer Frank Lloyd Wright, whose cement blocks he references in the above letter and fellow Cliff Dwellers Club member Louis Sullivan whom he helped support during his waning years. Seymour (see below) was planning to build a multi-phased compound at the end of Isabella Ave. across the street from the ocean on Carmel Point. (For much more on Seymour see my “R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats“).
Ralph Fletcher Seymour, ca. 1912. From Caxton Club Journal Caxtonian, May 2011.

 

Having just completed work on the John Cooper Packard Residence in Pasadena, Schindler was commissioned by Helena Rubenstein to design interiors for her New York apartment and some remodeling work for her Greenwich, Connecticut residence. On his way to New York Schindler stopped over to visit Seymour and fellow Viennese architect and college mate Richard Neutra who was then working for Holabird & Roche on the Palmer House project before a brief stint with Wright at Taliesin and his and his wife Dione’s early 1925 move to Schindler’s Kings Road house. (For more details see my Chats). During his Chicago layover Seymour undoubtedly filled Schindler in on the glories of Carmel and the mansion that another Chicago mutual friend, noted Chicago attorney and Art Institute of Chicago habitue Henry F. Dickinson (see below), had just completed across the street from his property.
Henry F. Dickinson, 1920. Photo by Lasswell. From Bench and Bar of Illinois, 1920 by edited by Leroy Hennesey, p. 119.

 

After Henry’s retirement the Dickinsons relocated to Carmel in 1922 with their four children. They moved into their massive residence at the end of Isabella Ave. on Carmel Point sometime around 1923. The house (see below) was designed by Dickinson himself and built by noted Carmel contractor M. J. Murphy. (“New Dickinson Home in Carmel,” Carmel Pine Cone, n.d., ca. 1922-3). Dickinson would later help found the Carmel Music Society in 1926 and the Carmel Art Association in 1927 and served as it’s first first vice-president.
Mr. and Mrs. Henry F. Dickinson Residence, Isabella Ave. and Scenic Dr., Carmel, 1923. M. J. Murphy, contractor. “New Dickinson Home in Carmel,” Carmel Pine Cone, n.d., ca. 1923. Courtesy Harrison Memorial Library Local History Room, Carmel. 

 

Upon returning from New York Schindler wasted no time in arranging an August trip to Carmel. Schindler possibly heard from Weston before he left for Mexico in 1923 of Johan Hagemeyer’s planned Carmel studio or from Seymour via the Dickinsons of its completion. He and Pauline also likely heard of the completion of Edward Kuster’s Theatre of the Golden Bough and it’s directorship by yet another Chicago friend Maurice Browne and his wife Ellen Van Volkenburg. Schindler corresponded with Henry Dickinson’s wife Edith to find out whether Johan’s studio would be available for an exhibition of his architecture during his and Pauline’s planned visit. (See my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage” for much more on Browne). Schindler met and bonded with Weston and Hagemeyer during 1921-22, having much in common with their approach towards women and sexual affairs. It is most likely through Hagemeyer that Schindler had also landed his former horticultural employer Paul Popenoe as a client for whom he designed a residence near the town of Coachella in 1922(See my “The Schindlers and  the Westons and the Walt Whitman School” for more details).
Edith’s reply to Schindler indicated that Johan would provide his studio free of charge and would hold about 75 people for a lecture. She also asked for Schindler’s biographical information for publicizing his exhibition and lecture in Carmel, Monterey, Salinas and San Francisco. She further provided him with the schedule of upcoming performances at Carmel’s Forest Theater and Theatre of the Golden Bough to help him select the dates for his exhibition. (Edith Dickinson letter to R. M. Schindler, July 14, 1924, Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers). The Schindlers possibly stayed with the Dickinsons and/or Hagemeyer during their visit.

It is not known when Hagemeyer first discovered Carmel but he had a one-man show in fellow Dutchman Tilly Polak’s Mission Tea House in November of 1922. At the age of 18 in Holland, Polak contracted a bad case of wanderlust after reading erstwhile Carmelite Jack London’s Valley of the Moon, the story of a working-class couple, struggling laborers in turn-of-the-century Oakland who, tired of city life, searched Central and Northern California for a suitable farmland. The book is notable for the scenes in which the proletarian hero enjoys fellowship with the artists’ colony in Carmel, and he settles in the Valley of the Moon(Wikipedia).

Tilly Polak ad, The Western Honey Bee, April 1921, p. 120.

 

Polak’s first stop upon leaving Holland was the Dutch East Indies which was followed by a stint in Australia where she took a six-month course in bee-keeping at the Agricultural College in Melbourne. Finding the macho society of Melbourne unappealing, she continued to Canada’s Pacific Northwest. Canada’s winters being too cold for her, she  moved again to the San Francisco Bay area and, unable to find steady work as an apiarist (see above), finally settled in Carmel in 1922. (“Tilly Polak Plans a Quiet Country Life in Her Carmel Valley Place,” Carmel Pine Cone, n.d. ca. 1943). 

Mission Tea House exterior, ca. 1921-2. Photograph by L. S. Slevin, courtesy of Pat Hathaway, Historic California Views. From Carmel: A History in Architecture by Kent Seavey, Arcadia, 2007, p. 15.

 

After Polak’s move to Carmel in 1922 she soon stumbled across the Carmel Mission’s old orchardist’s house which had been recently restored and converted into a favorite local dining establishment called the Mission Tea House. (See above). Intrigued by the horticulturist background of the structure, Polak took out a lease on the business, but knowing nothing about running a tea room she proceeded to lose her shirt. Shortly after her tea room debacle she was able to find a market for Dutch silver and glass she had begun importing, possibly having initial success at Carmel’s annual Arts and Crafts Club Dutch Market (see below), and opened an antiques and gift shop on Ocean Ave. in downtown Carmel in 1923. (“Tilly Polak Plans a Quiet Country Life in Her Carmel Valley Place,” Carmel Pine Cone, n.d. ca. 1943). 

Sinclair Lewis at the Carmel Arts and Crafts Club Annual Dutch Market, 1909. From The Seacoast of Bohemia by Franklin Walker, Peregrine Smith edition, 1973, p. 77.

 

 

Beekeeper, 1911. Johan Hagemeyer. From Lorenz, Richard, Johan Hagemeyer: A Lifetime of Camera Portraits in Johan Hagemeyer, Center for Creative Photography, University of Arizona, Research Series No. 16, June 1982, p. 6, Courtesy Bancroft Library, University of California.

 

After moving to San Francisco in 1919 Hagemeyer likely met Polak through the same bohemian and anarchist circles Tina Modotti and Robo de Richey had recently been involved with before their move to Los Angeles. (See Shadow, Fires, Snow: The Life of Tina Modotti by Patricia Albers for more on Tina and Robo’s time in San Francisco). The two had much in common besides their nationality as both had started out with keen interests in horticulture. (See above for example). Hagemeyer reminisced,

“Yes, I knew everybody. Through someone I met a Dutch woman coming from Java, the Dutch East Indies in those days, and she was going to live in Camel and have a little tea room. She was quite an artist type, cultured. … Tillie Pollack (sic). She had a tea room there. I had already done something, in portraiture, some children but mostly landscapes. And she asked me to give her a show there, so I did. (See exhibition space below). I stayed with someone, I don’t know who. They were all very nice and hospitable in Carmel in those days. I had a show and I also had to give a lecture on it, which of course was a total flop because I cannot lecture. I maybe stood there for, it seems five or ten hours, before I could utter a word. I had asked Tillie Pollack (sic) beforehand, ‘For heaven’s sake, if I can’t get anything out, start asking questions.’ So she did. She felt I was perspiring and going nuts. I couldn’t get anything out. I didn’t know where to start. She began to ask me questions and then I got to rolling. It was very easy. I rubbed it into all the painters that they should take a look at some of the photographers’ work.” (Johan Hagemeyer: Photographer, Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, An Interview Conducted by Corinne L. Gilb in 1955, p. 40).

Mission Tea House interior, ca. 1921-2. Photograph by L. S. Slevin, courtesy of Pat Hathaway, Historic California Views. From Carmel: A History in Architecture by Kent Seavey, Arcadia, 2007, p. 16.

 

Hagemeyer’s exhibition was well-reviewed in both the local and San Francisco press. The Carmel Pine Cone reviewer wrote,

“If the Carmel residents could but realize the treat in store for them their would be many a trip this week out to the Mission Tea House where Johan Hagemeyer, pictorial photographer, is conducting an exhibit. There seem s to be no doubt that Mr. Hagemeyer stands at the head of this comparatively new school on this coast. His pictures are not photographs. They are interpretations. He uses the camera as a painter would use his brush. The mechanical or scientific instrument is lost sight of, it becomes merely the medium for expressing the artist’s vision. … Mr. Hagemeyer has been called an ultra-modernist. It is because he emphasizes the individual touch, the idea or intent that must be in every created thing, the essence of the producer, his or her individuality, imagination, etc.” (“Hagemeyer Exhibit of Art Photography Is Notable Collection,” Carmel Pine Cone, November 4, 1922, p. 8).
Redfern Mason, July 28, 1932. Johan Hagemeyer photograph. Courtesy UC Berkeley Bancroft Library.

 

San Francisco art and music critic Redfern Mason (see above), who lived in Carmel from 1912-1914 with his former wife, noted author Grace Sartwell Mason opined, “Down in Carmel I ran across an artist in photography who has the right idea – Johan Hagemeyer. Here is a man who is content to be nature’s interpreter, not a fakey improver of her methods.” (Redfern Mason, San Francisco Examiner, December 31, 1922). Redfern also frequently reviewed and championed the San Francisco performances of former Carmelite Henry Cowell. (For more on Cowell and his disciple John Cage and Pauline Schindler, see my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“).


Carmel Arts and Crafts Club Annual Dutch Market, 1909.

 

Taking advantage and building upon the success of the annual Dutch Market (see above) sponsored by the Carmel Arts and Crafts Club, forerunner to the Carmel Art Association, Polak’s antique and gift shop quickly prospered. She made annual buying trips back to her homeland and the rest of Europe which were religiously reported in the local press. For example, in a piece written shortly after Johan’s studio opening: “Word has been received from Tilly Polak in Venice. She has been buying for her antique shop all through Holland, Switzerland and Italy, and at the time of writing was about to enter Austria. …” (She’ll Be Here for The Follies,” Carmel Pine Cone, March 29, 1924, p. 1).

Tilly Polak Antiques and Objets d’Art postcard recto, n.d., ca. 1930s. From EBay.

 

Like Polak, Hagemeyer was intrigued by Carmel’s similarities with their native Holland, in terms of the scenery, the climate, and the architecture. (See above for example). Liking what he saw of Carmel and it’s surroundings during his Mission Tea House exhibition, Hagemeyer decided to build a photography studio on Ocean Avenue in Carmel. About the time Tilly Polak opened her new antique shop Hagemeyer began building his studio. He reminisced in his oral history,

“Then, it looked so much like Holland. Not that I am so patriotic, but Holland is a very beautiful place, particularly where I used to live when I left my business. Many artists live there, musicians, philosophers. And Carmel and the dunes and the ocean and the pine trees, Dutch. So I said, I think this will be a good place for me. There was nobody there yet, four or five hundred people, So I looked around for a place to buy and twenty-five or thirty years later it turned out to be the best place in Carmel. (See below). I didn’t realize, It was away out in the woods. I had a little cottage built and I slept there, I cooked there, I photographed there, I developed, and finished.” (Hagemeyer Oral History, p. 41).

Johan borrowed some money from his brother Hendrik, bought some land at the northeast corner of Ocean  and Mountain View Avenues and commissioned San Francisco architect J. Francis Ward, a native Kiwi like his brother Hendrik’s wife Dora, to design a cottage and studio. The local press chronicled the studio’s progress, described it’s design and architecture and reported that Hagemeyer planned to have “one man” exhibits in various mediums.  (“New Hagemeyer Studio Will Be Shrine of Art,” Carmel Pine Cone, October 27, 1923, p. 1 and “Johan Hagemeyer Opens Fotocraft Studio,” Carmel Pine Cone, February 16, 1924, p. 2).

Johan Hagemeyer Studio, northwest corner of Ocean and Mountain View Avenues, Carmel, J. Francis Ward, architect, 1923-4. Photo courtesy OAC and U.C. Berkeley Bancroft Library, Johan Hagemeyer Photo Collection.

 

In early 1924 Hagemeyer moved into his new studio which also doubled as Carmel’s first art gallery. His inaugural exhibition was of the work of George Wilstack, a visiting artist from Lafayette, Indiana, held from March 9th through the 18th. (“First Exhibit in Hagemeyer Studio,” Carmel Pine Cone, March 1, 1924, p. 8). The next show was for Miss Nellie Augusta Knopf , on sabbatical from her duties as director of art at the Illinois Women’s College. The reviewer opens his piece with a description of “Johan Hagemeyer’s quaint but lofty gallery”and ended with, “There lies upon a bench in a quiet corner of the studio a modest portfolio. It contains the choice and unique products of our host of the gallery, one of California’s master photographers.” (“Prominent Artist to Exhibit Here,” Carmel Pine Cone, March 29, 1924, p. 1). During May Johan displayed the photography of Louis A. Goetz whose work was also shown alongside Weston’s at the PPIE in San Francisco in 1915. (“Pictorial Photography at Hagemeyer Studio,” Carmel Pine Cone, May 24, 1924, p. 9).


Hagemeyer hung an exhibition of prints by “modern masters” such as Cezanne, Gaugin, Leger, Rousseau and others in June. (“Modern Painters and Their Work,” Carmel Pine Cone, June 21, 1924, p. 7). July found Johan at a party in honor of noted Carmel composer and later Pauline Schindler and Weston intimate Henry Cowell at the residence of Dene Denny and Hazel Watrous with the Carol Aronovici family, Hedwiga Reicher and others also in attendance. (See my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage” for more on Cowell, Weston and the Schindlers).


Schindler’s “ultra-modern” architecture adorned the gallery walls in August around the time Hagemeyer also exhibited the work of Weston mutual photographer friend from San Francisco, Anne Brigman. (See below). Brigman stayed with the Aronovici’s while her work was displayed by Johan. (“Pine Needles,” Carmel Pine Cone, August 16, 1924, p. 8). 

 

 “Anne of the Crooked Halo,” June 1920, photographer unknown. From left: Roi Partridge, Imogen Cunningham, Anne Brigman (standing), Johan Hagemeyer, Edward Weston, unknown man, (front) Roger Sturtevant and Dorothea Lange. Woman behind them unknown. From A Poetic Vision: The Photographs of Anne Brigman by Susan Ehrens, Santa Barbara Museum of Art, 1995, p. 83.

 

This history-packed 1920 image was taken on the occasion of Edward Weston’s visit to San Francisco to see off Hagemeyer who would soon leave for an extended trip to Europe to avoid being arrested for his outspoken radical views. (Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles, by Beth Gates Warren, Getty Publications, 2011, p. 187). The image’s centerpiece, Anne Brigman was “looked up to” by her peers as being the only photographer on the West Coast accepted into Alfred Stieglitz‘s Photo-Secession Movement and featured in his influential Camera Work magazine. Roi Partridge was a noted etcher and wife Imogen Cunningham an emerging photographer of note who would later be part of Group f/64 with Weston, Ansel AdamsWillard Van DykeSonya Noskowiak, et al. Dorothea Lange, whose portrait of Pauline Schindler appears at the beginning of this piece, would also gain fame as a chronicler of the Great Depression. Pauline would often feature the work of Weston, Hagemeyer, and Sturtevant on the cover of The Carmelite and reviewed exhibitions of their work along with that of Cunningham and Partridge during her 1928-29 reign as publisher and editor-in-chief. 

It is apparent that Schindler admired Johan’s work and was given a tour of the local landmarks evidenced by the two below photographs taken from the exact same spot a few blocks east of the Seymour and Dickinson properties on Carmel Point. Hagemeyer’s 1923 image below juxtaposed the foreground fence along Rio Road with the architectural elements and the cross of the Carmel Mission. Taken a year later with a much wider angle lens, Schindler’s photo evokes in me a somewhat more ethereal feeling.


Mission San Carlos Borremeo de Carmelo, 1924. Photograph by Johan Hagemeyer photograph. Center for Creative Photography. Copyright Johan Hagemeyer Estate.

 

Mission San Carlos Borremeo de Carmelo, August 1924. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

From Carmel-By-The-Sea by Monica Hudson, Arcadia, 2006, p. 85. Note the multi-talented Kings Road salon attendee, actor and noted city planner Carol Aronovici on the left who, while wearing his City Planner hat, collaborated with Schindler and Richard Neutra on the 1928 Richmond, California Civic Center project and other projects under their Architectural Group for Commerce and Industry (AGICpartnership.

 

The Schindler’s also possibly used the trip to reconnect with Browne whom Pauline had idolized at his Chicago Little Theatre Chicago. (See much more on Browne’s West Coast activities at my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“). They also likely reconnected with yet another friend and future partner for a brief time (with Richard Neutra) whom Schindler met in Hollywood in 1922, noted city planner Carol Aronovici (see above left), was teaching a University of California Extension summer class in conjunction with Kuster’s Theatre of the Golden Bough and acting in plays under Browne’s direction. 
Charles Sumner Greene Studio, Lincoln St. near 13th St., Carmel, Charles Sumner Greene, architect, 1923-4. Photo by John Crosse, 2012.

 

It is also likely that the Schindlers were introduced to architect Charles Sumner Greene and given a tour of his recently completed studio (see above) and his masterpiece, the James Residence in Carmel Highlands completed two years earlier. (See below). It is not known whether the Schindlers met the Jeffers on this trip but they certainly viewed has Tor House handiwork near the Greene Studio and Dickinson House on Carmel Point.

 

D. L. James Residence, “Seaward,” Carmel Highlands, 1918-1922. Charles Sumner Greene, architect. Photo by E. O. Hoppe from Amazon.

 

Court of the Golden Bough showing shops in front and entrance to the theatre in the rear, ca. 1924. Photo by L. Josselyn. From Carmel at Work and Play by Daisy F. Bostwick and Dorothea Castlehun, Seven Arts Press, Carmel, 1925, p. 86.

 

The year 1924 was pivotal in the development of Carmel’s “old world” charm, the highlight being the completion of Edward Kuster’s commercial shops in his Court of the Golden Bough (see above) and his Theatre of the Golden BoughTilly Polak moved her antique and gift shop into Kuster’s Court in May, just before the theater’s summer season began. (“Old Shop Opens in New Location,” Carmel Pine Cone, May 17, 1924, p. 3). After the San Francisco and local press chronicled it’s  progress for months, the theater opened to much fanfare on June 6th with a gala opening performance of Maurice Browne’s “The Mother of Gregory” starring his wife Ellen Van Volkenburg. (Bostic, Daisy, “Carmel Boasts of America’s Best Equipped Studio Theater,” San Francisco Bulletin, March 29, 1924 and “Opening of Theatre of the Golden Bough,” Carmel Pine Cone, June 7, 1924, p. 1).

 

After the opening night gala, Polak co-hosted a party at the Mission Tea House with Mr. and Mrs. Martin FlavinHerbert Heron, Dr. and Mrs. (poet and artist Jeanne d’Orge) A. E. Burton and others for Ruth and Edward Kuster, the cast of the play and the faculty of the summer school including future Schindler and Neutra partner Carol AronoviciHedwiga Reicher, Betty Merle Horst of the Denishawn Dance Company and others. (“After the Show,” Carmel Pine Cone, June 14, 1924, p. 5). 

 

Throughout the summer the local press included features centered upon Edward Kuster and the activities surrounding the Golden Bough including articles on Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg and their on-going productions and 10-week summer drama school, Hedwiga Reicher and her poetry reading drama events, Carol Aronovici and other prominent University of California Extension summer faculty and their classes. Aronovici, for example, gave courses in “Immigration and Americanization,” Aspects of Social Progress,” “Immigrant Backgrounds,” and “The American City.” (“Golden Bough U. C. Extension Course,” Carmel Pine Cone,” April 14, 1924, p. 1).

 

It was around this same time Johan’s brother Hendrik and his wife Dora and their two sons moved to Carmel where Hendrik was hired as a salesman by fellow Dutchman Polak. Dora (see below) was educated as a librarian in her native New Zealand. She opened the Woodside Library which helped serve the community until Bernard Maybeck‘s Harrison Memorial Library was completed in 1927. Hendrik would meet a tragic fate just two years later as he was killed in an auto accident while accompanying Tilly Polak on a San Francisco business trip. Polak failed to negotiate a turn on wet pavement as they approached the San Juan Grade and the car overturned smashing vertabrae in Hendrik’s neck and severing his spinal chord. The ever-after guilt-ridden Polak was uninjured. (“Last Sad Rites for Hagemeyer,” Carmel Pine Cone, December 10, 1926, p. 1).

 

Dora Hagemeyer, n.d. Photographer unknown (Johan Hagemeyer?). Courtesy Harrison Memorial Library Local History Room, Carmel. 

 

Even though the Schindler’s 1924 Carmel trip never resulted in an architectural commission, it planted a seed in Pauline’s mind for her to return to seek a new life after leaving her husband in 1927. During her publishing and editorship tenure of the town’s liberal alternative newspaper The Carmelite 1928-9 she enlisted the help of Edward Weston, Dora Hagemeyer, Carol Aronovici, Edith Dickinson, Lincoln Steffens and his wife Ella Winter and others to put out the highly regarded modernist paper. (See below masthead for example). (See also my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism” for much more on late 1920s Carmel and my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence” for much more on early 1930s Carmel).

 

The Carmelite editorial masthead, March 20, 1929, p. 8.

 

Hagemeyer’s studio quickly became a bohemian hangout evidenced by the two-week visit by mutual friend with the Schindlers and Weston, Sadakichi Hartmann during November. Likely having heard a glowing report from Schindler on the virtues of Carmel upon his return, Hartmann got in touch with Johan and arranged his own lecture tour. The by then renowned sponger Hartmann lectured on “Japanese Art” at  Johan’s studio and the Arts and Crafts Hall and gave talks on the modern forms of poetry and rythms at the homes of Roberta Balfour and Dene Denny and Hazel Watrous. (“Hartmann Will Return,” Carmel Pine Cone, November 22, 1924, p. 4. For much more on Hartmann see my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism“).

 

Weston would first visit Hagemeyer in Carmel in January 1925 between his two Mexican sojourns. This visit undoubtedly attracted Weston’s rental of the studio from Johan between 1929 and 1931. Weston wrote to Tina Modotti in Mexico from Carmel of his reunion with Johan,

“Johan and I! You know what that means to me? – of course you do! In his attic, – the rain falling through the pines outside, conversation intense and vital inside: my craving to show him my work satisfied, his response, arguments on technique, approach, our quarrel on ‘definition’. We leave tomorrow for San Francisco. I am glad, you know how restless I become. Besides I am being pursued by a ‘poetess’ (Jeanne d’Orge?) and feel quite uncomfortable, even embarrassed, the wooing is so open! I’m sure it’s much easier for a woman to say ‘no’ than for a man, one feels like being polite, or accommodating.” (The Daybooks of Edward Weston, Vol. I, January 29, 1925, p. 116).

 

Tilly Polak ad, The Carmelite, September 11, 1929, p. 3.

Weston undoubtedly met Tilly Polak on this visit and helped her arrange with Tina a buying trip to Mexico City which she embarked upon sometime in February or March. Weston in San Francisco related to Johan in Carmel Tina’s comments upon meeting Tilly,

“Tina writes of Tilly “She really has an exquisite soul and very sensitive … have taken a great liking to her – even more than that – I feel a deep kinship with her. … About Charlot – Miss Polak met him – she spent a whole afternoon looking at his work and was overwhelmed by it. She and Charlot were immediately attracted to each other.” (Edward Weston letter to Johan Hagemeyer, March 19, 1925. Courtesy Weston to Hagemeyer Correspondence, Nancy Newhall Papers, Getty Research Institute).

Tina hit it off so well with Tilly in Mexico City that she paid her a special visit in Carmel in early 1926 while on her way back to Mexico from San Francisco where she had been visiting her seriously ill mother. (Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, HarperCollins, 1995, p. 126). 


Johan Hagemeyer Studio ad, Carmel City Directory, 1925. Courtesy Harrison Memorial Library Local History Room, Carmel. 

 

 

Kees Van Neil, 1933. Photo by Edward Weston. © 1981 Center for Creative Photography, Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Numerous Carmel contacts resulted in nibbles for Schindler but none ever panned out. For example Tilly Polak extolled Schindler’s virtues to Dutch compatriot Kees Van Neil (see above), the pioneering marine biologist stationed at Stanford University’s Hopkins Marine Station in Pacific Grove and tried to arrange a meeting of the minds. (See below letter). (For more on Hopkins and fellow Pacific Grove marine biologist Ed Ricketts see my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“).

Tilly Polak, letter to R. M. Schindler, October 2, 1931. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Kees Van Neil, 1945. Photo by Johan Hagemeyer. From Calisphere, University of California.

 

Mission San Carlos Borremeo de Carmelo, 1924. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Epilogue:

 

Edith Dickinson was an early Carmelite staff member under Pauline, as was Dora Hagemeyer, and Henry was one of the founding board members, with Dene Denny and Hazel Watrous, of the Carmel Music Society, and Carmel Art Association which Henry briefly headed. The Dickinsons also befriended Carmel “royalty” such as John and Molly O’Shea, the D. L. Jameses, Robinson and Una Jeffers and Lincoln Steffens and his wife Ella Winter. (See my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence” for much more on this). Seymour finished his summer cottage and exhibited and lectured on his etchings at the Denny-Watrous Gallery during the early 1930s.


After Pauline left Carmel in 1930, she and her husband would separately return periodically and stay either at the Dickinsons, the Seymours or with Weston. Pauline continued to contribute to The Carmelite for a few years and Rudolph would lecture on and exhibit his work in both Carmel and San Francisco. RMS’s trips usually resulted in sexual liaisons facilitated by Weston and his renowned parties. (See my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage” for example).

 

Tilly Polak, ca. 1943. From Otto, Janie, “Tilly Polak Plans a Quiet Country Life in Her Carmel Valley Place,” Carmel Pine Cone, n.d., ca. 1943. Courtesy Harrison Memorial Library Local History Room, Carmel. 

 

Tilly Polak (see above) would go on to become one of the more prominent residents of Carmel’s cultural and social circles. Her business and social activities were regularly featured in the local press. Polak was the employer of Johan Hagemeyer’s former assistant Sonya Noskowiak when Weston moved to Carmel in January 1929. Sonya and Edward soon met and the rest is history. (See DaybooksII, September 14, 1929, p. 132).

After the tragic death of her husband Hendrik, Dora Hagemeyer would in 1931 marry Harvey Bostwick Hurd Comstock, brother of the noted designer of Carmel’s quaint “Hansel and Gretel” style houses Hugh Comstock and Carmel artist Catherine Comstock Seideneck. Dora Hagemeyer was also a writer and regular conrtibutor to the Carmel Pine Cone, the Carmel Cymbal and the Carmelite and authored over a dozen volumes of poetry.


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The Schindlers and Westons and the Walt Whitman School and Connections to Sarah Bixby and Paul Jordan-Smith

(Click on images to enlarge).

Brochure for The Opening Ceremonies of the Walt Whitman School, February 29, 1920.

 

Architect Rudolph Schindler and his activist wife Pauline met photographer Edward Weston at the progressive Walt Whitman School in the immigrant community of Boyle Heights in East Los Angeles where she taught Weston’s two oldest sons, Chandler and Brett shortly after their 1920 arrival from Chicago. Paul Jordan-Smith, later the literary critic for the Los Angeles Times and then the Whitman School’s educational director, was also the husband of Weston’s cousin, Sarah Bixby Smith. In this article I will attempt to weave a story around these individuals and their interacting modernist and anarchist circles in the context of a rapidly developing and evolving Los Angeles. I will also touch on period progressive and radical themes such as the Modern SchoolSettlement, Anti-War and Labor Movements with which many of the individuals discussed herein were deeply involved.

 

Sarah Bixby Smith, ca. 1919. Edward Weston photograph. Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library Sarah Bixby Smith Collection.

 

The saga of the prominent early California pioneering Bixby family is genealogically intertwined with that of noted photographer Edward Weston’s family as both had  roots in Maine dating back to the 17th century. The families were first connected by marriage when Amasa Bixby wed Fanny Weston, descendant of Revolutionary War casualty Joseph C. Weston on December 22, 1819. Joseph died from exposure on Benedict Arnold’s arduous expedition to Quebec. Sarah Bixby Smith (see above) reminisced about her ancestry in great detail  in her well-received, and still in print, Adobe Days first published in 1925. Also a direct descendant of Joseph C. Weston, Edward Weston connected with cousin Sarah Bixby Smith and her second husband Paul Jordan-Smith (see below) not too long after their 1916 move from Berkeley back to Sarah’s Southern California Claremont home discussed later below. (For much more on the Smith’s earlier life I recommend Paul Jordan-Smith’s autobiography The Road I Came, Caxton Printers, Caldwell, Idaho, 1960 and for Weston’s beginnings I recommend Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles by Beth Gates Warren, J. Paul Getty Museum, 2011). 


 Paul Jordan-Smith, 1922, Edward Weston photograph. From MutualArt.comCollection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Punahou Preparatory School, Honolulu, 1909 postcard from Wikipedia.

 

Pauahi Hall, Oahu College, 1896, Charles William Dickey, architect. Frontispiece from Oahu College Catalogue, 1898-99

 

From one of the wealthiest land-owning families of Southern California, Sarah Hathaway Bixby graduated from Wellesley College in 1894, the same year her first husband Arthur Maxson Smith graduated from the inaugural class of Pomona College. The two were married in 1896 and after Sarah financed Arthur’s graduate divinity school studies at the University of Chicago and Harvard they spent 1900-1902 in Hawaii after Unitarian minister Arthur was appointed to head Honolulu’s Oahu College and Punahou School. Arthur most likely obtained the appointment to the Oahu College presidency through Hathaway-Bixby family genealogical connections to the Hawaiian Missionary Dole family dating back to 1840′s Maine. (Thanks go to Stephen Dudley, grandson of Sarah Bixby Smith’ss brother Llewellyn Bixby for bringing this to my attention).

 

 

Scandalous liaisons with Oahu College coeds prompted a hasty return to Claremont and Pomona College where Arthur served on the faculty from 1904 through 1909. (Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s by Kevin Starr, Oxford University Press, 1990 , p. 316). Sarah’s father’s first cousin Nathan Weston Blanchard and her cousin George Bixby were both serving as trustees of the college upon her and Arthur’s return to Claremont and Sarah’s brother Llewellyn would also become a trustee in 1909. Shortly after their return Arthur and Sarah commissioned noted architect Arthur B. Benton to design and construct a fourteen room stone mansion in Claremont directly across the street from the fledgling Pomona College campus which was described in the student newsletter, “…on the north wash there promises to be a ‘pretentious’ building belonging to Professor A. M. Smith.”(See below). (Student Life, Pomona College, October 12, 1906).

 

Arthur Maxson Smith, Sarah Bixby Smith and children Bradford, Roger, Llewellyn and Arthur at their recently completed residence in Claremont ca. 1907. (See below). Courtesy Stephen Dudley, grandson of Sarah’s brother Llewellyn Bixby.

 


Bixby Smith Residence, backyard, rear and side elevations. Eighth St. and Claremont Ave., Claremont, ca. 1910, (destroyed ca. 1970). Arthur B. Benton, architect, 1906. Courtesy Stephen Dudley, grandson of Sarah’s brother Llewellyn Bixby.

 


Bixby Smith Residence “Erewhon,” Claremont, front elevation. Eighth St. and Claremont Ave., Claremont, n.d.. Arthur B. Benton, architect, 1906. From Claremont Colleges Digital Library, Wheeler Scrapbook Collection, p. 214.

 

Upon her 1909 discovery of Reverend Smith’s next affair with the children’s au pair, Sarah “maneuvered” him north into a position heading the First Unitarian Church in Berkeley. (Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s by Kevin Starr, Oxford University Press, 1990 , p. 316). Unbeknownst to Sarah at the time, Arthur was also having an affair with a young Pomona coed named Alice Giffen who was boarding in the Smith’s home during 1908-9. (“Says Minister Led Dual Life,” Los Angeles Times, January 22, 1915, p. II-9). The unrepentant Arthur moved Giffen to Berkeley where he continued what would become a six-year double life with the much younger lady “parishioner” who accompanied him as he traveled around the country lecturing and squandering Sarah’s family fortune. Arthur’s philanderous activities were finally uncovered in early 1915 by a private detective hired by Sarah and again provided scandalous fodder for the press in both San Francisco and Los Angeles. (“Pastor Cought by Cameraman,” Los Angeles Times, January 23, 1915, p. II-5 and “Minister’s Wife Get’s Final Decree,” Los Angeles Times, March 28, 1916, p. I-4).

Deeply interested in the church (see below) and its new lecturer, Sarah became involved with the coincidentally surnamed Paul Jordan Smith, the former substitute, and now permanent, minister in her estranged husband’s church and an up-and-coming Berkeley faculty member. Feminist Sarah collaborated with, and provided the inspiration for the feminist manifesto, The Soul of Woman, An Interpretation of the Philosophy of Feminism published in 1916 under Paul’s byline by the Paul Elder Company of San Francisco. (“His Place is Doubly Taken,” Los Angeles Times, March 31, 1916, p. II-8). (Author’s note: In The Soul of Woman Jordan-Smith heavily cited the writings of Walt Whitman who also provided much inspiration to the Modern School Movement discussed later below).

First Unitarian Church, 2401 Bancroft Way, Berkeley, ca. 1915. A. C. Schweinfurth, Architect. From Bancroft Library.

 

Their scandalous relationship, complicated by the existence of yet another Reverend Paul Smith in the pulpit of the First Methodist Church in San Francisco, whose views on feminism were diametrically opposed to Jordan Smith’s, confused the press as the scandalous love quadrangle played out in the headlines of the San Francisco and Los Angeles newspapers. The mess prompted Jordan-Smith to hyphenate his name in a futile attempt at obfuscating the transgression of his affair with the unyet divorced Sarah. Thus Jordan-Smith’s ardently hoped for academic career was nipped in the bud as the Berkeley English Department faculty voted not to renew his fellowship. (Starr, p. 316 and Warren, p. 115). 

As with Edward Weston and Pauline and Rudolph Schindler, Jordan-Smith’s formative beginnings had strong Chicago connections. Jordan-Smith graduated from Ryder Divinity School in Galesburg, Illinois and after a brief, scandalous ministerial stint at a church in Missouri landed a similar appointment in Chicago around 1910 where he also found time to actively lecture on religious topics throughout the Midwest and run the Humanist Lyceum Bureau. (See below brochure).


“Paul Jordan Smith, Lecturer” brochure, ca. 1913. Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library Sarah Bixby Smith Collection.

 

Jordan-Smith also enrolled in graduate classes at the University of Chicago and befriended the likes of Clarence Darrow, Maurice Browne, Floyd Dell, John Cowper Powys, Emma Goldman, Parker H. SercombeMargaret Anderson and bookseller George Millard and found his passion for book-collecting and a life of letters. Jordan-Smith was exposed to the beginnings of the Chicago Literary Renaissance and Chicago-style anarchism and labor unrest which he did not always share sympathies with. Like Rudolph Schindler after his 1914 arrival, Jordan-Smith also found great solace within the walls of the Art Institute of Chicago (see below), but took exception to the traveling Armory Show exhibition in 1913 which was the beginning of his break with the left wingers in art. (The Road I Came, p. 220). 

Art Institute of Chicago, Shepley, Rutan & Coolidge, Architects, 1893. Edward Weston photograph, 1906. From Edward Weston in Los Angeles edited by Susan Danly and Weston J. Naef, Huntington Library and J. Paul Getty Museum, 1986, p. 11.

 

 Art Institute of Chicago on the right, Shepley, Rutan & Coolidge, Architects, 1893. R. M. Schindler photograph, ca. 1916. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

 

In late 1913 while going through his divorce from Ethel Sloan Park, another scandalous, heavily publicized affair, Paul decided it was time to move on. (“Minister’s Wife Gets Decree on Cruelty Plea,” Chicago Examiner, November, 18, 1913, p. 3). It was through his University of Chicago faculty connections that he found a position at Berkeley and was provided a letter of introduction to Sarah. (The Road I Came, p. 235). After Paul’s hopes for an academic career at Berkeley were dashed, the couple felt compelled to retreat with Sarah’s children to her home in Claremont which in the meantime had been converted to a school for boys. (See ad below).This brings us full-circle back to Southern California in 1916 where the scandal-plagued Jordan-Smith and Sarah were married as soon as her divorce from Arthur was final. (“Divorced Wife of Pastor Weds Successor in Pulpit,” Los Angeles Times, May 31, 1916, p. II-8).


Ad for Claremont School for Boys with likeness of the Bixby-Smith Residence, Los Angeles Times, July 25, 1915.

 

While in Berkeley Sarah and Arthur leased their substantial 14-room stone mansion and its 20-acre spread to Dr. W. E. Garrison where he opened his Claremont School for Boys in 1913.  Garrison made good marketing use of the house’s imposing swimming pool as an educational tool in the evolution of a boy’s development into young manhood. (See article below for example and later Weston pool images below). 

 

 

“New School at Claremont,” Los Angeles Times, August 10, 1913, p. I-11.

(Wilbur and Ralph Jordan-Smith, Claremont), 1919. Edward Weston photo. I am grateful to Jonathan Guyot Smith, son of Ralph and grandson of Paul Jordan-Smith for corroboration of identification of the boys. See also discussion at Oakland Museum of California.

 

 

Ad for Claremont School for Boys, Los Angeles Times, December 21, 1913, p. V-14.

The school remained until the lease expired in February 1917 when Sarah and Paul began restoring the structure to residential use.

“Sarah and I expected to restore the Claremont house which had been so long rented to Dr. Garrison’s Claremont School for Boys that it bore within and without scars of juvenile exuberance, as well as the damaging marks of a flood the winter before. The fourteen-room stone house (see below) seemed a bit too grand for us under the circumstances, and I believed that if the grounds were attractively landscaped, the house redecorated, and its twenty acres planted, it could be sold to some wealthy Easterner. To that end I set to work on the grounds, with some neighbors to assist me, while painters and floor scrapers and furnace men toiled within. I laid out the roads and bordered them myself with heavy granite stones, assisted with the planting, and thus kept my mind off of the recent disappointments.” (The Road I Came, p. 314).

 

Bixby Smith Residence “Erewhon,” Claremont, ca. 1920. From Claremont Colleges Digital Library, Wheeler Scrapbook Collection, p. 212.

 

When done with the restoration the following year Sarah and Paul christened the house “Erewhon” at a gathering of friends. Paul wrote of the occasion,

Edward Weston, noted photographer, sent along for that occasion a small bottle of absinthe when he heard that the name we had chosen was Erewhon, and on that little bottle he had affixed a label with a quotation from The Way of All Flesh and these were the words: “Filter it sir, it’ll come quite clean.” The allusion was to the baptism of Grandfather Pontifex’s grandson, Ernest. Grandpa had visited the Holy Land and he had brought back from there a bottle of the sacred water from the River Jordan in the hope that he would have a grandson to be consecrated in baptism with this water. But the day after Ernest was born, when Grandpa and his butler went down mto the cellar to find and fetch the magic water, Grandpa dropped the bottle which was smashed on the stone floor, and while he raved, the more practical butler calmly advised filtering the water in words that I have quoted. And since 1918 was the year of prohibition and absinthe was very rare and even forbidden in this country, Weston advised us to filter the liquor after we smashed the bottle in the christening ceremony. We broke the bottle and words were said about Samuel Butler and Erewhon but we did not try to filter the liquor.” (The Road I Came, pp. 193-4).

Thanks to Sarah’s family wealth, Jordan-Smith was able to assume the life of a country squire and avidly pursue his book-collecting passion. Distance from Berkeley, the passage of some time and possibly with an assist from Sarah’s connections, Paul was soon lecturing at local women’s clubs such as The Friday Morning Club, which Sarah would later head, and teaching courses on the English and American novel at the recently opened southern branch of the University of California Extension program in Los Angeles. Coincidentally, Paul’s first controversial lecture at the Friday Morning Club (see below), entitled “The Message of the Radical Woman” took place on March 31, 1916, just three days after the finalization of Sarah’s divorce was announced in the Los Angeles Times and the day after the couple’s wedding. (“Minister’s Wife Get’s Final Decree,” Los Angeles Times, March 28, 1916, p. I-4 and “Romance of a Pastor; The Rev. Arthur Maxson Smith Weds Miss Giffen at Santa Ana,” Los Angeles Times, June 5, 1916, p. I-3).

Friday Morning Club, 940 S. Figueroa St., ca. 1900. Photographer unknown. Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

 

Paul and Sarah’s marriage before the ink was dry on the final decree was facetiously announced in a lengthy review of his extraordinarily well-attended lecture. “Mrs. Seward Simons mentioned in introducing [Jordan-Smith] that, as a bridegroom of about five minutes standing, Mrs. Smith was thoroughly prepared to be shocked.” (“Women’s Work, Women’s Clubs; Friday Morning Club,” Los Angeles Times, April 1, 1916, p. II-3). Making a rather big initial splash on the Los Angeles lecture circuit, Paul addressed the Ebell Club (see below) two days later on the topic, “The Spirit of Russia” as interpreted by Russian literature. (Johnston, Dorothy B., “Women’s Work, Women’s Clubs,” Los Angeles Times, April 2, 1916, p. II-10).

Ebell Club of Los Angeles, Seventh and  Figueroa St., ca. 1910. C. C. Pierce photograph. USC Digital Library.

 

Among those attending Jordan-Smith’s lectures at UC Extension were Mrs. Clara A. Packard, Mrs. Walter H. Fisher, and Kate Crane Gartz, all local philanthropists and peace activists who were members of the recently formed “People’s Council of America for Peace and Democracy,” an organization violently opposed  to America’s involvement in the war. (The Road I came, p. 315). Packard was the wife of prominent Midwestern attorney Samuel W. Packard and, before migrating to Los Angeles, resided in Oak Park with their five children including John C. Packard, a future client of architect Rudolph Schindler. She was also president of Oak Park’s Nineteenth Century Club, one of the founding members of which was Frank Lloyd Wright’s mother Anna, and served as it’s president in 1907-9 and was later chairwoman of the Settlement Committee of Pasadena Associated Charities.


Hull-House Year Book, 1916. Page 8 lists Pauline Gibling as teacher of elementary English and Music Appreciation and lifelong friend and later Kings Road tenant Edith Gutterson as teacher of elementary English and p. 5 lists both as residents. See also Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism (PGS) for more details.

 

Like Pauline Schindler, plumbing heiress Kate Crane Gartz, was formerly a volunteer at Jane Addams‘ Hull-House, a settlement house on Halstead St. in Chicago for which she and her family, especially her industrialist father Richard T. Crane, provided much financial support. The Crane family was prominent in Chicago educational circles with Richard being president of the Board of Education and his son Charles providing much financial support for the University of Chicago and educational reformer John Dewey. Kate’s brother Charles R. Crane, later an ambassador to China under Woodrow Wilson, donated his mansion on Michigan Ave. for use as the Chicago School for Civics and Philanthropy where Pauline Schindler enrolled for graduate classes in social work during the fall and winter terms in 1915-16 while living and teaching English and music at Hull-House. (Sophie Pauline Gibling Transcript, Student Files, Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy Records, Box 6, Folder 4, Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago Library). A later patron of the Walt Whitman School, Gartz was also a lifelong member of the Friday Morning Club and one of the founders of the the Pasadena Playhouse, Pasadena Civic League, and the Los Angeles Chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union.

 

Clara Packard was impressed enough by Jordan-Smith’s speaking ability that shortly after the U.S. entered the war, she, along with ex-California Senator John Downey Works, and possibly Gartz, asked him to organize and lead the Southern California Chapter of the People’s Council and offered him offices in the Douglas Building (see below) at Third and Spring Streets in downtown Los Angeles. (The Road I Came, p. 316 and Warren, p. 116).


Douglas Building, 257 S. Spring St., ca. 1910-15. Architects James and Merritt Reid.  Photographer unknown. Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.  

 

Sarah’s and Edward’s cousin Fanny Weston Bixby (later Spencer), another soon-to-be benefactress of the Walt Whitman School, was also extremely vocal in opposition to the war and likely had a hand in encouraging Jordan-Smith to accept the People’s Council position. Fanny had previously worked at Denison House, a Hull House-like settlement house in Boston, after leaving Wellesley where she studied sociology under Denison’s founder, Nobel Prize Winner Emily Greene Balch. She was also prominent in Los Angeles settlement work, mainly among the Russian immigrants settling in Boyle Heights, soon-to-be-site of the Walt Whitman School. (Author’s note: Pauline Gibling Schindler possibly spent some time at Denison, or was at least aware of it’s work, while a student at Smith College in Northampton, Mass. During her time at Smith her soon-to-be mentor, Jane Addams and Emily Greene Balch founded the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom for which both, on separate occasions, were to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Pauline’s mother Sophie became the Treasurer of the League in 1919.)

Fanny maintained a lifelong opposition to any aspect of militarism evidenced by her threat to sue over the City of Long Beach granting a permit for a ROTC training camp in a city park for which the Bixby family’s Alamitos Land Company had donated the land. She also filed a protest with the State Superintendent of Schools against the practice of saluting the flag on the grounds that “it was an act of applied war” and on religious grounds “as a form of idol worship.” (“Long Beach Army Camp Causes Row,” Los Angeles Times, November 14, 1925, p. I-6, and “Protesting Salute of Flag in Schools,” Los Angeles Times, March 14, 1924, p. 11). She later wrote and produced an anti-war play, “The Jazz of Patriotism,” which opened at the Egan Theatre in October 1928. (“Anti-War Play Presented at Egan Theater,” Los Angeles Times, October 17, 1928, p. I-11). After her death of cancer in 1930, Fanny left in her will money for a library in Newport Beach and a park in Costa Mesa with the proviso that they “must never be used for meetings of boy scouts, veteran’s orginazations of any description in or for any purpose favoring the military.” (“Cities Profit by Will,” Los Angeles Times, April 9, 19208, p. I-8). 

Bored with the renovation and landscaping of the family’s Claremont residence and feeling that “nothing seemed so important as keeping America free of foreign entanglements,” Paul agreed to represent the People’s Council in Southern California, hired an assistant, Berta Marie Gage, who would marry his future collaborator Floyd Dell in 1919, and began speaking from Santa Barbara to San Diego. The movement grew rapidly until government forces started to clamp down under the umbrella of the recently passed Espionage Act. It soon became impossible to rent halls for organization meetings and by the time of the National Convention in Minneapolis in early September, Federal troops were mobilized and Marshall Law reigned. (For more on Floyd Delland Jordan-Smith see my Edward Weston, R. M. Schindler, Anushka Zacsek and Their Los Angeles Dramatic Circles, 1915-1928).

The People’s Council anti-war movement quickly fizzled out as its leaders came under attack which generated much work for Clara Packard’s activist attorney son John, who, along with his mother, Kate Crane Gartz and many others, would later become involved with the founding of a Southern California branch of the American Civil Liberties Union in the aftermath of the Red Scare-induced Palmer Raids. He would also defend Upton Sinclair against charges stemming from the 1923 I.W.W. longshoremen’s strike in San Pedro.  To get Justice Department agents off his back Jordan-Smith promised them that the movement was dead, that he would make no more speeches, and that he had no German affiliations or friends. (The Road I Came, pp. 315-322). Fanny Weston Bixby and Kate Crane Gartz used family connections their wealth availed to avoid legal trouble with the authorities.

John Cowper Powys, 1918. Edward Weston photograph. Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library.

 

It is unclear whether Jordan-Smith reconnected with fellow literary lecturer John Cowper Powys (see above), during his first Southern California lecture tour in the spring of 1917. Paul wrote about finding Powys at the Alexandria Hotel in 1918 (The Road I Came, p. 329) and persuading him to stay at Erewhon but period correspondence indicates that the 1918 stay at Claremont was preplanned thus it may have been 1917 when they first reconnected. (Letter from Powys to Sarah Bixby Smith, April 12, 1918, Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library, Sarah Bixby Smith Archive). At the time Jordan-Smith was deeply involved in the restoration of the Sarah’s Claremont home after the February departure of Garrison’s boy’sschool.Powys and Jordan-Smith first met in Chicago in 1912 when Paul helped arrange Powy’s University of Chicago lecture series. He also accompanied Powys to his numerous other lectures around town. Powys introduced countryman Maurice Browne to Jordan-Smith upon his arrival from England where he began the Chicago Little Theatre with Ellen Van Volkenburg in 1912. (The Road I Came, p. ). (For much more on Maurice Browne and his relationship to the Schindler’s see my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“). Browne booked Powys for a series of lectures at the Little Theatre each time he passed through Chicago on his frequent national lecture tours and he also lectured at Hull-House on numerous occasions and likely during Pauline Schindler’s 1915-17 residency. (For much more on the relationship between Pauline and Maurice Browne see my Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage).
Powys fondly reminisced of Browne in his autobiography,

I spent long enough in Chicago to become the only privileged outsider in this remarkable Little Theatre group. Maurice Browne became my intimate friend, and my impressario (sic) too, for he used to trick out his Little Theatre in the Fine Art(s) Building with consummate skill for my orations and according to my subject, and as he himself chose these subjects, they were sufficiently startling; and here, for the one and only time in my life, I was destined to play the Intellectual Pierrot against an appropriate Yellow-Book background. … How well I can now see Maurice’s expressive physiognomy quivering with vibrant reciprocity as it responded to my sallies, until, like a holy stag in a mediaeval tapestry when the wind shakes the arras, he would toss his Mephistophelean baton into the air and dissolve the enchantment he had called up.

And Maurice Browne remembered:

“Our three intimates, Mary Wood, (Arthur Davison) Ficke and Powys, had been given the freedom of the theatre; in Chicago it was the two men’s home….Whatever brought Powys to Chicago brought Ficke. To us three men, lifelong, the gods gave rock-like friendship. Powys was my antithesis: a corrective and a challenge; no man whom I have known has influenced me more deeply, and always towards kindness, humility, consideration for others. Ficke was my twin; we wandered at will through each other’s thoughts without need of speech, protesting irritably when we recognised ourselves in the other’s mirror. (Too Late to Lament: An Autobiography, by Maurice Browne, Indiana University Press, 1956,p. 150. For more on Browne and Arthur Davison Ficke see my Schindlers-Westons-Kasevaroff-Cage).

Sarah and Paul became much better acquainted with Powys during his later visits to the West Coast. In any event, in the spring of 1917 Powys spoke at the Friday Morning Club, where Jordan-Smith’s wife Sarah and Kate Crane Gartz were prominent members, and numerous other venues, headlined by three “performances” at the 2300-seat Trinity Auditorium booked by impresario L. E. Behymer. (See ad below).

John Cowper Powys lecture ad, Los Angeles Times, April 26, 1917.
Trinity Auditorium, 855 S. Grand Ave. ca. 1920. Thornton Fitzhugh, Frank G. Krucker and Harry C. Deckbar, architects, 1914. USC Digital Library.

 

Like Jordan-Smith, Powys enjoyed shocking his audiences and admonished The Friday Morning Club ladies on the perils of contemporary fiction with, “Yes, I find you women, especially you club women guilty; guilty of fostering that perfervid and rabid orgy of sex psychology, sociology, hygiene, morbid neurotics that characterizes the work of those dreadful best sellers.” He continued by describing their authors as “…plebian rats of literature, that exhibited the traits of a gutter child, the petty antagonisms, the paltry vindictiveness, the fawning on the public, the cadging of publishers, the greed, the vulgarity of their board school educations, so vulgar that they could not respect their own art.” (Whitaker, Alma, “Women’s Work; Women’s Clubs,” Los Angeles Times, April 28, 1917, p. II-2).

 

During Powy’s return visit the following year, Jordan-Smith and Sarah proudly invited him to stay for a few weeks in the recently restored and Weston absinthe-christened “Erewhon” where he was still recovering from his “People’s Council” ordeal. Powys referenced Paul’s considerable recent “troubles” while making arrangements to stay in Claremont. “I do pray you have not been harassed by any evil reverberations from public events. Good luck to the both of you.” (John Cowper Powys, letter to Paul Jordan-Smith, January 14, 1918. Paul Jordan-Smith Papers, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA).

 

In his autobiography Jordan-Smith reminisced about showing Powys the sights such as Laguna Beach, San Juan Capistrano and, at Powys special request, Palm Springs, where they hooked up with fellow Cambridge man and soon-to-be lover of Beatrice WoodReginald Pole, with whom Powys had been corresponding. He wrote to Sarah, “I have had a nice letter from Mrs. Reginald Pole [Helen Taggart, later wife of Lloyd Wright who designed a house (see below) for her mother Martha in 1922] asking me to pay them a visit at a cottage they have got at Palm Springs. Reginald seems just now to be alternating between that & Pomona where he has some producing work.” (Letter from Powys to Sarah Bixby Smith, April 12, 1918, Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library, Sarah Bixby Smith Archive). (Author’s notes: Pole and Jordan-Smith became fast friends evidenced by Jordan-Smith appearing as Iago in a Pole production of “Othello” the following year alongside Florence Deshon and Frayne Williams. R. M. Schindler would in 1928 design stage sets for a Pole-Powys adaptation of Ibsen’s “The Idiot” starring Pole and his then wife Frances, Beatrice Wood, Boris Karloff and mutual lover with Weston and future client and divorce attorney, Anna Zacsek. For much more on this see my “Edward Weston, R. M. Schindler, Anna Zacsek, Lloyd Wright and Reginald Pole and Their Dramatic Circles).

 

 


Reginald Pole and son Rupert, later lover of Anais Nin, at the Martha Taggart House, ca. 1923. Lloyd Wright, architect, 1922. From The Anais Nin Blog.

Paul Jordan-Smith, 1918. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

It was during Powys’ 1918 visit that Weston was invited to Claremont to do portraits of both him and Jordan-Smith (see above) and was the beginning of another lifelong friendship with his cousin Sarah and Paul. It was also around this time that novice photographer Johan Hagemeyer met Mather and Weston at his Tropico studio and soon moved in for a brief period of apprenticeship. Sharing the anarchist views of Mather and anti-war views of Jordan-Smith, Hagemeyer’s outspokenness on these topics soon gave pause to Weston who asked him to move out, fearing for his family’s safety because of the earlier-mentioned Federal government Red Scare radical roundup activities. (“Johan Hagemeyer, Photographer,” interview by Corinne L. Gilb, transcript May and July 1955. Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, pp. 28-9).

 

Desiring to remain a friend and mentor to Johan, Weston wrote a friendly letter explaining Flora’s new role as the studio receptionist which would allow them “… all the more time to study and think.” Having recently heard John Cowper Powys speak at the Trinity Auditorium on the menace of German “Kultur” in  his lecture titled “France and War” and knowing of Johan’s then pro-German stance, Weston continued, “… I wish you could have heard John Cowper Powys (see above) – his talks have almost – perhaps have – changed my ideas on current events! And you know that must be hard to do.” (Edward Weston Letter to Johan Hagemeyer, May 12, 1918, Courtesy Getty Research Institute Special Collections, Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Papers, Box 126 and “Says Teuton Rule is Death to Humanity; Famous English Essayist Reveals Menace of German Kultur,” Los Angeles Times, May 8, 1918, p. I-11. See also Warren, pp. 135-9 for more on the Hagemeyer-Weston meeting.)

 

John Cowper Powys, 1918. Edward Weston photograph. Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library.

 

It is uncertain how the initial Weston, Powys, Jordan-Smith meeting came about but it could have happened via Margrethe Mather’s connections with Emma Goldman and Margaret Anderson (see below), publisher of The Little Review. Powys was a frequent contributor whom Anderson described, “though quite unconscious of it, [Powys] was one of the main inspirations behind the coming-to-be of this magazine” and later referring to him as “the Little Review’s godfather.” (See below issue for example). (Warren, pp. 99-102, 115 and Anderson, Margaret, “Editorials and Announcements: On Criticism,” Little Review, March 1915, p. 26).


Margaret Anderson, ca. 1930. Man Ray photograph. From My Thirty Years War: An Autobiography by Margaret Anderson, Covici, Friede, New York, 1930, frontispiece.

The Little Review, March 1915. (Note articles on 1925 Kings Road lecturer and life-long friend of Pauline, “Maurice Browne and the Little Theatre’ by John Cowper Powys and “My Friend, the Incurable” by frequent contributor Alexander S. Kaun, later Kings Road tenant, Schindler client and portrait sitter for Weston compatriot Johan Hagemeyer. For much more on Browne, Kaun, Weston and the Schindlers see PGS).



It is almost a certainty that Pauline Schindler, like Edward Weston and Margrethe Mather, was an avid reader of The Little Review as later events at Kings Road suggest. (Warren, p. 99). The above issue featured life-long friend and 1925 Kings Road lecturer Maurice Browne in the piece “Maurice Browne and the Little Theatre’ by John Cowper Powys and “My Friend, the Incurable” by frequent contributor Alexander S. Kaun (see below), a future Kings Road tenant, RMS client, Dune Forum (under Pauline’s co-editorship) contributor and portrait sitter for Weston compatriot Johan Hagemeyer


Kings Road tenant, lecturer and later Schindler client, Dr. Alexander Kaun. Portrait by Johan Hagemeyer, April 5, 1932. Photo courtesy OAC and U.C. Berkeley Bancroft Library, Johan Hagemeyer Photo Collection.

 

Kaun Beach House, Richmond, 1934, R. M. Schindler. Uncredited photo. From “A beach house for Dr. and Mrs. Alexander Kaun, Richmond, Calif. R. M. Schindler, Architect”, California Arts & Architecture, May, 1937, p. 26.

 

R. M. Schindler and Theodore Dreiser, Thomas Jefferson Art Gallery, Santa Monica, 1945. Courtesy Archives of American Art.

The below issue features pieces on future Kings Road neighbor Theodore Dreiser (see above) by Powys and Browne intimate, Arthur Davison Ficke and another contribution by Kaun. (For more on Browne and Ficke see my Schindlers-Westons-Kasevaroff-Cage). Pauline’s keen interest in Browne’s and Van Volkenburg’s work was likely heightened by her close exposure to, and possible participation in the Hull House Theatre with its Hull House Players whom Browne credited as being the founder of the Little Theatre Movement in the U.S. As mentioned earlier, she also undoubtedly heard Powys lecture at Hull-House and Browne’s Little Theatre on numerous occasions and his early 1920s Los Angeles lectures with RMS, Weston and Paul Jordan-Smith, et al. (See PGS and Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage  for much more on these personalities).

The Little Review, November 1915. (Note articles on 1926 Kings Road lecturer and life-long friend of Pauline, “Portrait of Theodore Dreiser’ by Arthur Davison Ficke and “Choleric Comments” by frequent contributor Alexander S. Kaun, later Kings Road tenant, Schindler client and portrait sitter for Weston compatriot Johan Hagemeyer. For much more on Browne, Kaun, Weston and the Schindlers see PGS).

 

Possibly in an attempt to ingratiate himself with the wealthy Sarah, with whom he was as yet unaware of their familial relationship, Weston soon began exhibiting his portraits of her husband and Powys at various venues in Los Angeles, around the country and overseas. In 1919, for example, they were hung in the Sixth Annual Pittsburgh Salon of Photography in March, The Friday Morning Club in Los Angeles during May-June, Powys home turf at the International Exhibition of the London Salon of Photography in September-October, and the Twelfth Scottish National Photographic Salon in December-January 1920, and in a solo exhibition at the State Normal School in Los Angeles in May 1920 and likely others. (Warren, pp. 347-8). The strategy paid off evidenced by Antony Anderson’s glowing review of the Friday Morning Club show, in particular the portraits of Powys and Jordan-Smith. (Anderson, Antony, “Of Art and Artists: Weston’s Pictorial Photographs,” Los Angeles Times, June 1, 1919, p. III-26). An invitation to come back out to Claremont to take more family portraits of Sarah and Paul and their children around the Erewhon pool quickly followed. Edward wrote to “Mrs. Smith” regarding the prints from this session,

“Dear Mrs. Smith,
You must think me very slow for not getting any prints done yet, but I have been short of platinum paper and have orders sticking around two months old.
Since you never gave any definite number to print I had intended on going ahead and making up a number for you. However it would be much better to know which ones you wish the most from and how many – for I might guess wrong!
Yes – the sooner I can get at the work before my rush starts the better. I expect a shipment of paper soon. My best to you all – especially the little lady!
Edward Weston – 8-19-19
I have a couple of the “bathing pool” pictures ready now. Shall I finish the one of Janet on silver or can you wait for my platinum? Better wait if you can.” (Edward Weston Collection, Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents).  

Unidentified children (one possibly Neil Weston). Pool, Bixby-Smith Residence, Claremont, 1919. Photograph attributed to Edward Weston. Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library, Sarah Bixby Smith Archive.

 

 

 

Weston’s salutation to Sarah in a letter written three months later indicates that they had become much friendlier in the interim and had obviously shared their genealogical connections.

“Dear Cousin Sarah,
The check safe here – and – to say the least – appreciated! I had intended letting all go to the account of “friendship” – “cousinly love” – and appreciation of the many nice things both you and Paul Jordan have done for us. However – again – thank you!
I have made an improved edition of “Bathing Pool” picture and will give you a copy when it returns from several eastern trips. One is in London now – perhaps I told you. As to the exhibit of my work for Claremont – I should be most pleased to cooperate. Could you wait until my Xmas rush is over? I am swamped with work – and too – have several exhibits away at present. The boys? Yes – we are able to suppress all individuality in them with the help of a little chloroform and birch-rod. No name settled on baby [Cole] yet! Sister [Mary] did not stay long but is coming next year. She’s a dandy girl and I hope you and she become better acquainted. she wanted that painting of mine – perhaps if you do not care I will send it out at Xmas time.
Greetings! from all of us – to the Smith family.
Edward W. 11-19-19″ (Edward Weston Collection, Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents). 
“Bathers,” (Either Wilbur and Ralph Bixby-Smith or Ralph and Chandler or Brett Weston, Claremont), 1919. From Edward Weston in Los Angeles, Susan Danly and Weston J. Naef, J. Paul Getty Museum, 1986, p. 10.

 

Powys would again stay at Erewhon during his 1919, 1922 and 1923 West Coast lecture tours. There is much correspondence from Powys to Sarah and Paul in her archive at Rancho Los Cerritos and his at UCLA thanking them for their gracious hospitality at Erewhon, various travel arrangements, and literary and political gossip. Powys would also pen the introduction for Tina Modotti‘s 1923 limited edition memorial compilation of her deceased husband Robaix de l’Abrie Richey’s poems, The Book of Robo (see below), months before she left with Weston and his son Chandler for an extended sojourn in Mexico. Powys’ intro likely came about during his 1922 Los Angeles tour and stay at Erewhon and connections with the Weston-Modotti-Robo-Mather-McGehee-Katz circle dating back to 1918. (For much more on this see Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, HarperCollins, 1995, pp. 42-43).

 

The Book of Robo, Being a Collection of Verses and Prose Writings by Robaix de L’Abrie Richey edited by Tina Modotti with introduction by John Cowper Powys, 1923. From the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art. 

 

 

Ulysses by James Joyce, Paris: Shakespeare and Co., 1922. Image from The Manhattan Rare Book Company.

 

The 1922 visit is also noteworthy in that Powys prodded Jordan-Smith into buying an extremely scarce copy of James Joyce’s Ulysses which the two men then devoured in 12-hour shifts. (Lock, Charles, “John Cowper Powys and James Joyce” in In the Spirit of Powys: New Essays edited by Denis Lane, Associated University Presses, 1990, p. 26-29). Jordan-Smith financed the $100 purchase by arranging a lecture on the meaning of Joyce’s masterpiece at Kate Crane Gartz’s residence where, much to Jordan-Smith’s delight, Powys succeeded in shocking the audience when Gartz asked to comment on Paul’s talk. Jordan-Smith reminisced,

“John was accustomed to getting big fees for his talks and he didn’t like to be used for free entertainment, especially not by the rich. … then he spoke as if here at last, he had found exactly what was fitting for the occasion. Said Mr. Powys: … Hah, yes,” John shouted, “here we are, here we are.” And then still louder and with forceful clarity he quoted: ”‘Snot, Snot, the snotgreen sea, the scrotum-tightening sea.’ You see, my friends, Stephan Dedalus’ mother had died. And at her deathbed Stephan had refused to pray. But his mother had been sick and had puked into the chamber pot which was showing at the edge of the bed, and there Stephan saw the green slime his mother had puked up, and it reminded him of the slime of the sea which is the mother of us all.” There was a shocked, a horrified silence. White-faced and with blazing eyes, Mrs. Gartz sprang to her feet. ”A little of that goes a very long way, Mr. Powys,” she said. John looked rather bored, removed his spectacles, gathered his papers together, put them back in his pocket. Slowly he rose to his feet and with great dignity turned. ”You are quite right, Mrs. Gartz, it goes a long way.” (The Road I Came, p. 370). 

Kate Crane Gartz, ca. 1919. Photographer unknown. From The Parlor Provocateur or From Salon to Soap-Box: The letters of Kate Crane Gartz, Mary Craig Sinclair, Pasadena 1930, frontispiece.

 

Despite Jordan-Smith’s recollection that Powys was never again invited to the Gartz residence, he had made such an impression that she eagerly booked him for a return engagement at her Altadena mansion the following year. (John Cowper Powys, letter to Paul Jordan-Smith, January 31, 1923. Paul Jordan-Smith Papers, Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA). Jordan-Smith would later publish A Key to the Ulysses of James Joyce, one of the first books written on Joyce and the first book dedicated to Powys. In remembrance of his bonding with Powys over the sharing of his prized first edition and the laughs they had over Powys shocking Gartz and her guests, he dedicated it thusly,

“To John Cowper Powys
whose sly macchiavellian taunts set me
about the making of this book.”
(In the Spirit of Powys: New Essays by Denis Lane, Associated University Presses, 1990, p. 40).

 

In 1919, Around the time Weston was taking the above bathing pool photos in Claremont and the Schindlers were getting married and moving to Taliesin, William Thurston Brown (see below) was on a national lecture tour promoting the Modern School Association of North America, the official successor of the Francisco Ferrer Association, formed in the U.S. upon the 1909 martyrdom of anarchist educator Francisco Ferrer in Barcelona, Spain. The Ferrer Modern Schools were an integral part of the anarchist, socialist, and labor movements in the U.S., intended to educate the working-classes from a secularclass-conscious perspective. They provided an alternative, progressive learning environment for children, and some also had night-time adult-education programs. 


William Thurston Brown lectures announcement, 1921. From The Southern California Library, Box 44, Folder 15.

The New York City Ferrer Center Modern School, ca. 1911–1912, Principal Will Durant and pupils. This photograph was the cover of the first issue of The Modern School magazine. From Wikepedia.

 

One of the first “Modern” schools in the U.S., the Modern School was founded in New York City in 1911 with much impetus provided by the tireless Emma Goldman and was soon headed by Will Durant. (See above). Shortly after its creation, New York’s Modern School and its adjunct, the Ferrer Center, became the gathering place for a number of New York’s most celebrated cultural and political radicals, avant-garde writers and painters, feminists and bohemian intelligenstia including Leonard Abbott, Harry Kelly, Joseph Cohen, Alexander Berkman, Emma Goldman, Margaret Sanger, Upton Sinclair, Lincoln Steffens, Hutchins Hapgood, Sadakichi Hartmann (see below), Hippolyte Havel, Carl Zigrosser, Manuel Komroff and a host of others – each of whom either lectured or offered courses at the school. Hartmann, in particular, would also later become a central figure among the Los Angeles bohemian circles of Edward Weston and Margrethe Mather and after the Schindler’s move to Los Angeles he made frequent poetry reading appearances at their now iconic Kings Road House. (See below examples).


Announcement for Sadakichi Hartmann reciting Whitman at the Ferrer Center, New York, November 14, 1915. Caricature by Lillian Bonham Hartmann.  (From The Modern School Movement by Paul Avrich, AK Press, Edinburgh, 2006, p. 148). 
Sadakichi Hartmann, 1917. Edward Weston photograph. J. Paul Getty Museum, 85.XM.170.5. (From Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles by Beth Gates Warren, p. 131).


Announcement for “A Walt Whitman Evening,” featuring Sadakichi Hartmann reading Whitman’s works at Kings Road, May 31, 1929. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

 

Formerly a Unitarian minister like Sarah Bixby’s husbands Arthur and Paul and drummed out of the church for his too radical views, William Thurston Brown, a long-time disciple of Emma Goldman, had been involved with the development of modern schools across the U.S. since the formation of the Ferrer Association in 1911. Before coming to Los Angeles on his lecture tour, Brown had been teaching at the Stelton School since 1916 after the NYC Modern School separated itself from the Ferrer Center and relocated to Stelton, New Jersey in 1914. Brown met a group of activists while lecturing and organizing a branch of the association in Los Angeles and, finding much to like about Southern California, agreed to leave Stelton and head a day school there as soon as it could be established. (Avrich, p. 273).

Brown, William Thurston, Walt Whitman: Poet of the Human Whole, The Modern School, Portland, Oregon, 1917. From Internet Archive.



Brown had no trouble in coming up with a name for the Los Angeles school as anarchists, socialists, and the labor and Modern School movements found great inspiration in the writings of Walt Whitman. Just a few years earlier Brown published an analysis of Whitman and his work titled Walt Whitman: Poet and the Human Whole. (See above). Whitman’s poems were frequently reprinted in anarchist periodicals such as Emma Goldman’s Mother Earth (see below) and Max Eastman‘s The Masses and The Liberator. (See two and three below). The below, and other issues of Mother Earth featured covers designed by Man Ray while an art student at the Ferrer Center under Robert Henri and George Bellows. During the earlier-mentioned anti-radical Red Scare hysteria of 1919 The Modern School (see three below for example) devoted a special issue to Whitman. All five of these important “little literary magazines” plus Margaret Anderson’s earlier-mentioned Little Review out of Chicago were well-respected among the bohemian intelligentsia and had strong connections with the Ferrer School coterie. 


Man Ray cover design, Mother Earth, Vol. IX, No. 6, August 1914. From Newberry Library web site.


Pauline Schindler’s Hull House years coupled with her mother’s deep involvement with Jane Addams’ Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom placed her at ground-zero of Chicago’s anarchist community which strongly participated in a national and international debate about the nature of state power in modern society. (For more on period Chicago anarchist activism see the exhibition Outspoken: Chicago’s Free Speech Tradition). The above cover of Mother Earth magazine, drawn by Ferrer Center artist Man Ray, depicts humanity being torn apart by capitalism and government, each a different manifestation of the same monstrous reality. Although published in New York City, Mother Earth reported regularly on the activities of Chicago anarchists. Goldman spent a good deal of time lecturing in the city with Pauline Schindler, Paul Jordan-Smith and John Cowper Powys likely among the regular attendees. (Author’s note: The versatile Man Ray would make the iconic photograph of Kings Road regular and Neutra apprentice Harwell Hamilton Harris’s masterpiece Havens House in Berkeley in 1940. See my California Arts & Architecture: A Steppingstone to Fame for more details).

 

The Masses, June 1914. (From Wikipedia).

 

Cover of the first issue of The Liberator, March 1918. Art by Hugo Gellert.

 

The Modern School, Vol. IV, No. 3 September 1917.

 

The above issue of The Modern School featured articles by Will Durant, an early principal of the Ferrer Modern School in New York, soon-to-be head of the Walt Whitman School in Los Angeles and 1916-17 editor of the magazine, William Thurston Brown, on “The Work of a Libertarian School” and a book review by Carl Zigrosser who edited the magazine after Brown and before becoming the first director of the Weyhe Gallery in 1919. One of Zigrosser’s 1917 pamphlet covers featured a Rockwell Kent woodblock print which soon became the logo for the Modern School Association of North America.(See below). It was under Zigrosser’s tenure that the magazine became one of the most interesting little reviews in the country featuring work by the likes of Hart Crane, Wallace Stevens, Witter Bynner, Rockwell Kent, Man Ray, Max Weber, Raoul Dufy, Konrad Bercovici, Padraic Colum and others. (Avrich, p. 172).

The Modern School cover designed by Rockwell Kent, 1917. (Avrich, p. 171).

 

“Walt Whitman School Anniversary Souvenir,” verso, ca. 1921.  (Photographs by Edward Weston?). From The Southern California Library, Box 44, Folder 15.  

 

The Walt Whitman School (see above) was created in 1919 by a group of progressive families who were dissatisfied with what they considered the the stultifying teaching methods of the public school system within the context of the Red Scare era of post-war social ferment and government oppression. The school’s founders were mostly anarchists who sought to abolish all forms of educational and political authority. “The first proletarian school in the West,” as the Walt Whitman School deemed itself, was located at 517 South Boyle Avenue in the immigrant community of Boyle Heights in East Los Angeles. The school catered mostly to Russian Jewish and Mexican children of radical, blue-collar parents, including the grandson of Ricardo Flores Magon, then serving time in prison, as was Eugene Debs, both arrested under the 1917 Espionage Act and swept up in the Palmer Raids. Kate Crane Gartz corresponded regularly with Debs and Magon during their incarceration. (See below for example and The Parlor Provocateur or From Salon to Soap-Box: The letters of Kate Crane GartzMary Craig Sinclair, Pasadena 1923, p. 33-5).

Kate Crane Gartz, letter to Eugene Debs, February 25, 1921. From Wabash Valley Visons & Voices Digital Memory Project.

 

(Author’s note: In 1920 Upton Sinclair published a compilation of poems and tributes to Debs who was then serving time in the Federal penitentiary in Atlanta. Debs and the Poets edited by Ruth Le Prade, was referenced in the above letter from Gartz to Debs, which included work by John Cowper Powys and many others.)

 

Program for “The Opening Ceremonies of The Walt Whitman School,” February 29, [1920], pp. 2-3. From the Southern California Library, Walt Whitman School collection, Box 44, Folder 15.

 

Assisting William Thurston Brown were his wife Elsie Pratt and a number of well-known Los Angeles anarchists, including Thomas H. Bell, Joseph Spivak, and Jules Scarceriaux, a Belgian anarchist who taught pottery at Stelton in 1917. (Avrich, p. 273). The “educational advisor” was Paul Jordan-Smith, later literary critic of the Los Angeles Times, who was one of the speakers at the school’s formal dedication ceremony on February 29, 1920. (See program above). Jordan-Smith’s early involvement with the school possibly came about through a direct request from Brown or through Brown’s solicitation for financial support for the school from Jordan-Smith’s radical philanthropic circle including, in addition to his wife, her cousin Fanny Weston Bixby Spender, Clara A. Packard, Kate Crane Gartz, Mary E. Garbutt, Dr. and Mrs. Percival Gerson, Bertha Fiske and others. (See below for example).

Program for benefit concert for the Walt Whitman School at the Philharmonic Auditorium, March 19, 1922. From the Southern California Library, Walt Whitman School collection, Box 44, Folder 15.

 

By now close family friends with Sarah Bixby and Paul Jordan-Smith, Edward and Flora Weston most likely learned of the formation of the Walt Whitman School through Paul. They could also have learned of the school directly from the headmaster Brown who was also in the Mather-Hagemeyer-Weston circle, at least by the summer of 1920, evidenced by Hagemeyer’s July 3, 1920 diary entry, “Party at studio at night with William Thurston Brown, Elsie Pratt, (his wife) & Lula.” (Courtesy Center for Creative Photography, Hagemeyer Collection).

 

The promise of an unstructured environment offered by the Whitman School appealed to the Westons so they enrolled their unruly sons Chandler and Brett who encountered troubles in the much stricter classroom environments at their previous schools. Edward likely bartered the boys’ tuition for photography work for the school. Edward’s negative attitude towards formal education created in all four of his sons, and especially Brett, a hatred of being in school which also contributed to disciplinary problems between the boys and mother Flora and added discord in the Weston’s failing marriage. Of this situation Brett recalled,

“My father hated schools, so he married a schoolteacher. He was making up for his hatred of the schools [through his hostility towards Flora]. He sent us to half a dozen different schools. I went from one school to another. To me it was a miracle that they stayed together as long as they did. It’s amazing that Cole was even born.” (From A Restless Eye: A Biography of Photographer Brett Weston, by John Charles Woods, Erica Weston Editions, 2011, p. 27).  

Despite their mother’s profession, the brothers all reminisce about schools being “dreary wastelands.” (Woods, p.31). Even personalized attention and the freedom provided at the Whitman School could not motivate Brett and every moment at the school felt like torture. A letter from the principal, William Thurston Brown, to the Westons on April 17, 1920  indicates that the teachers at the Walt Whitman School realized they had reached the limits of their abilities in coping with Brett in particular. (Warren, p. 337n32).

“My Dear Mr. Weston,  

I thank you for your kind letter and your sympathetic understanding of what is in my mind. I am enclosing the letter I wrote, but which the boys forgot to take home with them.  Let me add to it this: that I should be heartily ashamed of myself if my actions in asking that Brett be retained at home a few days meant that I feel at all differently toward him from what I feel toward every other child. On the contrary, I find loveable qualities in him, and I declare frankly that the only justification for asking you to keep him away for a few days lies in our own extremely embarrassing handicaps: lack of adequate teaching staff and of sufficient equipment. More the former than the latter. Let me say also that Chandler is perhaps the most individual of all my pupils – in some respects the most responsive in my entire class to the finest things (for example, in literature). Brett needs better facilities for concrete expression and not so much merely academic exercise. In fact, all of them have exactly that. But our friends will have to be patient if we make progress slowly.  

Yours cordially, 

William T. Brown” (Woods, p. 32).

Brett Weston, 1918. Edward Weston photograph. From Edward Weston: A Photographer’s Love of Life, The Dayton Art Institute, 2004, p. 119.

 Chandler Weston, 1919. Edward Weston photograph. From Edward Weston: A Photographer’s Love of Life, The Dayton Art Institute, 2004, p. 121.

 

“The Garment Workers’ Strike,” International Socialist Review, November 1915, No. 5, p. 260.

 

Pauline Schindler was arrested alongside Kate Crane Gartz’s sister, Mrs. Frances Crane Lillie, for her participation in the 1915 Chicago Garment Workers’ Strike (see above) while working at Jane Addam’s Hull-House. (“Rich Woman Now Socialist,” New York Times, December 8, 1915, p. 10). She and her by then indoctrinated husband Rudolph, brought their penchant for radicalism from Chicago and plunged headlong into the Los Angeles anarchist scene shortly after their 1920 arrival from Frank Lloyd Wright’s Taliesin.


“New Residence Tract Opening,” Los Angeles Times, March 13, 1921, p. 4. Courtesy Architecture and Design Collection, University Art Museum, UC-Santa Barbara.

 

Schindler was sent to Los Angeles by Wright to oversee construction of kindred radical and peace activist Aline Barnsdall‘s Hollyhock House on Olive Hill (see above) while he was engaged with construction of the Imperial Hotel in Japan. Pauline wrote of their early whirlwind of extremist activities in Los Angeles,

“We are so far and so deeply “in” the radical movement these days that we never have an evening at home any more … Committee meetings for the Worker’s Defence [sic] league, for the Walt Whitman School, – conferences large and small, – supping in odd places with folk who tell us news impossible to get except ”from hand to mouth “, – lectures; meetings at which we stop only long enough to make an announcement before going on to the next; visits to the printer to read proofs for the school; trips with the car for a committee of a doctor, a lawyer, and an alienist, to the hospital to visit an I. W. W. who has been a month in jail waiting for trial, and so violently and brutally treated by the authorities that in addition to serious bodily injuries he seems to suffer mentally, and is in the observation ward of the psychopathic, suspected of insanity .. Then on top of it all today … we speed out to Pasadena … to a meeting at the private residence of a wealthy radical [Kate Crane Gartz's "The Cloister" (see below)] … to hear Max Eastman (see below) … Everybody was there, – and we had awfully good talk afterwards … Upton Sinclair introduced me to his wife [Mary] … Eastman was delightful … And a good time was had by all … Really a much better time than I have found possible in Chicago, in general ….” (Pauline Schindler, letter to “People”, n.d. [June 1921]. From Sweeney, p. 91).

Gartz Residence, “The Cloister,” Mariposa St. and Santa Rosa Ave., aka “Christmas Tree Lane,” Altadena, W. Carbys Zimmerman, architect, 1908. Lazear, From M. H., “The Evolution of the Bungalow,” House Beautiful, The Bungalow Number, June 1914, pp. 2-5.

 

Gartz Residence drawing-room where Max Eastman lectured. From Seventh Book by Kate Crane Gartz, Mary Craig Sinclair, Pasadena, 1932. (See also: Apostol, Jane, “From Salon to Soap-Box: Kate Crane Gartz, Parlor Provacateur,” Southern California Quarterly, p. 376).

 

“Max Eastman Heard in Informal Talk,” newspaper and date unknown, ca. June 1921. From The Parlor Provocateur or From Salon to Soap-Box: The letters of Kate Crane Gartz, Mary Craig Sinclair, Pasadena 1923, p. 30. (Author’s note: The Eastman book referred to was “The Sense of Humor” which he dedicated to his then lover Florence Deshon. (See later below).
“Max Eastman Seated on Railing”, 1921. Margarethe Mather and Edward Weston photograph. From Margrethe Mather & Edward Weston: A Passionate Collaboration, by Beth Gates Warren, p. 31.

  

The Schindlers were either already acquainted with Gartz through her patronage of the Walt Whitman School or became friendly with her at her Eastman event evidenced by a letter from Schindler to Frank Lloyd Wright as work on Aline Barnsdall’s Hollyhock House was nearing completion advising him of a potential commission from Gartz.

“…Tomorrow I shall introduce a lady from Pasadena Mrs. Garts [sic] to M. B. [Miss Barnsdall] – who wants to built [sic] a large home (in fact a group of houses) on the hill. Of course you are to be the architect – but it will be some job to manage her. Lots of many and – twice as much idiosyncrasies.” (RMS letter to FLW, September 5, 1921. From Frank Lloyd Wright correspondence with R.M. Schindler, 1914-1929, Getty Research Institute).

An architectural patron like Barnsdall, Gartz had recently commissioned Irving Gill to design her “Little Cloister” duplex in Pasadena and would soon hire Myron Hunt and Elmer Grey to design her Gartz Court in Pasadena and Wallace Neff to design her a vacation residence in Palos Verdes. Gartz had possibly selected Gill for “Little Cloister” through a recommendation from Chauncey and Marie Rankin Clarke who had recently moved into their Gill-designed house in Santa Fe Springs. Schindler who was also a fan of Gill’s work. His’ friend from Chicago, building contractor Clyde Chace, was at the time also working for Gill on his Horatio West Court project in Santa Monica. Clyde and his wife Marian Da Camara Chace, Pauline Schindler’s close friend from Smith College and fellow teacher at a progressive school in Ravinia near Chicago, had followed the Schindlers to Los Angeles and would shortly partner with them on the Schindler-Chace House on Kings Road in West Hollywood.

Five years earlier Pauline’s father had unsuccessfully tried to tame her vagabondish radical tendencies with the following admonishment:

“It is unfortunate that you should have repeated at Hull House the mistake you made at Smith of attempting too many things, as a result of which you seem to be continually rushing from one thing to another and apparently have little time for reflection … you jump into active work … concerning which you cannot possibly be really well posted … you seem anxious to delve into the darkest and unclear things of social life … you identify yourself in an official way with a collection of “Hoboes”, on the impulse of the moment.” (Edmung Gibling, letter to Pauline, November 25, 1915. From Sweeney, p. 88). (Author’s note: The hobo reference likely pertains to Pauline’s involvement with James Eads How‘s IBWA, a mutual aid society for hobos which resulted in “comrade” How commissioning her husband to design a house completed in Los Angeles in 1925). (See below).

 

ames Eads How Residence, Los Angeles, 1925. Viroque Baker photograph. Courtesy Architecture and Design Collection, University Art Museum, UC-Santa Barbara.

 

The Schindlers likely first met the Westons and Paul Jordan and Sarah Bixby Smith and their radical circles at the Walt Whitman School. They also were all likely in attendance at the Max Eastman (see above) lecture in Pasadena with his radical Los Angeles coterie including his lover Florence Deshon (see below) and her close friends Charlie Chaplin, Margrethe Mather, Edward Weston and their constant companions, Betty Katz, Ramiel McGehee, and Tina Modotti. (Author’s notes: Betty Katz notified Pauline Schindler of Deshon’s death via a March 1922 letter which indicates the Schindler’s membership in this circle. See Warren, note 9, p. 337. Paul Jordan-Smith would appear as Iago in a 1919 Reginald Pole production of Othello alongside Florence Deshon and Frayne Williams.)


Florence Deshon, 1921. Margrethe Mather photo. (From Warren, p. 93).

 

Charlie Chaplin and Max Eastman in Hollywood, 1919. Photographer unknown. (From Wikipedia).

 

Pauline described the Whitman School as the:

“…one very real thing which I have found here, … a very crude undertaking, – but done in so fine a spirit that I have promised to give a part of my energies to the creating of a satisfactory physical environment there …. I have found our aristocracy … among the proletariat … My comrade and I have recently plunged into their activities, – for instance a school originated by libertarians who rejected the idiotic slavery of the public school system … The Walt Whitman School … gives each child such complete freedom, that one walks about the buildings and gardens wondering where the school is, for there are no formal classes! No assigned lessons, no rewards, no punishments, no authority, and no discipline! The parents, of course, are radicals … and are giving the children at home something of the feeling that is needed for the revolution.” (Pauline Schindler, letter to various friends, February 12, 1921 to January 9, 1922. From Sweeney, p. 91).

Pauline recalled an incident while teaching at the school sometime in 1921 involving the Weston boys in a 1928 issue of The Carmelite in which she announced Edward’s impending move to Carmel,

“… As for his son Brett, this youth has already done brilliant work in the same field. He has, like his father, a genius for the composition of spaces. It is therefore totally irrelevant that we remember him as a youngster not many years ago, a pupil in the Walt Whitman School in Los Angeles. The children were out in the garden, digging and planting. As it was a modern school, there was no teacher about at their elbows, and they were working freely and alone. Suddenly Brett’s younger brother gave a shout of rage. Tears coursed down his cheeks. ”Why, what it is? What is it?” ”I was looking for my onion to plant in my garden … my own onion … and Brett is eating it!” (Schindler, Pauline, “Edward Weston on the Way,” The Carmelite, December 26, 1928, p. 2. See also Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism (PGS) for more details on her editorship of The Carmelite).

Walt Whitman School preliminary plan, R. M. Schindler, January 1921. Courtesy Architecture and Design Collection, University Art Museum, UC-Santa Barbara.

 

The Schindlers were deeply active in school activities almost as soon as they arrived in Los Angeles evidenced by Schindler’s preliminary plan for a new school building and notes for a lecture on the Modern School dated Januray 1921 in his papers at UC-Santa Barbara. (See above). Both were on the school’s Board of Directors and RMS led the building committee. He designed and built minor renovations for the school, the most extensive being a new library to house a major donation of books and science equipment from Pryns Hopkins, an early major financial backer of the Ferrer Modern School in New York and founder of Boyland, a Santa Barbara school also based upon the principles of the Ferrer Modern School movement. Boyland was forced to close in 1918 after Hopkins, not as fortunate as Jordan-Smith, Clara Packard, Fanny Weston Bixby and Kate Crane Gartz, et al, became a victim of the Red Scare and was arrested and fined under the aforementioned Espionage Act for his strident anti-war views and pro-union activities.

Poster for an April 21, 1921 Walt Whitman School fund raising concert designed by Pauline Schindler. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.



While her husband was involved with building committee activities, Pauline was also designing and arranging for the printing of the school’s promotional and fund-raising material such as the above poster for the 1921 spring benefit concert at the Los Angeles Philharmonic Auditorium (see below) and the second anniversary celebration announcement (see below) featuring keynote speaker Paul Jordan-Smith, both sporting Rockwell Kent’s Modern School logo. Her graphic design skills, learned from Antonin Raymond‘s wife Noemi at Taliesin in 1919, would manifest themselves later during her stint editing The Carmelite in the late 1920s, teaching graphic design classes at UCLA, and curating exhibitions for the work of her estranged husband, Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, Kem Weber, Jock Peters, and J. R. Davidson in the early 1930s. (For much more on this see PGS).


Philharmonic Auditorium ca. 1925. (From LAPL Photo Collection). Built in 1906, Architects Charles F. Whittlesey, Otto H. Neher and engineer E.R. Harris designed what was the first reinforced concrete building in Los Angeles and the largest theatre west of Chicago.

 

Program for the second anniversary celebration of the Walt Whitman School, May 29-30, 1921. From the Southern California Library, Walt Whitman School collection, Box 44, Folder 15.

 

Program for the second anniversary celebration of the Walt Whitman School, May 29-30, 1921. From the Southern California Library, Walt Whitman School collection, Box 44, Folder 15. 

Walt Whitman School calendar, February 1922 announcing R. M. Schindler’s lecture “Building Our Homes and Schools.” From the Southern California Library, Walt Whitman School collection, Box 44, Folder 15. 

Still keeping a hand in Whitman School activities in the hope of landing a commission for the proposed new school building, Schindler lectured on “Building Our Homes and Schools,” likely using his plans for his Kings Road House to illustrate the talk. His February 8th lecture took place a week before ground was actually broken in West Hollywood. Around this time the pregnant Pauline was serving out a three-month teaching contract in El Centro to help the cash-starved couple raise money for their new residence. (Schindler House by Kathryn Smith, Abrams, 2001, p. 24).

 

Walt Whitman School Spirit: The Children’s Magazine, March 1922. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

Hollywood Scenic Tract, West Hollywood real estate ad, Holly Leaves, July 1, 1922, p. 32. 


West Hollywood, 1922. Spence photo. Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection. Note Kings Road at right-center with the Schindler House at the southerly end on the west side of the street and further north on the east side of the street Irving Gill’s 1916 Dodge House and grounds.


Schindler’s work with Wright was winding down by the end of 1921 at which time he and Pauline took a much-needed vacation to Yosemite. Upon returning in November, they began planning in earnest their own home on a Kings Road lot in West Hollywood. (See above). With a loan from Pauline’s parents, they purchased the lot jointly with building contractor Clyde Chace and his wife Marian (Da Camara), a very close friend of Pauline’s from Smith College and roommate and fellow teacher at a progressive school in Ravinia north of Chicago. The two couples moved into the completed house by June 1922. (See below).

Kings Road House, summer 1922. Courtesy Architecture and Design Collection, University Art Museum, UC-Santa Barbara. 

 

With the house complete and both couples having recently given birth, the Schindler’s sphere of social activities naturally gravitated to Hollywood. The Schindlers quickly became involved with the Hollywood Arts Association, again with the hope of obtaining a commission for a proposed art museum under the group’s auspices and making contacts which were more likely to result in commissions than the radical proletariat at the Whitman School. Pauline wrote her mother of RMS’s committee work, ”Except that they are rather fun, they would be a waste of time if they did not also mean interesting contacts.” (Pauline Gibling Schindler, letter to Sophie Gibling, October 22, 1922, Sweeney, p. 91). Schindler served on future client and photographer Viroque Baker’s Fiesta Mexicana and Pioneer Party Committees and was responsible for decorations and the design of an “old Spanish village” for a 1923 fund-raiser. (Various articles in Holly Leaves, 1922-3). 


Schindler, R. M.,  ”Who Will Save Hollywood,” Holly Leaves, November 3, 1922, p. 32. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection. (Author’s note: The bottom photo is of the Martha Taggart Residence, mother of Reginald Pole’s wife Helen, designed by Lloyd Wright. Helen would divorce Reginald and marry Lloyd in 1926. For much more on this see my “Edward Weston, R. M. Schindler and Anushka Zacsek: The Vamp With a Goulash Name).

 

Schindler also published and lectured under the auspices of the Association on numerous occasions, above for example on the destruction by developers of the ridge-lines of the Hollywood Hills. Edith Gutterson Howenstein, former lover of Schindler in Chicago and then Kings Road tenant and designer of his magnetic, unconventional clothes (see below), lectured on “Dress as an art and medium for human expression” possibly using RMS as a model. (“Art Association Meets,” Holly Leaves, December 8, 1922, pp. 42-3). Carol Aronovici, noted city planner and future Schindler Architetcural Group for Commerce and Industry partner (with Richard Neutra),  lectured on “New Cities for Old.” (“Art Lunhceon Program,” Holly Leaves, October 20, 1922, p. 24).

R. M. Schindler, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Shirt design by Edith Gutterson Howenstein. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

 

Edward Weston Studio, Brand Blvd., Glendale, ca. 1920. Image from Warren, p. 12. Original courtesy J. Paul Getty Museum, 84.XM.229.30. 

One of the first of L.A.’s bohemian avant-garde to visit the Schindlers in their now-iconic abode was none other than Edward Weston who was most likely accompanied by some combination of his inseparable companions during this period, Johan Hagemeyer, Ramiel McGehee, Margrethe Mather, Betty Katz and/or Tina Modotti. Having a lifelong passion for avant-garde piano music composition and its performers, an eight-month pregnant Pauline excitedly wrote of the traveling party from Weston’s Glendale studio (see above) to Kings Road,
“On Sunday we stole some time for a lark, – and went off to call on Mr. Weston, an artist of whom we had heard much, and whose personality we liked through having heard him lecture, and seen his work. He was exceedingly interesting – showed us things, responded, of course, to R.M.S. – and when the evening was ripe, took us over to the house of a brilliant pianist [Deardorff-Shaw (see below)], who happened to be among his guests. Jolly, the way we all drifted over to her studio from his, and all sat on the floor to listen. She really was very brilliant, – said to be the finest player of modern French literature upon the Pacific coast … and to out-Ornstein [Leo] Ornstein. Shortly before midnight I suggested we all motor over to our house, to try our Steinway … Mr. Weston, of course, very much excited about the house, and wanting to see it by daylight. All of it a fearfully stimulating evening … R.M.S. and I couldn’t sleep, with the stimulus of the music and Mr. Weston’s pictures.” (Warren, p. 253, Pauline Gibling Schindler, letter to Mr. and Mrs. Edmund J. Gibling, July 16, 1922). (Author’s note: Weston photographed Ornstein in 1918. Author’s note: Pauline gave birth to son Mark four days later).

Ruth Deardorff-Shaw, 1922. Edward Weston portrait. From Weston’s Westons: Portraits and Nudes by Theodore E. Stubbins, Jr., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1989, p. 47). Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Fueled by the success of their spur-of-the-moment inaugural salon, Pauline soon began to regularly plan similar get togethers of their rapidly expanding circle. It is evident that the Weston, Mather, McGehee, Hagemeyer crowd were in attendance at an early event as Johan’s former employer, date-grower Paul Popenoe, soon commissioned Schindler and his contractor housemate Clyde Chace to build a house for his family in the Coachella Valley. (See below).


Popenoe Cabin, Coachella Valley, 1922. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

 

Popenoe led a varied and interesting life, the early focus of which was the date industry. He traveled the world with his brother collecting rootstock for the family’s Coachella Valley date farm and authored numerous articles and books on the industry including Date Growing in the Old World and the NewPopenoe was obviously quite impressed by Schindler’s Kings Road design and immediately commissioned him to build the above cabin near the village of Coachella on a ranch he and his new bride purchased shortly after returning to California from a post-war stint in New York as Executive Secretary of the American Social Hygiene Association. Completed in 1922 just months after Kings Road, the Popenoe Cabin’s similarities are quite apparent. (“Remembering My Father, Paul Popenoe: An Intellectual Portrait of the Man Who Saved Marriages” by David Popenoe). Popenoe would later become a renowned expert in eugenics and marriage counselling, ironically something the Schindler’s would soon have a great need for. Coincidentally, a recent feature article on Popenoe in The New Yorker deemed him the “Father of Marriage Counseling.” (See “Fixed,” by Jill Lepore, The New Yorker, March 29, 2010).


During the time John Cowper Powys was staying at Erewhon on his 1922 West Coast lecture tour, Weston wrote Sarah Bixby Smith thanking her for the numerous concert tickets she continued to send him and Flora. Sarah was apparently not as yet privy to Weston’s failing marriage and his ongoing affairs with Margrethe Mather and Tina Modotti.

“Dear Cousin Sarah,
Flora and I cannot always take our pleasures together. So I was the one to benefit from your last tickets – but she has taken a new lease on life and goes out about three to my one these daays! Well you are a fine giver of surprises – and the music we have been able to hear through your tickets has been appreciated, especially Prihoda. I believe I told you about him.
Am working hard – mostly exhibition work – but it keeps me out of mischief! I am writing this letter at 5:30 A.M. to show you how early I get here sometimes these days. I often wonder how the novel [Adobe Days] is coming out? Next time I come to Claremont I want to bring McGehee. I feel sure you will both enjoy him – but this must be of course when we are all in a more leisurely frame of mind.
My best to all of you.
E. W. 4-24-[1922]” (Author’s note: Weston took the 22-year old virtuoso violinist Vasa Prihoda‘s portrait after meeting him at the February 28, 1922 Philharmonic Auditorium concert.).

Tina and Edward on the boat to Mexico, 1923. Photo likely by Chandler Weston. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 70

 

Weston finally left for Mexico with Tina Modotti and son Chandler in July 1923 (see above) and was soon joined by cousin Sarah’s son by her first marriage, Llewellyn. In anticipation of the hefty rent and “tuition” Llewelleyn would be contributing to the cause, Weston eagerly wrote “Llewellyn is here, at last….” (Daybooks, Vol. 1, August 23, 1923, p. 17 and Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, HarperCollins, 1995, p. 73). Llewellyn was one of the boys captured in Weston’s 1919 series of Erewhon pool photos at the Bixby Smith estate “Erewhon” in Claremont. (See below). Having just graduated from Pomona College, the avid amateur photographer Llewellyn was hoping to learn more about the business from Weston and was also naively on the lookout for opportunities to make his life’s fortune.

“Untitled,” (Llewellyn Bixby Smith and Chandler Weston), Pool, Bixby-Smith Residence, “Erewhon,” Claremont, 1919. Edward Weston photograph. From Parallels & Contrasts: Photographs from the Stephen White Collection co-curated by Nancy Barrett and Stephen White, New Orleans Museum of Art, 1988, p. 127.

 

Writing on Edward Weston letterhead in first letter from Mexico to Sarah, who was then accompanying Paul on his second trip to England researching his eventual book on Robert Burton, “…One good thing about Mexico is that if photography fails I can make lots of money with my various partial accomplishments. Capable Americans are in great demand.” He also described his purchase of a German Shepherd puppy which he named Panurge, the train trip to Mexico City, the hacienda in which Weston had set up his studio, and his search for a grand piano. (Llewellyn Bixby Smith, letter to Sara Bixby Smith, ca. August 23, 1923, Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Special Collections). Weston wrote of the piano’s arrival at his studio, “Llewellyn’s piano just came, he plays, trying it out. I have wanted music; I find it hurts. I feel singularly like an exile at times, as though I were here not altogether voluntarily…” (DBI, August 29, 1923, p. 19).

 

Llewellyn’s next letter a couple weeks later discussed his first portrait customer, a poster he designed for street car advertising, and Weston’s upcoming exhibition at Aztec Land. He suggested that she and “P. J.” visit him in Mexico when they return from England but that P. J. wouldn’t like it “because Thomas Hardy didn’t live there.” (Llewellyn Bixby Smith, letter to Sara Bixby Smith, September 12, 1923, Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Special Collections). (Author’s note: Jordan-Smith had made extensive arrangements with John Cowper Powys for an introduction to Hardy for both his 1920 and 1923 research trips to England.).


Llewellyn Bixby Smith, Mexico, September 1923. Edward Weston photograph. Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Special Collections.

 

Weston wrote the next day that he had taken portraits of Lewellyn (see above), Chandler, Tina and Elisa. (DBI, September 13, 1923, p. 21). The following week Edward and crew decamped their suburban location “El Buen Retiro” (see below) at Avenida del Hipodromo 3, Colonia Napoles, in Tacabuya for more centrally located digs at Lucerna 12, Colonia Juarez, Mexico D.F. “within walking distance from the heart of Mexico City.” Weston wrote of the move, “Fairly well established on Calle Lucerna. Best of all, the printing room is ready for use thanks to Llewellyn.” (DBI, September 23, 1923, pp. 15, 22). Llewellyn’s take on his handicraft related to his mother was, “I have been spending most of my time doing those little things which are seemingly impossible to the unimaginative minds of Tina and Edward and the defective brain of Chandler Weston.”  (Llewellyn Bixby Smith, letter to Sara Bixby Smith, September 22, 1923, Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Special Collections).

 

 

“El Buen Retiro” at Avenida de Hipodromo3, Colonia Napoles, Tacabuya, Mexico, D. F. From the Metropolitan Museum of Art.. Edward Weston Collection, Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.


Xochimilco, 1923. Chandler Weston photograph. Verso inscription, Xochimilco – Llewellyn [Bixby Smith] says, “More beautiful than Italy.”

 

Over the next couple months Edward, Chandler, Tina and Llewellyn went on photo-excursions to such places as Xochimilco (see above), the Plaza de Toros, and Pyramids of the Sun and Moon. In letters to his mother during this period Llewellyn was all over the map speculating about prospects for a career in photography and other schemes such as land development, importing Mexican arts and crafts to the U.S., and filmmaking, all the while requesting large sums of money to explore what he thought were fantastic opportunities. Wisely, Sarah turned a deaf ear and with his photography career apparently at a standstill, Llewellyn decided to return to Claremont. Weston wrote upon a somewhat disillusioned and undoubtedly homesick Llewellyn’s departure,

“Llewellyn left this morning. I watched the train pull out with much sadness. He has been a delightful and lovable friend. Though his piano, at times, was sorely distracting and his dog a damned nuisance. Llewellyn has been much help to us, but, for his own sake, he should have just been coming instead of leaving. I am afraid he has not learned much photography with all the confusion of getting established and the exhibit.” (DBI, November 24, 1923, p. 32-3).

Meanwhile, back in Los Angeles, a crippling longshoremen’s strike in San Pedro was making headlines. The Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union 510, a branch of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), called a strike that immobilized 90 ships in the Los Angeles harbor. The union was protesting low wages, bad working conditions, and the imprisonment of union activists under California’s Criminal Syndicalism Law. A delegation headed by Upton Sinclair which included Kate Crane Gartz, Fanny Weston Bixby Spencer, Gaylord Wilshire, Pryns Hopkins and John Packard met with Los Angeles Mayor Cryer to protest against the arrest of the strikers and request authority to hold a meeting at the harbor. After being denied a permit to read to the strikers from the American Constitution’s Bill of Rights under which the right of free speech is guaranteed, Sinclair spoke to the group at San Pedro’s Liberty Hill anyhow and was quickly arrested along with his brother-in-law Hunter Kimbrough, Pryns Hopkins, and Hugh Handyman. Also accompanying the group but not arrested was Kate Crane Gartz, described in the Times as a “wealthy follower of Sinclair.” (“Upton Sinclair Arrested,” Los Angeles Times, May 16, 1923, p. II-1).

Upton Sinclair, Los Angeles jail, 1923, photographer unknown. Courtesy of the San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library.

The Liberty Hill incident spurred Sinclair, Kate Crane Gartz, Fanny Weston Bixby Spencer, Mary E. Garbutt, Clara and John Packard and their circle to quickly form a Southern California branch of the American Civil Liberties Union to provide more immediate support for their cause to protect freedom of speech. A week after their arrest, one of their first acts was to call for a Free Speech Meeting at Liberty Hill The same group obtained a permit from Mayor Cryer after promising that there would be no trouble. Over 2000 people attended the event with Schindlers likely among the crowd. (“Wobbly Gabfest is Tame,” Los Angeles Times, May 24, 1923, p. II-22). The next day the group, headed by John Packard, called for investigation of police brutality of I.W.W. detainees in the Los Angeles jail. (“Want Charges Sifted,” Los Angeles Times, May 25, 1923, p. II-22.). Having formed a strong bond through their kindred beliefs and likely having by then attended Pauline’s radical Kings Road salons, Packard soon commissioned Schindler to design and build a singularly modern residence for him in Pasadena. (See below).
John Cooper Packard Residence, 931 N. Gainsborough Dr., Pasadena, 1924. R. M. Schindler, Architect and photographer. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

 

Weston remained in Mexico until January 1925 thus there was little, if any, contact between him and the Schindlers and/or the Smiths until his return. Jordan-Smith in the meantime busied himself working on his Burton and James Joyce books, and his Cables of Cobwebs (1923), and Nomad (1925) while Sarah was working on her family history Adobe Days (1925) and was also painting portraits and landscapes. Shortly after Weston’s return, Paul had an acrimonious debate with him and Pomona College art professor Edward Kaminsky on various aspects of modern art. He had seen the traveling Armory Show, aka the International Exhibition of Modern Art in Chicago in 1913 and many of the same artists at the Panama Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco in 1915 and could find no form, beauty or meaning in the work of the new modernists. He offered to bet Weston that if he would submit some meaningless daubs under a strange foreign name that he could gain critical attention. (The Road I Came, p. 221).
“Yes, We Have No Bananas” exhibited under the title “Exaltation” by Pavel Jerdanovitch.

 

One thing led to another and Jordan-Smith, after hearing that Kaminsky requested that Sarah submit something in a more modernist vein than her previous efforts for the annual Pomona Valley Art Exhibition which he also chaired, decided to come up with his own “real modern.” He borrowed some old brushes and oils from Sarah and

“…slapped out a picture of a savage woman with her arm lifted on high. (See above). … I placed a skull in the background, high on a pole to give a touch of cannibalism to it, and to help along the modernity of the creation I drew the woman a hut which appeared to be toppling over on one side. I made her eyes a ghastly Gauguinesque white…” (The Road I Came, p. 221).

 

Pavel Jerdanowitch, 1925. (Courtesy, Paul Jordan-Smith Papers, Charles Young Research Library, UCLA.

The family had a great chuckle over the piece and that was the end of it  until Llewellyn brought over to the house a budding art critic from the college to proudly show off the family’s recent “acquisition.” When the young critic was totally taken in by the ruse, Paul was emboldened to submit his work to the Exhibition of the Independents at New York’s Waldorf Astoria Hotel in the spring of 1925. He renamed the ‘Exaltation,’ put a high price-tag on it, and submitted it under the pseudonym of Russian artist, Pavel Jerdanowitch. (See above). The piece was featured in the French art journal Revue du Vrai et du Beau after Paul’s interpretation and fabrictaed biographical information were submitted. Thus the legend began.


One thing led to another and over the next two years Paul gleefully submitted his Disambrationist paintings to an international selection of art journals and exhibitions including “Aspiration” (see below) to a no-jury exhibition at Marshall Fields in Chicago. Chicago Evening Post art critic Lena McCauley called “Aspiration” a “delightful jumble of Gauguin, Pop Hart and negro minstrelsy with a lot of Jerdanowitch individuality.” (Whitaker, Alma, “International Art Hoax Bared by Los Angeles Author,” Los Angeles Times, August 14, 1927).


“Aspiration” by “Pavel Jordanovitch, 1926. From Wet Canvas. 

 

McCauley, Lena, “No-Jury Show a Glowing Surprise,” Chicago Evening Post, January 26, 1926, p. 5.

 

The next year Jordan-Smith submitted two more pieces to the Walsorf Astoria show which again received critical acclaim and were praised in an article in the French art journal La Revue Moderne and elsewhere.

 

 

Sarah Bixby Smith and Paul Jordan-Smith Residence, 4800 Los Feliz Blvd. From Google Earth.

 

By early 1927 Edward Weston was back for good from Mexico where he had returned with son Brett just after Paul’s initiation of his Jerdanowitch hoax. Around the same time Paul and Sarah moved from Pomona  to Los Angeles into a sprawling mansion at 4800 Los Feliz Blvd. (see above) to facilitate Paul’s literary activities and lectures (see below) through which he would soon be named the literary editor of the Los Angeles Times.

 

Paul Jordan-Smith lecture marketing brochure, ca. 1931. Johan Hagemeyer photograph, June 2, 1931.  Courtesy Rancho Los Cerritos Research Library.   

 

Paul couldn’t wait to tell Edward “I told you so” while bringing him up to date on his Jerdanowitch antics. Weston wrote in his Daybooks,

“Sunday was spent with Paul Jordan and Cousin Sarah, – the first visit since my return: always, time spent with them is well spent. Paul has been painting! He always had contempt for “modern art,” an undiscriminating contempt, but partly justified. So, with his sense of humour, and joy in ridicule, he set about to perpetrate a hoax. He painted, – he sent his work to independent exhibits under an assumed Russian name, – and – he was acclaimed, reviewed, his paintings reproduced! But the joke is partly on Paul. Painting in a really naive, childlike manner, he actually achieved in at least one canvas that which many contemporary painters consciously try to do. This canvas of a Negro woman at the scrubbing board (see above) is really a gay, spontaneous thing, not great of course, but much better than most “efforts” seen at modern exhibits. The literary element which he tries to put in each painting is happily almost lacking in this, though he can explain his allegory with many a chuckle. A hand reaching in from one side weakens by adding symbolism, – and distracts, but as a whole the canvas has much real merit. If he could paint along in this attitude, – gaining in technique, he might become important. Anyway the whole episode is delightfully amusing.” (DBII, April 18, 1927, p. 16).

Whitaker, Alma, “International Art Hoax Bared by Los Angeles Author,” Los Angeles Times, August 14, 1927.

 

By the summer of 1927 Jordan-Smith tired of the ruse and exposed the entire affair to the Time’s Alma Whitaker. (See above). (Author’s note: This was right around the time that Schindler was exhibiting his work in Carmel at Johan Hagemeyer’s studio, Weston was photographing Schindler’s Lovell Beach House, Richard Neutra was being commissioned to design the Lovell’s Health House, Galka Scheyer was living and exhibiting the work of The Blue Four at Kings Road and Pauline Schindler and son Mark left her philandering husband and Kings Road for Carmel).  Paul would reminisce in later years that he received more publicity and notoriety over his art than he did over all of his books and literary reviews combined. Some examples include Upton Sinclair devoting an entire chapter of his Money Writes to the Jerdanowitch hoax and Pauline Schindler publishing the saga in The Carmelite in 1929 while Jordan-Smith was in town for a visit and to meet Robinson Jeffers. (For much more on the extensive publicity the Jerdanowitch episode received see the Paul Jordan-Smith Papers at the UCLA Library of Special Collections, Paul Jordan-Smith Papers, Boxes 44-5).
“Putting Over Art,” The Carmelite, May 3, 1929, p. 7.

 

The story continued to bring much amusement to Paul and his friends over the years as Weston related,

“… The evening [January 31, 1928] was spent with Paul and Cousin Sarah. Arthur Millier and wife were also there and a jolly time we had. A good laugh is cleansing! We screamed with laughter, – one always can with Paul, and the conversation [likely re: Pavel Jerdanovitch] was especially congenial last night.” (DaybooksII, February 1, 1928, p. 48).

Paul Jordan-Smith, June 2, 1931. Johan Hagemeyer photograph. From Hagemeyer Collection, Bancroft Library, UC-Berkeley.

 

Epilogue:


References to Paul and Sarah fade from Weston’s Daybooks after his moves to San Francisco and Carmel in 1928-9. Sometime in 1930 Weston sent a print of Bertha Wardell to Jordan-Smith with the inscription,  “To Paul – “warm” greetings from – Edward, 1930.” (For much more on Wardell see my “Bertha Wardell: Dances in Silence“). Sarah’s youngest child, daughter Janet Hathaway Smith, would grow up to marry first Michel Pijoan, son of Pomona College art history professor Jose Pijoan in 1930 and later, fine press book publisher Ward Ritchie in 1934 about a year before Sarah’s untimely death by trichinosis. Professor Pijoan was responsible for bringing Jose Clemente Orozco to Pomona College to create his famous fresco Prometheus in the school’s Frary Dining Hall. (For more on this see my “Richard Neutra and the California Art Club“).


Sarah met Ritchie at a party hosted by Weston gallerist Jake Zeitlin and was so taken by him that she called Jake and had him arrange another party and for Ritchie to accompany Janet. (Ward Ritchie Oral History, “Printing and Publishing in Los Angeles“). ”Ritchie’s Roadhouse” on Griffith Park Blvd., a piano practice hangout of Ritchie friend John Cage, was near the Bixby Smith Residence on Los Feliz Blvd. mentioned earlier. (See my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage” for more on the Ritchie-Cage friendship).

Selected books from my collection cited for this article.
The Road I Came by Paul Jordan-Smith, Caxton Printers, Caldwell, ID, 1960. (From my collection).

Adobe Days: A Book of California Memories by Sarah Bixby-Smith, Torch Press, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1926, Revised Edition. (From my collection).

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Bertha Wardell: Dances in Silence


Bertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

Announcement for Bertha Wardell performance of “Dances in Silence,” March 16, [1929] at Kings Road. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

 

Bertha Wardell, 1923. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

This biographical profile of avant-garde dancer Bertha Wardell, who performed her “Dances in Silence” at the Schindler’s Kings Road house, the California Art Club at Aline Barnsdall’s Hollyhock House on Olive Hill, and Edward Weston’s Carmel studio evolved while researching a book in progress with the working title “The Schindlers and the Westons: An Avant-Garde Friendship.” In this essay I hope to shed new light on just one of dozens of similar mutual friendships the Schindlers and Westons accumulated over the years through their social interactions at Kings Road, Weston’s studios, and mutual friends’ salon gatherings, lectures, concerts, recitals, exhibition openings, and theatrical and dance performances in both Los Angeles and Carmel. Edward and son Brett photographed many of these same friends whom Pauline Schindler also wrote about in the pages of The Carmelite which she published and edited in the late 1920s and Edward wrote about in his Daybooks.  Heretofore completely unrecognized for her important role in the evolution of modern dance and dance education in Los Angeles, Bertha Wardell is one of the more interesting characters to arise from the bohemian, avant-garde milieu of 1920s-1930s Los Angeles and Carmel.

Bertha Wardell. Photographer uncredited (Edward Weston?). From The Carmelite, October 16, 1929, p. 1. From Charles E. Young Research Library, UCLA.

 

Wardell is known to most Weston fans only as the decapitated dancer depicted in a series of nudes done by Weston in 1927. The above uncredited image is the only one I have been able to find of the dancer clothed and with head attached which begs the analysis of why Weston kept Wardell’s apparent beauty a secret? For example Weston excitedly described Wardell, “…refined, sensitive, it was to the touch like the inner surface of the sea shell. And her sinews which when dancing must be steel springs were soft and pliable as a baby’s. Against her blue-veined, pearl-white thighs and torso was a fire-red focus of wavy hair…Before the hours of love she danced for me. I felt and saw clearly - devel­opment should bring some fine nega­tives.” (Edward Weston: His Life by Ben Maddow, Aperture, 1989, p. 154). Judging from the juggling of the numerous woman described in his Daybooks around this time, he likely did not want them to find out who was whom in his internal affairs department.    

With all of the interaction between Weston and his dance subject circles, it seems incomprehensible that he and Wardell did not meet until 1922 as she later recollected. (See letter below). If that was indeed the case, they might possibly have met at Kings Road, around the time Dorothy Gibling joined Wardell on the UC Southern Branch Physical-Education Department faculty. Her below 1950 letter responding to Weston’s request to selected former lovers seek biographical memories as he became more serious about chronicling his life also inaccurately dated their 1927 reunion upon his return from Mexico.

My dear Edward: -Your letter was like the embodiment of a thought. I had had a letter in mind to you ever since reading the article about you in American Photography last summer. I was delighted that you were given your due as the greatest of living photographers… … I am, of course, flattered that anything I might have said about your work still is important. Your success has always been to me your gift of selecting exactly the right way of dealing with your subject. … … We met sometime in 1922. The fall of that year, I believe. It was then that you did the portraits of me … Then the next contact was when you returned from Mexico in 1928-29. In a curious way I am reminded of your work when I look at a fine Chinese blue and white vase that I enjoy every day. The Chinese artists drew their power from the long contemplation of objects until they had penetrated and had been penetrated by the reality of them. You achieve the same powerful effect by the choice of a detail which represents the particular whole, and, what’s more, all related whole … … The warmest affection goes to you, Edward, and the affectionate remembrance of things past. Love – Bertha” (From Edward Weston: His Life by Ben Maddow, Aperture, 2000, p. 236).

Bertha’s Freudian reference to the word “penetrated” echoed her similar use of the term in her 1925 essay on her creative process in Mary Austin’s Everyman’s Genius excerpted later below. 

“L.A. Artist Cupid to Dancing Shawns,” unidentified Los Angeles publication, ca. mid-1915. Clipping from the Ramiel McGehee Ruth St. Denis Collection, UC-Irvine.

 

While attending college at the State Normal School Bertha was apprenticing with the Norma Gould Dance Company with which she would remain associated as a teacher and performer through the early 1920s. The above 1915 article from a local paper listed Wardell and her future business partner Dorothy Lyndall as performers in a welcome home dance fest presented by Gould for her former dance and business partner Ted Shawn and his new wife, the by then renowned Ruth St. Denis. Coincidentally, this was about the time that Weston began his interest in photographing the dance, likely through Margrethe Mather‘s movie business connections with St. Denis and Shawn being two of his earliest dance subjects. (See Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles by Beth Gates Warren, J. Paul Getty Museum, 2011, pp. 78-9). 

Wardell almost certainly viewed, and was inspired by, an October 1915 exhibition of 42 of Weston’s photographs in the State Normal School’s beautiful new gallery featuring many well-known dancers. In a rave review of the show, Los Angeles Times art critic Antony Anderson particularly singled out Weston’s images of Maud Allan, Ruth St. Denis, and her teacher Norma Gould’s former partner Ted Shawn, for whom she had recently performed. (See below).
Anderson, Antony, “Art and Artists: Artistic Photographs,” Los Angeles Times, October 31, 1915, p. III-21.


Gould had formed her own Los Angeles dance company under the management of impresario Lyndon E. Behymer in 1909. Coincidentally, Shawn (see below) moved to Los Angeles in 1912, where he also established a school and small performing company. The following year he joined forces with new dancing partner, Norma Gould and the pair starred in an early two-reeler, “Dances of the Ages” under Shawn’s direction. They then embarked with their small company of Interpretive Dancers upon a cross-country tour, reaching New York after nineteen performances in March of 1914. 


Norm Gould and Ted Shawn, 1913. From New York Public Library Digital Gallery.

 

While in New York, at 23-year-old Shawn’s eager insistence, Gould introduced him to the 35-year-old Ruth St. Denis. He had first seen his early inspiration perform in his hometown of Denver in 1911 and fantasized about being her partner. (From “Guide to the Ted Shawn Letters to Barton Mumaw, 1940-1971″). During their first meeting they discussed their artistic ideas and ambitions and Shawn returned the next day to audition. He was immediately hired by Ruth’s brother and manager to become her partner. On April 13, 1914, the new partners, with Gould in tow as part of the reconstituted company, began a lengthy tour of the southern United States. The jilted Gould soon “became ill” and returned to Los Angeles. In August of the same year the apparently then bi-sexual Shawn and St. Denis were secretly married. (See below). 

“Ruth St. Denis and ‘Ted’ Shawn Wed Secretly,” unidentified publication, circa mid-1914. From the Ramiel McGehee Ruth St. Denis Collection, UC-Irvine.

 

A hint of jealousy is evident in Norma Gould’s comments in the earlier above article as she wistfully lamented,

“Teddy Shawn was very ambitious and expected to work up in the company. But I guess he’s just as much surprised as any of us to work up to being the manager of the ‘boss’ so speedily. They must just have danced their way into each others’ hearts I think.” (“L.A. Artist Cupid to Dancing Shawns,” publication unknown, ca. mid-1915).

About the same time Norma Gould and Ted Shawn formed their partnership, future intimate in the Margrethe Mather, Edward Weston, Betty Katz, and Schindler circles, Clarence B. “Ramiel” McGehee made his own valiant attempt to become St. Denis’s husband and manager, preceding Ted Shawn’s efforts by three years. Fascinated with China and Japan, the widely traveled dancer, writer, and editor, McGehee had previously spent about a year and a half there in 1907-09 learning the languages and soaking up the culture, even training for a while to become a Buddhist monk at the Hasedera monestery at Kamakura(Carmel Pine Cone, July 19, 1929, pp. 10-11 and Olive Percival Diaries, Huntington Library). He had become friendly with the likes of artist Isamu Noguchi‘s poet father Yone Noguchi and lived with the family of Lafcadio Hearn(Author’s note: Isamu Noguchi would sit for a Weston portrait in 1935. For more details see my “Richard Neutra and the California Art Club“). 


Upon his return to America, McGehee was likely one of the more knowledgeable people on all things Japanese in Los Angeles and was eager to share and capitalize on his knowledge. The affable, self-deprecating McGehee had befriended fellow Los Angeles Times employee, art critic Antony Anderson, before leaving for Japan. Through Anderson he met kindred Japanophile, author and bibliophile Olive Percival, a close friend of rare book dealer and a future client of Frank Lloyd Wright’s named Alice Millard. Percival, whom Anderson and McGehee were both then unsuccessfully courting, characterized McGehee as “a young Times reporter with an interest in Oriental Art.” (Olive Percival: Los Angeles Author and Bibliophile by Jane Apostol, UCLA, 1992, p. 10 and Olive Percival Diaries, Huntington Library). Olive diarised of her relationship with the young McGehee before his October departure,

 

“August 23, 1907: Lunched with Ozmun Orniston McGehee today and heard all his wonderful plans. It seems quite a dream but will soon be tangible, as he sails for the Orient in October.  Such a strange fate, such a nice, talented boy! Only twenty-five! We made a compact for a life-long literary friendship and he ordered the most expensive thing on the card to celebrate his release from “The Times” and his really brilliant prospects as dear Mrs. West’s adopted son! He hopes I can have my oriental trip while he is there but alas! It is wholly improbable.

September 16, 1907: Orniston McGehee is interested in my verse as well as in me and so at his request I am writing him a steamie dittie and putting in some of my unpublished jingles – unpublished and unread. I scribble in rhymes because I cannot always read (with my miserable eyes) Because I have no one to talk to. … Mr. [Antony] Anderson [Los Angeles Times art critic] (see below) is on the verge of proposing to me and so something so very unpleasant  must “happen” to prevent. He recently asked Mr. McG. not to attach his affections to me, as he was “jealous.” But naturally he got an evasive reply. How strange and singularly horrid he seems to be, not as my friend merely but in the role of a friend for Mr. McG. It would all make a Fireside Companion novelette, although between the ages of the hero and the heroine there is a trifling difference in age – fifteen years! How fate does joke with some people! With me certainly!”

 


Antony Anderson, 1919. Edward Weston photograph. From De Rome, A. T.,  ”A Few Pictures Reviewed: Illustrations from California Liberty Fair Exhibition,” Camera Craft, March 1919, p. 89.

Olive entered two mentions of McGehee while he was in Japan, 

“N.d., ca. 1908: Mr. McGehee assures me that he loves me and my ways more and more every day! That he will think of me every minute in Japan and never cease to regret I am not with him! How much I love his ardent speeches! (Not him!)

N.d., ca. 1908: Mrs. West left Monday for Japan. Yesterday a thick packet of post-cards and photographs came from Mr. McG. He has been ill.”

 

Olive Percival recorded McGehee’s return,

 

“May 17, 1909: Mr. McGehee is back from a year and a half in Japan. He, to my surprise, kissed me breathless – such is his pleasure to get back to a middle-aged person who “understands.” He lived seven months in a Buddhist temple. Climbing Fuji, he put a pebble for me in each shrine, etc., etc.

May 22, 1909: Mr. McGehee came in with a lot of presents for me from Japan! He wishes me to tell no one, as he could remember no one else except Mr. Anderson, the beggars, – the “Times” art “critic” who extorts sketches from all the poor artists in the city for a mere mention. (Lillie Drain says all the artists despise him – small wonder!) He is meddling with Mr. McGehee’s friendship and mine.

July 14, 1909: Mr. McGehee’s Sada Yacco interview is in the morning Times. Poor boy! Nice boy! We are to spend the weekend with Mrs. B. at Long Beach, in her charming cottage talking Japan continuously! I must be careful. I think he is intending to marry me. He says I am the one person in all the world who “understands,” that we must live in Japan, etc. … We are congenial enough but oh! The impossibility of it all. I must be dull and unsympathetic by intent for I wish to save him heartaches. He declares he has already lived through too much, due to poor Mrs. West’s opposition to me. She need have no fears. And he no hope! … His good mother is very hard with him, about money and, about us! She need not worry. I’d not marry the child under any combination of circumstances (15 years my junior the least of the drawbacks) and, I’m convincing him as gently as possible.

July 24, 1909: Such perfect morning – sun, mist and cool breezes! Am having C. B. M. out for all day tomorrow to talk Japan and, Japanese Arts! (Olive Percival Diaries, Courtesy Huntington Library).


Being on the Times staff as it were and having a lifelong passion for the dance, McGehee was likely the unidentified “artist” recently back from a lengthy stay in Japan who accompanied dance critic Grace Kingsley to her interview of Ruth St. Denis during her April 24-30, 1911 triumphant Mason Opera House tour stop. (Author’s note: Sixteen year-old Martha Graham also viewed one of these St. Denis performances which she credited with inspiring her dance career.).  McGehee couldn’t help but see all the pre-performance buildup and glowing reviews in the local press and with his connections at the Times likely helped arrange the Kingsley interview. Prompted by questions from the “artist,” St. Denis waxed poetic about adding Japanese routines to her repertoire. They also discussed the famous Japanese performer Sada Yacco(Kingsley, Grace, “Kitchen Sink Was Throne; How Ruth St. Denis Learned Her Art,” L.A. Times, April 27, 1911, p. III-4). Indeed, St. Denis soon tapped Japanophile McGehee to assist her in Japanese routine development. Olive Percival chronicled McGehee’s fascination with St. Denis in her diary, “Mr. McGehee is “rushing” Ruth St. Denis the dancer, this week. I wonder who could do him justice? Nobody of course but Leonard Merrick.” (Olive Percival Diaries, April 26, 1911, Courtesy Huntington Library).

 

By now realizing that his earlier desires to marry Percival would not be realized, McGehee lost no time in ingratiating St. Denis with the proposal to assist her in the development of some Japanese routines as evidenced in Percival’s later diary entries. (See below). McGehee likely wanted to solidify his standing with St. Denis by sharing with her his kindred and deep Japanophilic connection with Olive.

“June 30, 1911: I haven’t succeeded in “losing” Mr. McGehee after all! He came in this afternoon to ask to bring Ruth St. Denis out to the house, and to tell me of his wonderful prospects. He leaves with her on Monday for the New York engagements where his playlet “The Sake Cups” is to be put on. Then for England and, Europe and, Asia – a whole year away!

July 1, 1911: I plan a good rest tomorrow, although I fear Mr. McGehee intends bringing Ruth St. Denis out. The house is in perfect order and unless I fuss about in the garden I may read all day long. Is such a thing possible?

July 5, 1911: Ruth St. Denis came out Sunday evening. Very delightful, natural, sort of young woman of 33 with prematurely white hair. Blue eyes with long black lashes. She was in a very few clothes! All white. The most amazing loose-jointed creature (except various cats  I’ve studied). Wholly fascinating to watch.” (Olive Percival Diaries, Courtesy Huntington Library).

“Music and Stage,” L.A. Times, July 13, 1911, p. II-5. See also Jones, Isabel Morse, “St. Denis Returns,” Los Angeles Times, November 7, 1926, p. III-22 referencing McGehee’s role in helping St. Denis master the Oriental Dance).

 

St. Denis’s strong desire to add Japanese numbers to her stage shows created the perfect outlet for McGehee’s passion, talents and knowledge. Later to become an intimate in the Margrethe Mather, Edward Weston, Betty Katz, and Schindler circles, McGehee, to what in retrospect must have been one of the highlights of his life, was hired as publicist, stage director and choreographer for St. Denis through most of 1911-12 while helping her to develop her elaborate Japanese routines such as Omika which met with such success the rest of her career. (See above). There was even mention of marriage between the gay Clarence and Ruth with the idea seemingly quashed by her family. (See below). (Author’s note: There is an extensive collection of press clippings from this period in the Ramiel McGehee Ruth St. Denis Collection at UC-Irvine).

 

“Ruth St. Denis Engaged?” unidentified publication, August 30, [1911]. From the Ramiel McGehee Ruth St. Denis Collection, UC-Irvine.

“Rehearsing New Dances,” Toledo Blade, January 8, 1912. From New York Public Library Digital Collection.


Apparently McGehee and St. Denis made rapid progress on developing new Japanese routines as announcements regarding the impending debut of her new dances were beginning to appear around the country the following January. (See above for example). Her inaugural Japanese performance took place in March or April. McGehee’s coaching and indoctrination of St. Denis in all things Japanese was very thorough indeed evidenced by his positioning her in costume at the below Japanese tea ceremony during their time together.


Ruth St. Denis and Ramiel McGehee at a Japanese tea ceremony (center), ca. 1912. Location and photographer unknown. From Claremont Colleges Digital Library. Gift of Ramiel McGehee.


It is not yet clear how long their relationship held together, but it was long enough for McGehee to share everything he knew about Japan, greatly facilitating the metamorphosis of St. Denis into the ‘Fantasie Japonaise’ whom Weston photographed upon her and Shawn’s return to Los Angeles in 1915 and widely exhibited with such great success soon thereafter. (See below). Ironically, it must have been shortly after the time that St. Denis and McGehee eventually parted ways that Shawn entered into the picture in New York in the spring of 1914. (See earlier discussion).

Ruth St. Denis in the Dance of the Flower Arrangement from Omika, 1913. Photograph by Arnold Genthe. From the New York Public Library Digital Gallery.

 

Arnold Genthe was possibly the first photographer to capture St. Denis’s Japanese metamorphosis with photos like the above taken in 1913 which also later appeared in his 1916 Book of the Dance.

 

Martha Graham in her Denishawn debut as Priestess of Isis in A Dance Pageant of Greece, Egypt and India, 1916. From Martha Graham: A Dancer’s Life by Russell Freedman, Clarion Books, 1998, p. 30.
Denishawn Dance Company on the beach, 1922. Martha Graham, center and Louise Brooks, second from right. (From the Louise Brooks Society.)

 

St. Denis and Shawn founded the first Denishawn School of Dancing in Los Angeles in 1915 and soon counted among their disciples the likes of modern dance progenitor Martha Graham (see above for example) and film stars Louise Brooks, Mabel Normand, Myrna Loyand the Gish sisters(From Dance Heritage Coalition and Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles by Beth Gates Warren, p. 78). 


This was the same year that R. M. Schindler made his first trip to the West Coast and Edward Weston was experiencing his “awakening.” (For more on Schindler’s Western “exposure” see my “Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence“). In retrospect, Weston wrote of his meeting Margrethe Mather shortly before this, emerging from his Puritanical, naive beginnings, and falling under the influence of her and her coterie.  

With this background I was suddenly thrown into contact with a sophisticated group, – actually they were drawn to me through my photography which had gone steadily ahead, – was my development. They were well-read, worldly wise, clever in conversation, – could garnish with a smattering of French: they were parlor radicals, could sing I. W. W. songs, quote Emma Goldman on freelove: they drank, smoked, had affairs, – I had practically no experience with drinking and smoking, never a mistress before marriage, only adventures with two or three whores. I was dazzled – this was a new world – these people had something I wanted: actually they did open up new channels, started me thinking from many fresh angles, looking toward hitherto unconsidered horizons. But there had to be a personal house-cleaning afterwards, – for, not to expose my real self to these clever new friends, I had to pretend much, to become one of them, parrot their thoughts, ape their mannerisms. Then came the day of reckoning when I saw through my own pretence.” (March 17, 1931, DBII, p. 209).

It was around this same time that Edward Weston became fascinated with photography of the dance through Margrethe Mather’s movie industry connections and inspiration from former Carmel denizen Arnold Genthe‘s earlier widely-exhibited and published work compiled in his 1916 The Book of the Dance. Besides dozens of images of Shawn and St. Denis and many of their students in costume, he photographed Norma Gould, Maud Allan, Violet Romer,  and others and quickly received much acclaim publishing and exhibiting the results to a global audience. (For example see Warren, pp. 79, 90). This new found fascination with dance photography also manifested itself in his eager willingness to perform his self-choreographed dance routines in drag at private soirees and parties and on stage before large appreciative audiences evidence by numerous Daybooks entries.

Ruth St. Denis, 1916. Edward Weston photograph. Publication unknown. From the Ramiel McGehee Ruth St. Denis Collection, UC-Irvine.
On October 8, 1915, about the time of his earlier mentioned State Normal School exhibition, Weston received a note from noted art critic and future mutual friend with the Schindlers, Sadakichi Hartmann, which read,
     ”My Dear Weston: You are surely one of the annointed. In a class by yourself. The Dolores, Ruth St. Denis, Fantasie Japonaise (see above), and the large head of Margrethe Mather are masterpieces.
     I will use the prints to good advantage and write you up as opportunity dictates. Sometimes it takes a long while. But don’t lose patience. It seems that I have to get to Tropico one of these days to have myself counterfeited by you, my collection would be incomplete without it. Alas! I see you are married, as we all are. Good Luck!
     I am on my way to New York, so write in great haste. Nude excellent too. Always same address.” (Maddow, p. 72).

Ruth St. Denis cover, The Theatre, May 1916.

Clarence McGehee portrait with announcement of upcoming Cherry Blossom Players productions, Los Angeles Times, December 31, 1916, p. II-10.

 

After parting ways with St. Denis, McGehee supported himself translating and lecturing on Chinese and Japanese topics and and producing and performing Japanese dance routines before a wide range of organizations and women’s clubs. By 1917 he had become involved with a Japanese theatrical troupe called the Cherry Blossom Players for which he directed drama and dance productions under his friend Norma Gould’s manager and impresario Lyndon E. Behymer. It is intriguing to speculate whether Gould disciple Bertha Wardell and friends might have performed in the Cherry Blossom Players dance routines. In their debut performance at the Alexandria Hotel in January 1917, the stage was graced with sets designed by none other than fellow Japanophile Frank Lloyd Wright who was in town discussing with Aline Barnsdall the plans for her Olive Hill compound before departing for Japan to begin work on the Imperial Hotel. (For much more on Barnsdall’s activities surrounding her Los Angeles Little Theatre in late 1916 and early 1917 see my “Edward Weston, R. M. Schindler, Anna Zacsek, Lloyd Wright and Reginald Pole and Their Dramatic Circles.” For much more on Barnsdall and the Schindlers see my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism” hereinafter “Vagabond”).

 

The Japanese Print: An Interpretation by Frank Lloyd Wright, Ralph Fletcher Seymour, Chicago, 1912. 

 

McGehee was likely aware of Wright’s fascination with Japan, either through possible knowledge of exhibitions of his extensive Japanese print collection acquired on previous trips during the time he was also there, or more likely, his Japaniana collecting would have led him to Wright’s book The Japanese Print published by the Schindler’s Chicago friend Ralph Fletcher Seymour. (See above). (For more on Seymour, see my “R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats,” hereinafter simply “Chats” and “The Schindlers in Carmel, 1924“). 

McGehee would have known of Wright’s presence in Los Angeles through the Aline Barnsdall-Richard Ordynski productions at her Los Angeles Little Theatre leased from Frank Egan in 1916-17 and Ordynski’s lectures around town at such venues as USC and the Friday Morning Club(“Events Briefly Told” Ordynski Will Lecture,” Los Angeles Times, November 23, 1916, p. II-2 and “Women’s Work, Women’s Clubs,” Los Angeles Times, November 24, 1916, p. II-3). His contagious enthusiasm for the Cherry Blossom Players likely helped him convince impresario Behymer that being able to advertise set designs by the noted architect Wright would help in attracting a wider audience. (See article below for example).

 

“Cherry Blossom Players to Give Performances Soon,” Los Angeles Times, January 14, 1917, p. III-19.

 

Still organizing and collaborating with Cherry Blossom Players events such as the below 1919 fund raiser, McGehee performed on the same program for two weekend engagements at the Beaumont Woman’s Club in early May. Also on the bill were Norma Gould (likely with Wardell and Dorothy Lyndall in accompaniment), Grace Vierson, longtime patron Katherine Fiske, and modernist pianist Ruth Deardorff Shaw, whom the Schindlers later first heard perform with Edward Weston in the summer of 1922. (Warren, p. 253). 

Los Angeles Times, June 29, 1919, p. III-32.

 

As was the case virtually every summer, Norma Gould organized a series of two-week courses in outdoor mountain settings to attract new students to dancing careers. The below brochure announcing her ninth summer session was mailed to McGehee, begging the speculation as to his involvement as a teacher alongside Bertha Wardell and Dorothy Lyndall who were still working for and performing with Gould at the time.

Norma Gould School for Dancing summer class announcement, 1919 addressed to Clarence McGehee. From the Ramiel McGehee Ruth St. Denis Collection, UC-Irvine.

Betty Katz, Clarence [Ramiel] McGehee and unidentified man in Japanese-Style Garden, ca. 1919. Unidentified photographer.  Collection of Martin Lessow. (From Warren, p. 162). (For more on Katz, see my “Betty Katz Kopelanoff Brandner: From Her Attic to Kings Road” ).

 

Around this same time in 1919 McGehee became an intimate within the Mather-Weston-Katz orbit. Weston attended a dance performance by Clarence in early July and invited him and his friend to visit, perform and pose at his studio later that month. (See below for example). (Edward Weston, letter to Clarence Blocker [Ramiel] McGehee, July 11, 1919, EW Archive. Cited in Warren, p. 160). McGehee remained in the center of dancing and Japaniana circles evidenced by, for example, himself and Wardell’s mentor Norma Gould performing at a tea with many others at the Fiske residence in Hollywood during September 1919 and the above image of himself and Betty Katz at a Japanese garden. (“Entertained for the Misses Fiske,” Holly Leaves, September 6, 1919, p. 19). 

 

Ramiel McGehee in Japanese Noh Dance, 1919. Edward Weston photograph. From Merle Armitage Dance Memoranda edited by Edwin Corle, Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1946.

 

Wardell graduated with a “general professional degree” in 1916 from the State Normal School. In 1919 the college became the University of California Southern Branch where she began teaching dance in the Physical Education Department the following year, through the largess of her mentor and faculty member Norman Gould. (Author’s note: Later Schindler and Weston social orbit habitues, Annita Delano and Barbara Morgan joined the faculty’s Fine Art Department the school’s inaugural year and 1925 respectively). Bertha’s courses included general physical education for sophomores, Folk Dancing and Aesthetic Dancing. She was joined on the Physical Education faculty for the 1922-23 school year by Pauline Gibling Schindler’s sister, Dorothy Gibling, who resided at Kings Road briefly after its 1922 completion and was a frequent visitor thereafter. (See far right below). Gymnastics teacher Dorothy remained on the staff through the 1923-24 year. (For more on Annita Delano, Barbara and Willard Morgan and Kings Road see my “Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism” (hereinafter LAMod) and “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism” (PGS)).

R. M. and Pauline Gibling Schindler, Sophie and Edmund Gibling, Dorothy Gibling and Mark Schindler at Kings Road, summer 1923. (From “Life at Kings Road: As It Was 1920-1940″ by Robert Sweeney, p. 93 in The Architecture of R. M. Schindler). (Schindler Family Collection, Courtesy Friends of the Schindler House.

 

Betty Katz (second from left below) wrote to Pauline during March 1922 of Florence Deshon‘s suicide indicating that the Schindlers were indeed in the Mather-Weston-Katz orbit prior to this. (See Warren, p. 244 and note 9, p. 337).

 

Thanksgiving at Kings Road, 1923. Clockwise from far left, Dorothy Gibling, Betty Katz, Alexander “Brandy” Brandner, obscured, Max Pons, Herman Sachs, Karl Howenstein, Edith Gutterson, Anton Martin Feller, E. Clare Schooler, and unidentified. Photograph attributed to R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

 

Dorothy can also be seen at the far left in the above 1923 Kings Road Thanksgiving picture seated next to former Weston lover and model Betty Katz who will be the subject of a future article. Continuing clockwise we have Betty’s future husband, Alexander “Brandy” Brandner, obscured, Max Pons, Herman Sachs, Karl Howenstein, Edith Gutterson (erstwhile Chicago girlfriend of Schindler and future wife of Howenstein), Anton Martin Feller (then a Frank Lloyd Wright employee working on the Freeman and Storer Houses), Dorothy’s lover E. Clare Schooler, and unidentified. Sachs, a soon-to-be Schindler client and collaborator, established the short-lived Chicago Industrial Arts School in 1920 at Jane Addam’s Hull House, Pauline’s earlier place of employment, and directed the Dayton Institute of Art in 1921-22 before moving to Los Angeles in 1923. Howenstein was also friends of the Schindlers in Chicago where he worked at the Art Institute of Chicago with Edith before moving to Los Angeles to become Director of the Otis Art Institute. Karl and Edith lived in the Kings Road guest wing for two years during 1922-4.


Los Angeles Times, January 23, 1921, p. III-39.

Poetry: A Magazine of Verse, December 1921, front cover. (For more on Harriet Monroe’s inaugural publisher Ralph Fletcher Seymour, see “Chats“).

 

Wardell’s December 1921 letter to the editor, Harriet Monroe, a frequent publisher of fellow poet, editor, and dramatist Alfred Kreymborg‘s work marked her encouragement for Monroe’s apparent step towards a closer affiliation with poetry’s allied arts including her passion, i.e., the dance.

“Dear Poetry, 

     To all serious students of the dance, the first sentence in your October article, “Poetry would like to celebrate its ninth birthday by inaugurating a closer affiliation with the allied arts of music and the drama - perhaps also the dance,” is encouraging. That “perhaps” is deserved, only those who come in daily contact with the too-popular belief that the door to real achievement may be kicked open by a perfectly pointed toe can realize how far the dance has traveled from its dignified origin. In alliance with that music and poetry to which the dance really gave birth lies her only hope. Music and poetry give the dancer a reason for existence.  
     We had the pleasure of working with Alfred Kreymborg in the summer of 1920 (see discussion below), and not only felt that we, as dancers, had profited, but we gained an insight into, and a feeling for, the rhytnm of modern poetry that nothing but the actual bodily expression of it could have given us. We have been fortunate also in being associated with a musician [Henry Cowell] who has used pieces of Sara Teasdale’s, Vachel Lindsay’s, Bliss Carman’s, and other moderns, as themes for dance-music.      
     Certainly poets, musicians and dancers need not fear to join forces. They have the fundamentals in common with such different, yet harmonious, outward manifestations of those fundamentals, surely the result will not be unworthy of poetry or music, and will surely be of infinite value to the dance in its reinstatement among the arts. We so often fail to say the pleasant things we think. Poetry is a monthly refreshment. It is like a breath from freshly opened flowers, or a drink of mountain water.  
Bertha Wardell 
Los Angeles, Cal.” (For much more on Henry Cowell and his Schindler-Weston connections see my “Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage“).
During his extended 1920 lecture tour in California referred to by Wardell, poet Alfred Kreymborg called on Ruth St. Denis and Ted Shawn to try to interest them in his ideas of dancing to poetry. After chanting and playing for them while demonstrating with marionettes, Ruth and Ted immediately became so fascinated that they engaged the Kreymborgs to collaborate on a performance with their troupe. He related in his autobiography,
“[I] was engaged to undertake a bill of dances and pantomimes with some of the members, under the direction of Ted Shawn. So remarkably sensitive were these young girls to the slightest aesthetic design and so thoroughly trained in the traditions of interpretative dancing, that Ted Shawn only had to attend an occasional rehearsal. In order to disclose a variety of dramatic dynamics, [I] added the static play, Manikin and Minikin, and the puppets, playing from the hands of Dorothy [Kreymborg]. Rehearsals proceeded daily for five or six weeks, and along with the earth and the flower, the owls and the daisies that [I] had introduced at Madison, a bird, a tree and a stream, a willow, a sprite and a shadow, a juggler of balloons and stars and other dancing things were incorporated.” (Troubadour: An Autobiography by Alfred Kreymborg, pp. 354-5).
The juggler of balloons Kreymborg included in the Denishawn collaboration indicates that Weston had most likely been in attendance during the Denishawn-Kreymborg rehearsals and/or performance evidenced by his portrayal of the troubadour and his mandolute serenading a rising flock of balloons. (See below).
Alfred Kreymborg – Poet, August 3, 1920. (Warren p. 192 and note 53, p. 322). Edward Weston photograph. From Weston’s Westons: Portraits and Nudes by Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1989, p. 123. Also titled “Balloon Fantasy” by Weston in American Photography, October, 1921, p. 547 as cited in Warren, note 55, p. 322).

 

Shortly after his work with Denishawn, Norma Gould also requested that Kreymborg collaborate with her “more experienced” dancers, Bertha Wardell, Dorothy Lyndall and Ruth Wilton. (Kreymborg, p. 355). Their performance at the Hollywood Woman’s Club and was most likely attended by Gould colleague Clarence “Ramiel” McGehee and possibly by Weston who met McGehee and Wardell around this time. Weston evidently liked what he saw from Norma Gould and her staff as he wrote to Betty Katz shortly thereafter, “Chandler has started private lessons with Norma Gould – more trading – pictures for dancing.” (Edward Weston, letter to Betty Katz, n.d., ca. 1920-1. Center for Creative Photography). 

 Kreymborg’s Marionette, 1920. Margrethe Mather photograph. Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, 2005.27.4261. (From Warren, p. 193). 

 Weston’s companion, Margrethe Mather, who had previously photographed Kreymborg during his earlier 1917 lecture tour, also captured his dancing marionette close to the same time as Weston’s studio balloon image. (See above). Kreymborg likely met Mather through their mutual friend, poet and artist William Saphier, who captured Mather’s essence in  ”Margrethe” penned shortly after their 1916 tryst which Kreymborg later anthologized in “Others for 1919.” Saphier helped Kreymborg edit his poetry journal Others, kept alive with the patronage of future Weston and Schindler circle member Walter Arensberg, and created of the cover art for his autobiography (see below).

 

Troubadour: An Autobiography by Alfred Kreymborg, Boni & and Liveright, 1925. Cover art by Saphier.

 

Others, January 1919, cover art by Marguerite Zorach. From Modernist Journals Project.

“University Fete,” Los Angeles Times, April 30, 1922, p. X-7.

 

In 1920 Wardell performed in UC Southern Branch’s Director of Pageantry Norma Gould’s production “Dionysia” and her spring 1922 production “Children of the Sun” on the same campus on May 5-6, 1922. (See above and Prevots, p. 40). The partially Japanese-themed celebration of spring was possibly influenced in some way by Gould’s close friend McGehee whom she had been collaborating with on various performances since her breakup with Ted Shawn. Wardell then joined fellow UC Southern Branch art teacher Louise Sooy on the faculty of the Pasadena Community Playhouse’s 1922 Summer Art Colony. (See below).

Summer Art Colony for Community Drama Directors, Pasadena Community Playhouse, Summer 1922.

“Teacher of Dancing Art is Honored,” L.A. Times, December 31, 1922, p. III-33.

 

In a later 1922 article on dance schools in Los Angeles (see above), the Norma Gould School was singled out as the one aiming “toward the highest cultural education through the use of Dalcroze Eurhythmics in the development of the dance. Referenced as the Director of Pageantry at University of California Southern Branch for the past three years and deemed a “teacher of teachers,” Gould was also credited with placing Wardell on the school’s faculty.

April 20, 1923: Weston Daybook entry references discussion with Johan Hagemeyer over the sharpness of focus of a print of Bertha Wardell. (Earliest Daybook reference of Wardell who was at the time employed at UC Southern Campus with Pauline’s sister Dorothy Gibling).

“Just now a letter from Bertha Wardell – “We are finding life interesting in the midst of a Righteous Crusade against the Wicked Dance. It has so far deprived us of the use of our studio but not of our legs so we have nothing really to complain of.” Christ! Is this possible! O how sickening! My disgust for that impossible village, Los Angeles, grows daily. To think that Mexico had to abandon the fair country of California to such a fate. I ask every Mexican, “Do you wish like conditions here? If not, then fight American influence in Mexico !” But being an American I like to believe that only in Los Angeles could such a situation exist. Give me Mexico, revolutions, small-pox, poverty, anything but the plague spot of America – Los Angeles. All sensitive, self-respecting persons should leave there. Abandon the city of the uplifters.” (Daybooks, Vol. I, January 18, 1924, p. 43). 

It appears that Wardell and Lyndall struck out on there own around the time Weston left for Mexico indicated by articles and ads in the Los Angeles Times for their “Playhouse of the Dance” performance and studio activities. (See below for example).

 

Nye, Myra, “Club Notes,” Los Angeles Times, April 27, 1924, p. 29.

 

 Brochure for “The Playhouse for the Dance” sent to Mary Austin ca. April 1925. Courtesy of the Huntington Library Mary Austin Collection.

 

 

Brochure for “The Playhouse for the Dance” sent to Mary Austin ca. April 1925. Courtesy of the Huntington Library Mary Austin Collection.

 

 

Poetry: A Magazine of Verse, April 1925, front cover.

 

Harriet Monroe published one of Wardell’s poems, “Sacrilege,” in the April 1925 issue of Poetry. (See above). Just a brief piece (see below), it was more symbolic of poetry’s inspiration for Wardell’s creative process.

Wardell, Bertha, “Sacrilege,” Poetry: A Magazine of Verse, April 1925, p. 25.

 


Also in 1925 Wardell contributed an essay describing in great detail her creative process in Mary Austin’s Everyman’s Genius which reviewer Irwin Redman characterized in his negative critique as “…the work of an artist who wishes to help other workers in creation to orient and fulfill themselves.” (“On Genius,” Everyman’s Genius by Mary Austin, Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1925. Reviewed by Irwin Edman, Columbia University, Saturday Review of Literature, January 16, 1926, p. 494). Having read some articles Austin had published on genius, Bertha contacted her to see if she would be interested in a piece on creativity in the dance. Austin replied, 

I am indeed pleased to have your letter in regard to my articles on genius. The book is just on the point of going to press, but it is possible that if you send me as complete an account as possible of the psychological processes of dance creation, I may be able to get part of it, or some mention of it into the appendix, with your name.” (Mary Austin, letter to Bertha Wardell, January 20, 1925. Courtesy of the Huntington Library Mary Austin Collection).

Austin was so pleased with Wardell’s essay that she included it intact and unchanged in the appendix and strongly encouraged her to also submit it for publication in a magazine interested in the dance. Excerpts from Bertha’s essay (see below) and Weston’s Daybooks strongly hint that Weston read, and was influenced by, her piece prior to creating his dramatic 1927 images of her upon his return from Mexico.

“…In making a dance form, two things are necessary - a “dance idea,” and the music which expresses that idea. The idea may come from something that I read – poetry, rhythmic prose, – folklore or mythology; but, it does not ‘develop (that is, exist as anything but an intellectual concept) until I find music to which it is possible to think in terms of the “dance idea.” For instance, when I have an ”elfin” idea, I must have “elfin” music, for a Russian dance, Russian music, if the dance form evolved is to be true. …When the dance comes, it appears as a tiny figure dancing to the music to which I am listening. The figure is on the back of my forehead. … Sometimes I have consciously to fill in gaps when the figure is not clear, but I think it keeps on dancing just the same even though I can not see it. The figure, itself, has no sex and has no other outlines than that of a body – even in recreating national and folk dances there is no characteristic dress. The extremities are the most distinct. The face can not be seen at all. (Italics mine). … I use poetry, etc., to keep me in the proper mood until the dance has appeared. The length of time elapsing after I have found both music and the idea until the dance formulates itself depends on the amount of time I have at my disposal to give to listening to the music. If I am interrupted in the process of creation, I am never worried, I always feel as if the dance were being well taken care of even though I am not consciously working with it. There are times though, when I am very tired and can get nothing from the music, reading, or thinking - then I play jazz and let myself go to it – just dance around. …The only thing which seems to be essential to the creativeness in me, is love; it may be love for the dance idea or for the music. I can only express what I mean by love by saying that to me it is a state in which I give up myself utterly, or open myself to what. really is. I must have this feeling of love or the dance idea and music will not appear in dance form. I can stimulate this feeling in myself by reading something beautiful, by being with some person of whom I am very fond, or by looking at flowers. …The dance form complete is only a skeleton. The dance pattern – that is, the direction and arrangement of the movements on the floor, and the penetration of the form with the subtle differences of moving and feeling (italics mine) which give style and character and make the dance true, are left for the dancer. …My own process, that of translating the dance form into theatrical terms, is as follows: First, I dance over the movement rather sketchily, to get the “feel” of it, and, as I do this, I become conscious of how the movement should be executed. …I can only describe my process by saying that, after doing the movement very easily without any thought other than to get the sequence of movements, the proper execution of them – that is, the use of head, torso, arms, and the emphasis and phrasing, follow spontaneously. (Italics mine). …The only Oriental dances that have ever “belonged” were some native Japanese dances I once learned. (From Ramiel McGehee?). …After I have the sequence and the general outline of the dance form with whatever else has come spontaneously, I leave the dance for a day or two. During the time when I am not actually practicing comes the second part of the process. This consists, first of all, in enriching my associations by reading everything that may have to do with the dance – fact or fiction. If the dance is of a suitable type, I try to put the essence of it into writing. I find that the expression of an emotion or the delineation of a character will clarify itself if I can describe it in words which please me. I also use what might be called a form of meditation. …I practice no regular spiritual exercises other than those I have mentioned, but I try to be out-of-doors as much as possible, to read poetry, highly imaginative prose, and books of travel, and never to harbor resentment. Anger, hate, or any of the destructive emotions kill creativeness.” (Bertha Wardell, Playhouse of the Dance, Hollywood, California, excerpted from Everyman’s Genius by Mary Austin, pp. 323-9).


Bertha shortly thereafter sent Austin a companion essay, “Some Social Aspects of the Dance,” which also made quite an impression as indicated in Austin’s below response. She further invited Bertha to visit her in Santa Fe to study American Indian dance. 


 Mary Austin, letter to Bertha Wardell, March 20, 1925. Courtesy of the Huntington Library Mary Austin Collection.

Austin and Wardell continued corresponding and they finally met when Mary came to Los Angeles for a May 30th lecture at the Women’s University Club. Austin prevailed upon Wardell to take her shopping for a dress for the occasion. (Mary Austin, letter to Bertha Wardell, May 24, 1925. Courtesy of the Huntington Library Mary Austin Collection).

Wardell and fellow UCLA instructor, artist and soon-to-be Schindler-Weston circle habitue Barbara Morgan, attended weekly 1-1/2 hour sessions conducted by Isadora Duncan during 1926-7. (Grove Encyclopedia of American Art, p. 350.) Morgan’s mutual interest in body movement inspired her later passion for dance photography made famous by her work with Martha Graham. (For much more on Barbara and Willard Morgan see my LAMod). 

Lyndall, Dorothy S.,  Who’s Who in Music and Dance in Southern California, Hollywood: Bureau of Musical Research, 1933, p. 217.

 

Dorothy Lyndall (see above) and Wardell associated with Mikhail Mordkin, former director of the Bolshoi Ballet, during his early 1927 Los Angeles sojourn, coordinating and assisting in his “master” classes per the below ad. Also note the competing ads of the Denishawn and Norma Gould Schools. It wasn’t mush after this that they apparently decided to go their separate ways.

Los Angeles Times, January 2, 1927, p. III-26.

Ballet master Theodore Kosloff teaching the Paramount Studio chorus girls, ca. 1922. Photographer unknown. From arts-meme.

 

About the same time Wardell published an article in The Dance devoted to the a discussion of the ballet at the Philharmonic Auditorium during the 1927 season. (Author’s note: See below example period cover of The Dance to which Wardell frequently contributed). The article included an interview with Theodore Kosloff in which he talks about his production of  ’Scheherazade’ at the Los Angeles Philharmonic Auditorium and ‘The Volga Boatman’ at the Circle Theatre. Wardell wrote,

“Theodore Kosloff was rehearsing Scheherazade. The huge bare room where the rehearsal was being carried on hummed with vitality; the life of the fiery ballet, its story of the Eastern soul coming to itself again; the disturbing music of Rimsky Korsakoff being pounded on the piano; the desperate faces of the dancers as they dashed about, bodies streaked with dirt from squirming on the floor, faces and bodies shining with sweat; Kosloff, his square body .. with feet apart planted on the sidelines, every wave of movement running through him, his baton stumping on the floor. … Mr. Kosloff told me as he rested, “Last night I stayed up until midnight making the formation of th is ballet with colored papers. This morning I got up at half-past four because we rehearse at quarter-to-seven. I quit my classes here in the studio, I leave my work in the moving pictures with Mr. Cecil De Mille, for whom I am technical art director, to do this ballet.” (Wardell, Bertha, “The Scheherazade in Hollywood,” The Dance, January 1927, pp. 31, 64 and Prevots, pp. 125-6).

Ruth St. Denis cover, The Dance, April 1929. From Magazine Art.

 

Shortly after Edward and Brett’s return from Mexico, their work was exhibited at UCLA, through the largess of Wardell’s UC Southern Branch art teacher colleagues, Annita Delano and Barbara Morgan, who were both Weston-Schindler circle regulars. (February 13, 1927, Daybooks, Vol. II, p. 5. For more on Delano and Morgan see my LAMod). Having soon seen the exhibit Bertha wrote Edward,

 ”My dear Edward Weston: – Your photographs affected me a great deal. Even to think of them gives me a feeling of reality, of things falling – and fallen – into their proper relations. Someone asked me which studies I had liked. For the life of me I couldn’t remember – the effect seemed to be a sum-total reaction. Except for the studies of bodies! I shall own some of these one day. I must. It is not often that anything says “dancing” to me as these do. The body – so present – so soft and warm to touch – the source of so many beauties and delights – yet so mysterious. Barbara Morgan says you are sometimes in need of a model. If I could help I would be happy to lend myself. Tuesday afternoons I have free. Sometimes, Fridays too. Cordially, Bertha Wardell.” (Edward Weston: His Life by Ben Maddow, Aperture, 2000, p. 151. For Weston’s acknowledgement of this letter see February 26, 1927, DaybooksII, p. 6)

 

Bertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

“… – a kneeling figure cut at the shoulder (see above), but kneeling does not mean it is passive, – it is dancing quite as intensely as if she were on her toes! (See below). I am in love with this nude – - -.” (Daybooks Vol. II, May 14, 1927, p. 27).
Bertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Weston’s deft capturing of the Wardell’s musculature is immediately brought to mind in the description of one of her partner Dorothy Lyndall’s later students Janet Collins.

“I remember how [Lyndall] had us take some dancer’s working anatomy classes from a learned lady acquaintance of hers called Bertha Wardell, who taught us among many things about the correct ballet turnout, which origin is in the hip joints, and how to use the two sets of muscles we dancers must use in this process – the adductor and abductor muscles of the thighs. Muscular activity becomes real to a dancer when you actually feel and experience those muscles at work! It is a wonderful feeling of muscular control over your own body – and you know it is right because it alone produces the desired results.” (Night’s Dancer: The Life of Janet Collins, by Yael Tamar Lewin, Weslayen University Press, pp. 62-3). 

Bertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

Knees, Bertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. From Edward Weston: Photography and Modernism by Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr. and Karen Quin and Leslie Furth, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1999, Plate 31. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

“B. sat to me again: six negatives exposed, all of some value, three outstanding, but two of the latter slightly moved. However, the one technically good is the one best seen. As she sat with legs bent under, I saw the repeated curve of thigh and calf, – the shin bone, knee and thigh lines forming shapes not unlike great sea shells, – the calf curved across the upper leg, the shell’s opening. I made this, cutting at waist and above ankle. (See above). After the sitting I fell asleep, sitting bolt upright, supposedly showing Bertha some drawings, – I was that worn out. These simplified forms I search for in the nude body are not easy to find, nor record when I do find them. There is that element of chance in the body assuming an important movement: then there is the difficulty in focusing close up with a sixteen inch lens: and finally the possibility of movement in an exposure of from 20 sec. to 2 min., – even the breathing will spoil a line. If I had a workroom such as the one in San Francisco with a great overhead and side light equal to out of doors, I would use my Graflex: for there I made 1/10 s. exposures with f/11, – in this way I recorded Neil’s body. Perhaps the next nudes I will try by using the Graflex on tripod: the 8 inch Zeiss will be easier to focus, exposures will be shorter, films will be cheaper! My after exhaustion is partly due to eyestrain and nerve strain. I do not weary so when doing still-life and can take my own sweet time. B. has a sensitive body and responsive mind. I would keep on working with her.” (March 24, 1927, DBII, p. 10).

Bertha wrote Weston the next day,

“My dear Edward Weston: - You and your work have been very strongly in my mind since yesterday. You yourself seemed possessed for an instant not only of a physical, but of a psychic fatigue. I wished that you had not worked so long. It disturbed me; I think, especially because of the exceeding delicacy and vitality of your work which is dependent to a certain extent, at least, on the vitality of your body. What you do awakes in me so strong a response that. I must in all joy tell you. Perhaps it will seem out of proportion to you, in whom it has grown gradually, but, on the other hand, perhaps only someone from without can sense what you do in its true proportions. Your photographs are as definite an experience to the spirit as a whiplash to the body. It is as if they said, “Look – here is something you have been waiting for something you have not found in painting or even in sculptures. Something which has been before only in the thought of dancing.” It has so enlivened my own feeling about dancing that something of that may be born yet – and not dead. I beg of you – do not come to the dancing Sunday. This envelope is very empty of a card. Some day, if you will let me -I would like to dance for you. It was very happy and restful posing for you. If there is anything you want to do again however – you must feel free to send me away if you find yourself too weary. There is the danger that this will strike you in the wrong mood, that it may seem sentimental and loquacious when words about your work should in all appropriateness have finesse and reserve. All of which I risk gladly, hoping that the weariness was not unavailing - that the afternoon may have brought forth something which you can enjoy having made. BBW.” (Edward Weston: His Life by Ben Maddow, Aperture, 2000, p. 152-3).

References to Bertha frequently appeared in Weston’s Daybooks over the next few months, for example: 

March 25. … Came a letter from B. which well indicates her response: … (See letter above). This letter also indicates why I would work more with her.

March 30. Henrietta Shore asked me to sit to her. I am sure no one else could tempt me to so spend time, but certainly I respond to this real opportunity. The shells I photographed were so marvelous one could not do other than something of interest. What I did may be only a beginning – but I like one negative especially. I took a proof of the legs recently done of Bertha, which Miss Shore was enthusiastic over.

April 1. Nudes of [B?] again. Made two negatives, – variation on one conception. I am stimulated to work with the nude body, because of the infinite combinations of lines which are presented with every move. And now after seeing the shells of Henrietta Shore, a new field has been presented.

April 2. … The last nude of B., – good.
KneesBertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.


April 8. … I have Easter flowers, – royal red tulips with blue centers from Cristal [sic], and a single rose from B. A new coffee cup from C. too: but now I do not use coffee! Last night Nahui and Matias cooked Mexican style. I took Bertha. Mushrooms fried in olive oil with garlic and chili, – green peppers, cheese and sausage, chocolate and bizcochos, – a meal well prepared but not in my present way of thinking. I have a bellyache this morning, … Matias dances beautifully, with gestures of a torero. I could watch him all evening with more pleasure than the best of stage performers. I know Bertha was fascinated too. He is naturally a dancer, – none of the tricks of a professional, no mechanical perfection.


Bertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

April 13. Tuesdays are now definitely B. day. She enjoys working with me, and I respond to her. Her beauty in movement is an exquisite sight. Dancing should be always in the nude. I made 12 neg’s,- for the first time using the Graflex: arrested motion however, for the exposures were three seconds. But these negatives will be different in feeling, for the ease of manipulation of a Graflex allows more spontaneous results.


April 15. Printed some of my new negatives which I want to show Henrietta Shore. I go to sit for my portrait today. Tina writes she is “crazy about the two nudes”- the backs of Cristal. (See later below for example). And now I am almost “crazy” over several of the recent negatives of B. I shall work with the Graflex for awhile.

April 16. Not so early as usual: Henrietta Shore and I talked till late. The portrait started. She asked me not to look at it until much more work had been done. … Of my new work, she liked well the legs of Bertha, – the forms Peter thought were great shells…
Bertha Wardell, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.


April 20: … B. came for her Tuesday session: when she went our association had assumed a new aspect! I had before, vague questionings as to whether her coming was an entirely impersonal interest in my work, knowing definitely how strong that response was, but though she has been with me these many afternoons, – danced before me naked, I have never felt the slightest physical excitement. I admired her mind, I thought her body, especially in movement, superb, – but nothing more. Even yesterday, it was not until she was dressed and we sat together exchanging thoughts, that I became fully aware of her real feeling for me. Our hands clasped, – our lips met, – … then I had to go before a fulfillment. As an artist, B. is more definite than anyone I have met since Mexico, excepting Henrietta Shore. Our association should be constructive to both. My life may become complicated with three lady loves to consider, and I don’t want that: quite the contrary, I crave simplicity.


April 23: … I showed Henrietta the last nude of Bertha: legs and feet in action. I had a direct plain-spoken reproof. “I wish you would not do so many nudes, – you are getting used to them, the subject no longer amazes you, – most of these are just nudes.” (I knew she did not mean they were just naked, but that I had lost my “amazement.”)

April 24: What have I, that bring these many woman to offer themselves to me? I do not go out of my way seeking them, – I am not a stalwart virile male, exuding sex, nor am I the romantic, mooning poet type some love, nor the dashing Don Juan bent on conquest. Now it is B[ertha].

April 28: … And then the dancing nudes of B. I feel that I have a number of exceedingly well seen negatives, – several which I am sure will live among my best. B. left me a record of one of Chopin’s Preludes played by Casals. Starting a tender, plaintive melody, it suddenly breaks, quite without warning into thundering depths, and then in a flash rises to electrifying heights, which makes my scalp tingle.


April 29: The last dancing nudes of B. were 24 neg’s: 20 have interest, – 14 can be considered for finishing – 7 I do not hesitate over, – they will be added to my collection, and hold there with my very best. This is seeing well! …

April 30: …Now it is Bertha in whom I have kindled a perfect flame! She wrote to me “danse motives,” written day by day in a fervor of desire… B. came with undiminished enthusiasm, but I did not work so well: I was tired and confused: it was a hectic day! … B. had not gone when K. arrived. I wonder if K. comes out of my curiosity over B.? It seems more than coincidence that she has called several times on Tues. I had to be very diplomatic. K. is a bit of an exhibitionist in love making. Well B. had no sooner gone than E. came again! I call this day a mad one, with three loves to respond to! Bertha is still…..I have been fair to her, even when profoundly excited. She would gasp, “No, Edward, I can give you no more,” and I would stop…. (Maddow, p. 155).

May 7: The neg’s developed and proofed, I find that I worked better with B. than I realized despite my weariness. Three proofs, duplicating movements before recorded, are definitely stronger and finer than the first attempts. I did not intend to duplicate, knowing how futile it is to try, – I was even surprised when I compared the old with the new prints, and noted my unconscious repetition. These three twice-seen movements should be finished, for the sake of my insistent intuition. Besides the aforementioned proofs there are five others to consider: two exquisitely delicate, of legs, three powerful ones, which might be thought masculine. (See below for example). After, B. came, bringing me a dainty glass fish, – M., a rare visitor, arrived with gardenias, followed by K. with a passion flower. Another day of near complications!

 

May 12: B. danced for me! This time I was spectator, – not photographer. A definite feeling is not always easy to put down in definite words, but I know I was privileged to have her dance for me, – to me. The work I do today must be finer than that of yesterday because of B. dancing: she has added to my creative strength. B. danced nude. What a pity all dancing cannot be in the nude: or no! – some dances may well be covered for illusion’s sake.


May 13: … In the morning I enlarged the first five positives of B. – dancing nudes. They appear to advantage blown up. I am pleased with my day’s work.


May 14: … [Henrietta] responded fully to six of my last dancing nudes. She says they are among the finest photographs I have ever done. Four of the six I will enlarge: two I shall try to improve by doing the impossible – repeating.

Christel Gang, 1927. Edward Weston photograph. Edward Weston, Collection, Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

Coincidentally, around the time Weston was photographing Wardell, he also renewed his relationship with Christel Gang whom he had met in 1925 during his interlude back in the U.S. before returning to Mexico with Brett. (For much more on this see my “Edward Weston, Christel Gang and Their Avant-Garde Circle” hereinafter (Gang)). Besides Bertha, Christel (see above) was one of at least three lovers being juggled by Edward to satisfy his voracious sexual appetite soon after his late 1926 return from Mexico. Gang had coincidentally taken oriental dancing lessons during her youth from Ruth St. Denis and ballet lessons from Theodore Kosloff, both of whose connections with Wardell were discussed earlier above. (See Christel Gang Fonds, Box 2, File 1). In one of his numerous and typically revealing Daybook entries philosophizing on his complex love life Weston wrote,” 

“C[hristel] came: I admire and care for her so much that I wish I could respond more fully. My mental and physical regard for a woman rarely accord: an approximation was attained with M. and T. Now I am most completely satisfied, – physically, by K. or E. To be sure K. has a good mind for a young girl, but E. has nothing for me but an exciting body! A strange twist of life has found one of my loves working for another: E. is now B.’s maid, –  and neither know!” (May 31, 1927, DBII, pp. 25-26). 

Eugenia Luczbinska, 1925. Photographer unknown. From Antique Photo World.

 

Deeply interested in all things modern in the arts and likely having seen Weston’s recent nudes of Bertha, her sister Dorothy’s former dance teaching colleague at UC Southern Branch, Pauline (and her husband and Rudolph invited Edward to a modern dance recital of an Elise Dufour protege.

“My period of working with shells has been broken: not through lack of desire, however. The days have been so grey it may be just as well . … But I worked with B. and I’ll swear they are the strongest yet done! Now she goes away for awhile (see summer dance course ad below), so we shall be forced to see each other in perspective. Last night I saw another dancer. The Schindlers persuaded me to go with them to the studio of Elise Dufour where a young P