Author Archive

Structural Similarities in the Work of Wallace Neff and Buckminster Fuller

(Post Under construction. Stay tuned)

 

Jeffrey Head’s fascinating article, ‘Bubble’ born, then burst in the December 31, 2011 issue of the Los Angeles Times immediately brought to mind a recent article I have been working on which delves into the structural aspects of dome-like structures. (See Living Lightly on the Land: Bernard Judge’s “Triponent” and “Tree” Houses). Head’s in-depth research into the pioneering Airform work of Wallace Neff has resulted in a new book, No Nails, No Lumber: The Bubble Houses of Wallace Neff just released by Princeton Architectural Press which I just ordered. Head’s book will seemingly build upon the solid foundation laid by Diane Kanner in her chapter “The Bubble House” in the highly recommended Wallace Neff and the Grand Houses of the Golden State in which the below photo appears. (See my William Krisel and George Alexander in Hollywood for more on Neff’s Beverly Hills houses for Hollywood celebrities and Frederick L. Roehrig: The Millionaire’s Architect for details on Neff’s childhood in La Mirada).

 

Industrial Laundry for Pacific Linen Supply, Vernon, 1944. Wallace Neff, Architect. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

The above and below Maynard Parker construction photos of Neff’s largest realized Airform project, 32-ft. tall and 100 ft. in diameter, constructed in 1944 to house an industrial laundry for the Pacific Linen Supply Co. indicate the use of a central mast to help hoist and support the Goodyear Neoprene balloon (see below) used as the interior form for the sprayed-on gunite outer wall. (For more photos go to the Huntington Library’s excellent Maynard Parker Collection).
Central mast used to facilitate construction of the Pacigic Linen Supply laundry facility. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

Central mast used to facilitate construction of the Pacigic Linen Supply laundry facility. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

Early Buckminster Fuller Dymaxion House studies, 1927. (From “Your Private Sky,” pp. 142-3).).

 

Having begun his conceptual “Dymaxion House” central mast investigations as early as 1927 (see above), I couldn’t help but think of  the similarly employed mast in the erection of the Buckminster Fuller’s patented design of the first ever aluminum dome at Henry Kaiser’s Hilton Hawaiian Village in Honolulu in 1957. (See below). Fuller and Neff were undoubtedly aware of each other’s experimental work as they both had similar visions of landing war-time housing contracts which never came to fruition. Both Neff and Fuller patented their designs but Fuller was much more successful in globally licensing and marketing his concept. (See Living Lightly on the Land).

Hilton Hawaiian Village Dome, 1957. After 15 working hours about two-thirds of the dome is completed. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 383).


Model a parametric version of Buckminster Fuller’s Dymaxion House, ca. 1930. From DesignByMany.
 

Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co. Airform Storage Bins, Litchfield, AZ, 1943. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

In his Los Angeles Times piece, Jeffrey Head stated that Neff’s Airforms were used for wine storage facilities in Portugal and grain bins and Jordan. The above image from the Huntington Library Parker Collection also includes Airform grain storage bins built in Litchfield, Arizona in 1943. Ironically, during World War II Fuller was experimenting with ways to adapt off-the-shelf Butler grain storage silos into cheap, low-cost housing. (See below). Materials shortages during the war fostered endless experimentation and innovation into construction materials and building techniques that would bode well for the post-war home-building industry.

Wallace Neff inspecting Airform House. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntington Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

Dymaxion Deployment Unit ca. 1941. Image courtesy of the Google-hosted LIFE photo archive.

Dymaxion Deployment Unit under construction, 1940.  (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 214).

Fuller’s earlier studies coupled with his anecdotal accident of seeing a grain bin, led him to develop the version of the Dymaxion Deployment Unit seen above. Commissioned by the army for field housing, hundreds of these units were shipped to the Persian Gulf during World War Two. Fuller’s continued research into this production method led to the development of the Wichita House in 1946. (See below).

Installing the ventilator on the Wichita House, Wichita, Kansas, 1946.
From “Your Private Sky,” p. 245.

Structural engineer Richard Bradshaw recently reminisced of his relationship with Neff and his Mexican domes,

“Wallace Neff sort of adopted me. He came over to my office many times. The stuff I was designing seemed to fascinate him. I think he was a frustrated structural form enthusiast but had never met anyone who actually had familiarity with them. The only engineering I actually did for him was his Mexico gunite domes. (See below). They were built and I guess they used the Goodyear forms to build them.” (Richard Bradshaw to John Crosse e-mail, December 31, 2011).

Head, Jeffrey, ‘Bubble’ born, then burst, Los Angeles Times, December 31, 2011, pp. E4-5.

 

Diane Kanner interestingly wrote in her Neff biography that the above 1949 Mexico City school composed of seven Airforms was painted by renowned muralist Diego Rivera. (Kanner, p. 194).

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Gordon Drake’s First Project: The Lt. and Mrs. H. M. Drake Residence, Coronado, 1939-40

(Post Under Construction. Stay Tuned)
In the meantime, for more on Drake go to my The Post-War Publicity Partnership of Julius Shulman and Gordon Drake.
Photo courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
The precocious Gordon Converse Drake received his first architectural notoriety in the spring of 1940 while still a student at USC for the design of his brother Max’s house at 374 Avenue D on Coronado Island in San Diego. (See above). He designed and built the house in 1939, two years after enrolling in USC’s School of Architecture and Fine Arts while under the tutelage of Carl Troedsson, first as a student and later a draftsman in his private practice. Drake won the special award for architecture in USC’s annual Art Appoliad for his “House in Coronado” which was exhibited in the Fisher Gallery on the USC Campus. (See below). (“Creative Art Contest Winning Entries Show”, Los Angeles Times, May 1, 1940, p. I-10).
Los Angeles Times, May 1, 1940, p. II-10.
Blueprint courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
Photo courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
Photo courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
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Raphael Soriano: An Annotated and Illustrated Bibliography

Raphael Soriano, frontispiece photo from his oral history Substance and Form, Interviewed by Marlene L. Laskey, Completed under the auspices of the Oral History Program University of California Los Angeles, 1988. Photographer unknown.

Introduction

I would like to acknowledge Julius Shulman for the inspiration to create this bibliography. As I gradually became an avid fan and collector of material pertaining to Southern California modernist architecture over the last few years, I grew to appreciate the great importance of Shulman’s legacy in chronicling its evolution and growth. I also started to realize the ubiquitousness of his images in the architectural literature and on the covers of same. I approached him a couple years ago and asked if he had ever thought of doing a book which would collect all of the covers from books, shelter magazines, and architectural journals that his photos have graced. He liked the idea and invited me up to his idyllic Raphael Soriano-designed studio in the Hollywood Hills. After an introductory chat he told me to open the doors to his closet and pull down some of the dusty old 8X10 Kodak film storage boxes from the top shelf. They were stuffed to the gills with clippings and tear sheets he had saved over the years from various articles containing his photos. As we rummaged we found numerous covers he had long forgotten about and which I had never seen.

Thus began a journey on which there seems to be no end. Julius gave me much encouragement and allowed me free reign to browse, and catalogue his studio archives. He also graciously shared with me his assignment log book which contains over 7,000 records and counting as he continues to work beyond his 98th birthday. He introduced me to important historians, film makers and archivists and regaled me with anecdotes on his assignments and clients. To date we have uncovered over 800 covers on which his photos have appeared. Julius has chosen the title “Julius Shulman Covers Up” for this effort and uses it with an impish twinkle in his eyes. While conducting my exhaustive search for Shulman covers I began compiling an annotated bibliography of all the publications his work has appeared in. It has become a labor of love which now approaches 8,000 items. It has also provided focus to, and facilitated my collecting efforts.

Publication in 2008 of Julius Shulman: The Building of My Home and Studio and Julius Shulman Does His Own House by Nazraeli Press motivated me to learn more about the architect Raphael Soriano. A logical starting point for me was to perform a “Soriano” search in my aforementioned Julius Shulman Annotated Bibliography.. The search resulted in 265 articles with Shulman photos of Soriano projects. Shulman has logged close to 50 assignments on Soriano projects over the years for various clients ranging from Soriano himself to book and article authors, magazine editors, newspaper reporters, exhibition curators, homeowners and realtors. He also used his considerable marketing skills and contacts with publishers and editors to help spread the gospel of modernism according to Soriano to a global audience.

This bibliography compiles my Shulman-Soriano findings with the excellent bibliographic foundation laid by Wolfgang Wagener in his excellent 2002 biography Raphael Soriano published by Phaidon Press. Esther McCoy’s groundbreaking The Second Generation published in 1984 by Gibbs Smith had additional bibliographic material and Neil Jackson’s 1996 The Modern Steel House published by Van Nostrand Reinhold was also helpful. Building upon these sources, exhaustive searches were also done on ProQuest, Los Angeles Times Historical, RIBA, Avery, WorldCat, WilsonWeb, Art Index, Google and many other databases and sources resulting in well over 350 items discovered to date.

The bibliography is assembled chronologically by year and contains selected images from my private collection which illustrate the close friendship shared by Shulman and Soriano. Shulman’s eventual choice of Soriano as architect for his own house over Neutra is indicative of that bond. Shulman’s publishing contacts gained through his assignments for Richard Neutra opened doors for all of his other clients. Through this network Shulman ensured that Soriano’s work was published in all the important literature of the early modern movement throughout the 1940s and early 1950s as evidenced by the illustrations herein.

The reader is also directed to Soriano’s oral history, Substance and Form, to gain insight into the personality and character of this now legendary figure. He expounds in his own inimitable style on John Entenza, the Case Study House Program, Esther McCoy and his colleagues and is a truly fascinating read. Click on the link below to go to the bibliography.

Feedback on ways to improve this compilation and submittals of new items and sources for inclusion is always welcome as I intend to update this bibliography periodically.
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Living Lightly on the Land: Bernard Judge’s “Triponent” and “Tree” Houses


Bernard Judge Residence, Durand Dr., Hollywood, 1960-1, MacMasters, Dan, “A Bubble on a Hilltop,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, July 1, 1962, cover, 21-25, 32. Julius Shulman Job No. 3378, 4-30 and 5-1-1961. 

 

Architect Bernard Judge’s “Triponent” House, which Julius Shulman helped make famous with his above iconic 1961 image has a fascinating back-story which few people other than personal friends of the designer are aware. Judge’s personal residence, begun  in 1958 while still an architectural student at USC, was also coined the “Bubble” House by legendary Los Angeles Times Home Magazine editor Dan MacMasters. (See above cover). Judge’s AIA Award-winning “Tree” House, his residence for the last 35 years, also has quite a story to tell. (See below). Recent publication of Judge’s “Waltzing With Brando: Planning a Paradise in Tahiti” and hearing him speak at a recent book-signing event at R. M. Schindler’s Buck House, now owned by Jocelyn Gibbs and Gene Lichtenstein, piqued my interest in the man and his architecture and prompted in the following story.  

Bernard Judge “Tree” House, Hollywood Hills, “Award-winning House-on-a-Post Goes Anywhere,” Sunset, November 1978, cover, pp. 109-9. Cover photo by Glenn Christiansen.

 

 Judge was drawn to architecture through his architect father Joseph who was Dean of the School of Architecture at Penn St. University and later worked for Eggers & Higgins. Various projects took Joseph and his family to different parts of the world including France, Mexico, and Nicaragua. While still in high school, Bernard helped his father build a house, thus learning the construction process firsthand. Experience in his father’s office also led him to his first job after high school as a draftsman for Harrison & Abramovitz working on the United Nations Headquarters Building. This was an exciting time for Judge who recalls, “There were literally two architects from every nation in the U.N. in the drafting room. So for me that was a way of looking at architecture in the universal sense rather than in the parochial sense.” (Smith, Kathryn, “Bernard Judge, AIA,” L.A. Architect, March 1980, p. 2).

Judge added more practical experience through a four-year term of service with the Seabees during the Korean War where he gained an insight into architecture through construction. Much of this Navy time was spent in Morocco and North Africa. After his release in 1954 he traveled around Europe until his Seabees savings ran out and then spent a year at the Beaux-Arts in Paris. Bernard’s extensive travels exposed him to a wide variety of cultures and vernacular architecture and indigenous building materials which helped formulate his life-long design philosophy of “living lightly on the land.” By the time he arrived in Los Angeles to enroll in the USC School of Architecture in 1956 he was ready to begin his studies in earnest.Before beginning discussion on Judge’s first project, his “Triponent” House, I must digress to lay some groundwork pertaining to his inspiration for same, none other than Buckminster Fuller.

R. Buckminster Fuller, “Design: The Dymaxion American,” Time, January 10, 1964.

 

“Bucky” Fuller, whom Time Magazine deemed “The Dymaxion American” in a January 10, 1964 cover story (see above) was a prodigious, seminal, free thinker without a college degree, was an engineer, systems theorist, author, designer, inventor, and futurist. Fuller published more than 30 books, inventing and popularizing terms such as “Spaceship Earth“, ephemeralization, and synergetics. He also developed numerous inventions, but it was mainly his doing more with less“ architectural designs which held potential for prefabrication for the common man, such as the Dymaxion House, Dymaxion Deployment Unit, Wichita House, Autonomous Dwelling Unit and the Geodesic Dome, which held his interest throughout his lengthy career. A summary of the highlights of his lightweight, transportable housing will serve as an intro to the later dome discussion.

Model a parametric version of Buckminster Fuller’s Dymaxion House. From DesignByMany.


The project that made Fuller’s name was the 1929 Dymaxion House, which he unveiled in the interior decorating department of the Chicago’s Marshall-Field’s Department Store. “The name Dymaxion, Dy(namic)max(imum)(tens)ion, was created by the marketer Waldo Warren who, after listening to Fuller talk for two days, devised endless combinations of syllables taken from his highly idiosyncratic vocabulary. Finally he found the word which seemed to him best to dramatise Fuller’s personality. Made from lightweight steel, duraluminium and plastic and suspended from a central mast from which the rooms radiated in a hexagonal plan, the Dymaxion House was conceived not as private property, but rather as temporary, transportable space that could be rented – rather like a telephone issued by a telephone company.” (From R. Buckminster Fuller: Inventor, Designer, Architect, Theorist (1895-1983) at DesignMuseum.org).

Dymaxion Deployment Units, 1940From R. Buckminster Fuller: Inventor, Designer, Architect, Theorist (1895-1983) at DesignMuseum.org. 

 

In 1940, in anticipation of the bombing of British cities, he was asked by the British War Relief Organization to design an emergency shelter he named the Dymaxion Deployment UnitIn the DDU’s conception, Fuller started with an existing industry that he hoped to upgrade technologically. Fuller worked with the Butler Company of Kansas City, which manufactured grain silos (see below left) of curved galvanized steel, to develop a self-supporting structure in a circular shape designed to provide the most advantageous relationship between circumference and interior space. The unit was designed to be set up and taken down easily. Metal for its construction was, however, never made available by the British Government as it was needed for the production of armaments. When the US entered World War II, Fuller’s units were commissioned as emergency accommodation for the air force. (See above). (From Design Museum). A similar unit was also designed for domestic use but again due to lack of materials did not go into production. (See below).

Dymaxion Deployment Unit under construction.  (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 214).

 

The DDU’s sanitary unit is enclosed in a separate cylindrical element. Two units can be attached directly to each other. (See floor plan below). The pylon (see above right) is important, though originally Fuller conceived of it merely as a simple way to set it up: it holds up the dome that is built beneath it. From a constructive perspective, and even more from a structural perspective, Fuller was breaking a path that years later would lead away from the idea of a central supporting pylon to the supporting shell of the geodesic domes.

 

Dymaxion Deployment Unit floor plan.  (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 214).

Dymaxion Deployment Unit for domestic use, metal, adapted corn bin, built by Butler Brothers, Kansas City, May 1941. Photo by Marion Post Wolcott.

 

 Fuller’s expertise in the field of lightweight demountable housing was again enlisted by the U.S. government to explore post-war housing possibilities. These studies led to the famous 1946 Wichita House, a full-size family dwelling weighing only 4 tons that was designed to be assembled on wartime bomber production lines. The prototype (see below) is arguably the most important prefabricated house design of the 20th century, and certainly the greatest lost opportunity of the years of the post-war building recovery. Life Magazine, a close follower of Fuller’s work, featured the Wichita House in an article the same year. (“Fuller House,” Life, April 1, 1946, pp. 73-4, 76).


Installing the ventilator on the Wichita House, Wichita, Kansas, 1946. From Design Museum. From “Your Private Sky,” p. 245.

Wichita House, Wichita, Kansas, 1946. From Design Museum. From R. Buckminster Fuller: Inventor, Designer, Architect, Theorist (1895-1983) at DesignMuseum.org.

 

When revealed to the public at the end of World War II, the image of the Wichita House (see above) was a revelation. The lightweight metal building was essentially a cylinder, just over one thousand square feet in area, with a domed roof enclosing a single volume. As with the DDU, it was hung from a central mast, its “double wire-wheel” structure relied on tension as the main structural principle. At the top, a wide aerodynamic sheet metal ventilator was designed to rotate or lift and alter the internal environment depending on wind direction.  Designed to facilitate transport, erection, and dismantling, the majority of the components weighed less than ten pounds each.


Fuller in his office at Black Mountain College, summer 1948. Photograh by Hazel Larson Archer. Courtesy Buckminster Fuller Institute.

 

Frustrated, but undaunted, by the Wichita House not going into full-scale production despite a major marketing effort, Fuller began preliminary “geodesic” studies in his Forest Hills, New York apartment in the fall and winter of 1947-8 by assembling a series of four-foot diameter three-way grid structures. (See models above). Immediately following the geometric discoveries of the spring of 1948, Fuller took teaching positions at the Institute of Design in Chicago and at Black Mountain College. His research activity merged seamlessly into his modeling-based work with students.

It was the start of an unparalleled level of teaching activity at a growing number of art and design schools, universities, and colleges. Fuller had a talent for inspiring his students to achieve genuine innovations and inventions. He continued these early studies with the help of a very creative group of students at Black Mountain College the following summer including Kenneth Snelson, Jeffrey Lindsay, Ted Pope, Don Richter, and Shoji Sadao whose contributions enabled Fuller’s success of the fifties.It was more or less coincidence that Fuller came to Black Mountain College, a tiny art school in North Carolina, where Josef and Anni Albers were carrying on the Bauhaus tradition. Distinguished architects such as A. Lawrence Kocher, former partner of Albert Frey and editor of Architectural Record, and Walter Gropius, former director of the Bauhaus, preceded Fuller teaching architecture at the school. At the last minute, Fuller stepped in for Bertrand Goldberg, whose partner in the Chicago architectural firm, Leland Atwood, had suggested him as a substitute. Atwood had previously helped Fuller on the Dymaxion Deployment Unit project. Fuller packed his models into his Airstream Trailer and headed off to North Carolina for the 1948 Summer Institute session. (“Your Private Sky,” pp. 314-6).

The Dome Model with Si Sillman (bending), Buckminster Fuller, Elaine de Kooning, Roger Lovelace, and Josef Albers. Photo by Beaumont Newhall. Courtesy of the Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate, Scheinbaum and Russek Ltd., Santa Fe, New Mexico. © Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate.


Iwas Josef Albers who invited John Cage, Merce Cunningham, Willem and Elaine de Kooning, and Beaumont and Nancy Newhall to teach at the 1948 Summer Institute at Black Mountain College. At the time they were all struggling and unknown artists. He also invited Buckminster Fuller to teach a class in architecture. Established in 1933 by John Andrew Rice, Theodore Dreier and other former faculty members of Rollins College, Black Mountain was the first American experimental college boasting complete democratic self-rule, extensive work in the creative arts, and interdisciplinary academic study. Josef and Annie Albers held central positions at Black Mountain from 1933-49 arriving shortly after their previous home, the Bauhaus, had been closed by Hitler. (See Appalachian History).


Fuller with students unloading models from his Airstream, Black Mountain College, summer 1948. From “Your Private Sky,” p. 326.


Fuller came with his Airstream trailer, packed full with his mathematical models. His laboratory was now mobile, his research nomadic. According to reports from participants, including Elaine de Kooning, Kenneth Snelson, Richard Lippold, and Merce Cunningham, Fuller’s first, three-hour-long lecture must have had an electrifying effect on the audience. Bucky, Elaine de Kooning recalled,

“whirled off into his talk, using bobby pins, clothespins, all sorts of units from the five-and-ten-cent store to make geometric, mobile constructions, collapsing an ingeniously fashioned icosahedron by twisting it and doubling and tripling the modules down to a tetrahedron, talking about the obsolescence of the square, the cube, the numbers two and ten (throwing in a short history of ciphering and why it was punishable by death in the Dark Ages), extolling the numbers nine and three, the circle, the triangle, the tetrahedron, and the sphere, dazzling us with his complex theories of ecology, engineering, and technology. Then he began making diagrams on a blackboard. He drew a square, connecting two corners with a diagonal line. ‘Ah’, he said affectionately, ‘here’s’ our old friend, the hypotenuse.’” (Elaine de Kooning quoted in Mary Emma Harris, “The Arts at Black Mountain College,” p. 151).

Kenneth Snelson, Black Mountain College, 1949. (From BMCproject.org).

 

Kenneth Snelson (see above), one of Fuller’s brightest students in the 1948 and 1949 summer sessions and discoverer of what Fuller coined “tensegrity” reminisced upon Fuller’s arrival,

“Two weeks into the (1948) session “this strange man Buckminster Fuller arrived.” Snelson recalled that no one really knew who Fuller was and that he was not particularly interested in taking a class in architecture. Albers asked him to help Fuller unload (see earlier above) and assemble the many models from his aluminum trailer in preparation for Fuller’s community lecture. Although Snelson expected to find models of small houses based on the cube and rectangle which he would organize and assemble, he found instead models made of Venetian blind strips, marbles, straws, and other materials based on the tetrahedron and geodesic geometry. He recalled that he was “mesmerized” by Fuller’s first three hour community lecture and enrolled in his class. He, along with other members of the community, was captivated by Fuller’s message of saving the world through technology, economy of means, and by his fascinating geometry.” (From BMCProject.org). (Note: For a great video demonstrating the Snelson’s tensegrity concept which he would later incorporate into his now famous sculptures see “Playing with a Tensegrity“).


William De Kooning and Albert Lanier, Buckminster Fuller’s Architecture Class, Black Mountain College, summer 1948. From Mondoblogo.

 

In addition to his models. Fuller came to Black Mountain packed full of ideas and projects. Shortly before his departure, he had sketched out a project on 15 June: the construction of a transparent geodesic dome that would enable its occupant to locate his or her correct position in the universe. This was clearly the origin of the idea that was connected to the construction of geodesic domes. Fuller called it “Your Private Sky.”  At Black Mountain College, he planned to execute the small great-circle model on a larger scale, utilizing lightweight metal Venetian blind sashes to create the first dome. (See below).

The “Supine Dome” under constructionBuckminster Fuller, Summer 1948, Black Mountain College, Photographs: Beaumont Newhall. Courtesy of the Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate, Scheinbaum and Russek Ltd., Santa Fe, New Mexico. © Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate.

 

Fuller’s first full-scale dome, a forty-eight foot diameter ”necklace” structure with a height of twenty-three feet which would cover an area of fifteen hundred square feet and was to weigh less than 270 pounds. The students measured the Venetian blind slats and computed the tensile strength of each unit. Each strip was coded and the points marked where they would meet. On a rainy day Fuller and his students gathered in a grassy area (see above) while rest of the community watched from the Studies Building or the nearby FHA units as the class began to connect the points on the strips.

 

The “Supine Dome” under constructionBuckminster Fuller, Summer 1948, Black Mountain College, Photographs: Beaumont Newhall. Courtesy of the Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate, Scheinbaum and Russek Ltd., Santa Fe, New Mexico. © Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate.

 

The dome collapsed to the ground when tension was applied during its attempted erection. (See above). Fuller had said in advance that it probably wouldn’t hold due to the choice of materials, but decided to go ahead and complete the class project anyway. When the dome did not rise, it was coined the Supine Dome by Elaine de Kooning. Fuller reassured the class that “failure” is a part of the process of inventing, and success is achieved when one stops failing, a valuable lesson for the young students. (From Black Mountain College Project).

Programl for The Ruse of the Medusa, Black Mountain College, August 14, 1948. From D. H. Ramsey Library, Special Collections.

Buckminster Fuller as Baron Medusa and Merce Cunningham as the mechanical monkey performing in Erik Satie’s The Ruse of the Medusa, Black Mountain College, August 14, 1948. (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 323).

 

It was not all work and no “play” at Black Mountain. Arthur Penn co-directed (with Helen Livingston) a play by Erik Satie, The Ruse of Medusa, with cast members Buckminster Fuller (see above), Merce Cunningham, Elaine de Kooning, and others with piano accompaniment by John Cage (see below) and set design by Willem and Elaine de Kooning. (See playbill above). Cage was quoted from this period, “The whole world has to be turned into music or into a Fuller university.” (Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, p. 320).


John Cage performing in Erik Satie’s The Ruse of the Medusa, Black Mountain College, August 14, 1948. (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller Publishers, 1999, p. 325).

 

At Black Mountain over the 1948-49 winter a crisis culminated in the resignations of Theodore Dreier, the last of the college founders, along with Josef and Anni Albers and other members of the arts faculty. On the recommendation of Josef Albers, the remaining faculty asked Fuller to return to direct the 1949 summer session. Fuller accepted and invited as summer faculty Chicago friends and colleagues: Diana and Emerson Woelffer, John and Jano Walley, and Indian dancer Vashi and Pra-veena. He also brought a group of students from the Institute of Design, his “Twelve Disciples” (Black Mountain designation): Louis Caviani, Arthur Boericke, Eugene Godfrey, Mary Jo Slick Godfrey, Joseph Manulik, Alan Lindsay, Jeffrey Lindsay, Ysidore Martinez, Donald Richter, Robert Richter, Masato Nakagawa, and Harold Young. (From bmcproject.org).


Fuller holding a model of his Standard of Living Package, aka Autonomous Dwelling Unit, next to his Sky Break model, Black Mountain College, summer 1949. From Stylepark.

 

Fuller had previously assigned the design project to develop the “Standard of Living Package,” aka “Autonomous Dwelling Unit” (see above right and below) to students at the Institute of Design in Chicago in 1948: To make the complete furnishings for a household of six people that could be packed into a container and transported with a trailer. The students developed a box that was eight yards long and two yards high and wide, with collapsible walls that were fastened by hinges. When folded down, the walls also served as the floor for the furniture and household items, as well as for the corresponding zones of the floor plan: bedroom, living room, two baths. The overall useable area was ninety square yards. The exercise was influenced by the technique developed during the war for transporting delicate airplane parts in trucks that were packed full. This exercise was also related to the design for the “Sky Break” (see above left), an easily constructed house whose climatic skin is a geodesic cover, designed according to the necklace principle, that stretches over the unfolded – in this case two-story – living space and storage compartments. (Note: The Sky Break model presages a similar project assigned by Calvin Straub to an architectural class at USC in 1957 in which Bernard Judge participated which provided the inspiration for his “Bubble” House. See L.A. Times article and discussion later herein).

The plan for the summer was to continue development work on the Autonomous Dwelling Unit and geodesic structure which Fuller and his students, including Jeffrey Lindsay, had also designed at the Institute of Design. He brought with him a small model showing the dome and enclosed house. (See above). The dome, which could be collapsed and moved, provided a controlled environment; the house could also be collapsed into a trailer-like form and transported. The project for the summer was to make and test a double-walled plastic cover for the dome. (See below).

 ”Necklace Dome” with outer plastic skin. Black Mountain College, summer 1949. From “Your Private Sky,” pp. 328-9).

Buckminster Fuller’s students at the 1949 Summer Institute, Black Mountain College, demonstrate the lightness of the “Necklace Dome.” Pictured: Jeffery Lindsay (sunglasses), Louis Caviani (far right). From North Carolina Digital Collections.

 

Fuller and his class succeeded in re-erecting the “Necklace Dome.” (See above). This dome, a thirty-one great circle structure, was made of aircraft tubing laced with cable which ran from the tubes through connectors at the joints. When the cable was tightened, the dome was erect; when relaxed, it collapsed into an easily-transported compact form similar to a necklace. The prototype for the dome which Fuller brought with him, had originally been constructed for a demonstration at the Pentagon in the winter. Assuming it would be erected indoors – it was actually erected in the Pentagon courtyard (see later below) – Fuller had reduced the size to fourteen feet in diameter to accommodate an indoor space.

Fuller and class testing strength of dome, Black Mountain College, summer 1949. Photographs Masato Nakagawa, courtesy Black Mountain College Project.

 

The students erected the dome on a terrace at the end of the Studies Building. They demonstrated its strength by hanging by their hands from the structure and from a suspended platform on which a number of people could sit. Its light-weight was demonstrated by having three students lift it above their heads. (See two above).


Necklace Dome being unraveled during erection.

  
Necklace Geodesic Structure (14 ft., 50 lbs.), on exhibit in the Pentagon Garden, February 1950. (From “Buckminster Fuller: Ideas and Integreties,” p. 192).

 

After the late 1940s Chicago Institute of Design and Black Mountain summer sessions, Fuller’s dome work rapidly evolved with the continuing help of Black Mountain disciples Snelson and Lindsay whom he recruited as Fellows and Trustee in his Fuller Research Foundation along with Charles Eames, George Nelson, Knud Lonberg-Holm and others. He wrote of the first practical dome development experiments with Jeffrey Lindsay in Montreal in 1950 which would eventually end up as the actual framework for the Judge “Bubble” House in Beachwood Canyon,

“In December 1949 a 14-ft. necklace Geodesic was assembled at 6 Kinzie St., Chicago, at the request of the Air Force, and in February 1950 it was installed in the Pentagon Building garden at Washington, D.C. (See above). In December of 1950 the prototype of a specialized geodesic structure 49 feet in diameter was built in Montreal. (See below). I designed it to be an Arctic installation. The components of the structure were tubular aluminum struts weighing about one pound each. The structure was so light that we did not need a mast to lift it. Instead it was lifted locally in order to add more struts to the bottom. When the structure was completed we looked up at the blue sky through this thing and began to realize that something very pleasantly exciting was happening to us. We knew that it was light, knew that it was strong, but we did not know that it was going to do just that to a blue sky. Those are the very typical sensations we get when we tend to solve only the scientific side of the problem. The qualities of economy that are synergetically resultant in the end do something to us in the way of challenging our sensibility to new sensorial limits. Looking over against the birch trees, the slenderness ratios of these very high strength trees and of the Geodesic struts seemed to be very much akin.” (See below). (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 334).

Geodesic dome, Montreal, December 1950, Fuller Research Foundation, Canadian Division, Jeffrey Lindsay, Director. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 334).

Before the textile skin was installed: the metal rods form the pressure-subjected dome vaulting, the tautly strung wires form the tension-subjected outer shell. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 335).


Dome after weatherproofing skin installation, Montreal, 1950. From “Geodesic Dome: Bucky Fuller’s spidery new framing system,” Architectural Forum, August 1951, p. 144-151).

 

The 1950 Montreal dome experiments and findings were published as a cover story in the August 1951 issue of Architectural Forum which also included a profile of Fuller and an illustrated summary of his earlier Dymaxion work. (See above and below). The article also described the Fuller Research Foundation’s plans for marketing and development of geodesic domes and their potential uses, most of which soon became realities.

 

Bucky Fuller starts “the one architectural revolution,” (From “Geodesic Dome: Bucky Fuller’s spidery new framing system…,” Architectural Forum, August 1951, cover, p. 144-151).

Dome erection progress photos, Montreal 1950. (From “Geodesic Dome: Bucky Fuller’s spidery new framing system…,” Architectural Forum, August 1951, cover, p. 144-151).

 

 Fuller shortly thereafter presciently applied for a patent on the dome concept in December 1951. (See below). Patent licensing fees would within the next few years make Fuller a wealthy man. Although Fuller held dozens of patents on his inventions over the years, this is the only one that made him any significant money as he licensed to numerous other companies the rights to use his technology in future dome shelter production.

 UNITED STATES PATENT OFFICE

2,682,235

BUILDING CONSTRUCTION

Richard Buckminster Fuller, Forest Hills, N. Y.

Application December 12, 1951, Serial No. 261,168, p. 1.

 

Fuller’s patent application summary describes the elemental specifications of what would become the outer framework of Bernard Judge’s 49 ft. diameter Hollywood Hills house.

“A good index to the performance of any building frame is the structural weight required to shelter a square foot of floor from the weather. In conventional wall and roof designs the figure is often 50 lbs, to the sq. ft. I have discovered how to do the job at around 0.78 lb. per sq. ft. by constructing a frame of generally spherical form in which the main structural elements are interconnected in a geodesic pattern of approximate great circle arcs intersecting to form a three-way grid, and covering or lining this frame with a skin of plastic material.

My “three-way grid” of structural members results in substantially uniform stressing of all members, and the framework itself acts almost as a membrane in absorbing and distributing loads. The resultant structure is a spidery framework of many light pieces, such as aluminum rods, tubes, sheets, or extruded sections, which so complement one another in the particular pattern of the finished assembly as to give an extremely favorable weight-strength ratio, and withstand high stresses. For example, the “8C270 Weatherbreak” constructed in accordance with my invention will support 7 lbs. with each ounce of structure and is able to withstand wind velocities up to 150 miles per hour. It is a dome 49 ft. in diameter, enclosing 20,815 cu. ft. of space, yet the frame is made of light short struts which pack into a bundle 2 ft. by 4 ft. by 5 ft., weighing only 1000 lbs. The plastic skin weighs 140 lbs., making the total weight of this “weatherbreak” a mere 1140 lbs.” (Patent No. 2, 682,235, p. 7).


Geodesic Dome for the Ford Rotunda, Dearborn, Michigan, 1952. “Tape, Plastic and Aluminum: Ford Builds a “Geodesic Dome,” Life, June 8, 1953, p. 67.

The first commercial application of the dome was at the iconic Ford Rotunda in Dearborn, Michigan. The Ford Rotunda was originally built as an exhibit building for the 1933 Chicago World’s Fair. After the close of the Fair, the building was taken apart and shipped to Dearborn, and reassembled and reopened in 1936. The Rotunda underwent extensive remodeling in 1952-3, at which time the center courtyard section was enclosed by the addition of a geodesic dome roof section weighing only 18,000 pounds. The Rotunda reopened to the public on June 16, 1953, as part of Ford’s 50th Anniversary Celebration. The above four-page spread in Life Magazine gave an immediate boost to Fuller’s marketing efforts.
 
Geodesic Radome prototype atop Mt. Washington, New Hampshire where it withstood 182 mph winds without interior icing during two-year DEW Line testing, 1954-5. (From “Buckminster Fuller: Ideas and Integreties,” p. 192).

Fuller’s constant lobbying of the Pentagon to extoll the virtues of the dome for a variety of military applications was beginning to pay off in a big way in 1954 as the Department of Defense began testing the feasibility of using domes for Arctic radar system protection use in the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line. The DEW Line was being set up to detect incoming Soviet bombers during the Cold War and provide early warning of a land based invasion. Bucky’s Radome passed all wind and weather testing and was incorporated into the system by 1956. (See above and below). (“Sprouting Domes on DEW Line,” Life, pp. 133-136).

DEW Line Station at Point Lay, Alaska. From Wikipedia.

Clark Children’s Theater, San Diego Zoo, designed by Jeffrey Lindsay, 1955. Photo by Sam Rosenberg. (From the Esther McCoy Papers, Archives of American Art).

Jeffrey Lindsay, recently relocated to Southern California to proselytize on Fuller’s geodesic technology, designed the above dome for a children’s theater at the San Diego Zoo which was completed in 1955. This was possibly the first geodesic dome built on the West Coast. Judge, by then an architectural student at USC following his four-year stint with the Navy Seabeesduring the Korean War, met Lindsay a year or two later, and through him, met Fuller himself at a party hosted by Lindsay. Judge quickly became fascinated by Fuller and his theories and soon convinced USC Architecture School Dean Arthur Gallion to bring him to the campus for a lecture.

“SC Architectural Students Complete Models of Homes,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1957, p. VI-15.

About the same time, in the spring of 1957, Judge and his classmates in Calvin Straub’s and Conrad Buff’s architectural design class at USC, were building models incorporating elements of Fuller’s Geodesic Dome and “Autonomous Dwelling Unit” concepts. (See article above). Fuller was then widely lecturing at college campuses around the country and similar class exercises were all the rage in the architectural schools. The visionary class project was completed in conjunction with the following summer’s Construction Industries Exposition and Home Show at which one of Fuller’s full-scale domes was to be on display. (See below).

“A dome house that really works,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, June 8, 1958, p. 20. (From ProQuest).


Felix Candela: Shell Forms exhibition catalog fron cover, May 1957, text by Esther McCoy. From Archives of American Art Esther McCoy Papers.

The Spring 1957 semester on the USC School of Architecture campus were heady times for Judge and his classmates as noted Mexican architect-engineer Felix Candela also visited the campus for a May exhibition shortly after they had finished their dome projects. (See above and below catalog covers). The hosting committee and sponsors for the show were a veritable ”Who’s Who” of the Los Angeles architectural community. (For more on this exhibition see my Selected Publications of Esther McCoy).

 

Felix Candela: Shell Forms exhibition catalog fron cover, May 1957, text by Esther McCoy. From Archives of American Art Esther McCoy Papers.

 

After 15 working hours about two-thirds of the dome is completed. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 383).

At the same time the USC class was building their dome residence models, Kaiser Aluminum was erecting the first aluminum dome at Henry Kaiser’s Hilton Hawaiian Village in Honolulu. (See above). Kaiser was one of Fuller’s earliest dome patent licensees and hired Fuller protege and former Lindsay classmate and Fuller Research Foundation colleague, Don Richter, to head it’s dome design and product development unit.  The Honolulu project was a 145-ft. diameter auditorium that could seat 2,000 people and, once the foundation was laid, was erected in 20 hours by a crew of 38 men. (See Kaiser Aluminum ad “Revolutionary New Building…The First of Its Kind: The Kaiser Aluminum Dome,” Life Magazine, March 18, 1957, pp. 20-21). Always one to capitalize on publicity stunts, Henry Kaiser arranged for an opening night concert the same evening the dome was completed. (See below).

Grand opening of the Kaiser Dome with an evening symphony concert, February 1957, the same day the structure was completed within 24 hours after arrival of the components. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 384-5).


Model for a campus arts workshop designed by Jeffrey Lindsay. Inside is acoustics expert and Dean of the Graduate Division, Vern O. Knudsen, testing the dome’s sound absorbency. (See “Art Rides High at a Great University,” Life, May 20, 1957, pp. 92-93)

 

A couple months later a Life Magazine feature article on the UCLA arts programs led off with a model for a proposed domed arts workshop building for the campus designed by seminar teacher Jeffrey Lindsay. (See above). The article also included a photo of a kite Lindsay frequently used to demonstrate the inherent lightness of dome components. (See below). (See “Art Rides High at a Great University,” Life, May 20, 1957, pp. 92-103). A Buckminster Fuller exhibition was organized by Pomona College the following December and January and Fuller was often in town for lectures over the next few years.

Jeffrey Lindsay and industrial design students preparing to fly a kite which demonstrates the lightness of dome building materials. Despite its 48 sq. ft. area the kite only weighed three pounds and easily took flight. (See “Art Rides High at a Great University,” Life, May 20, 1957, pp. 93).

1989 House from “Here’s Your House of Tomorrow,” Mechanix Illustrated, June 1957, cover, 72-75. From David Zondy.

Domes in all their forms had captured the nation’s fancy by this time evidenced by the above Mechanix Illustrated cover story. Lindsay continued to spread the gospel of the dome in Southern California with his 1958 design for a utility building at Newport Dunes Park in Newport Beach. (See below).

Recently married and intrigued with the idea of building a dome house for himself and his new wife, despite almost everyone at USC skeptical of his chances for success, Judge decided to take on the challenge. He planned to build the residence along the lines of the Case Study House Program using mostly donated materials and student labor. With much encouragement from Lindsay and the gift of the dome he had erected in Montreal in 1950, Judge purchased a difficult to build on, thus inexpensive, lot in Beachwood Canyon in 1958. Lindsay had the components for the dome framework shipped to Judge from Montreal in a 3ft. x 4ft. by 6ft. shipping crate and design conceptualization began.

Judge decided to build upon Fuller’s highly theoretical “Autonomous Dwelling Unit” idea which included a portable, Gypsy-like “living package” enclosed by an easily collapsible dome. Whereas Fuller’s ADU concept envisioned off-the-grid living, Judge’s concept was a more pragmatic, somewhat rooted and prefabricatable, three-component living system he labelled, a la Fuller, ”Triponent.” His triponents consisted of what he called the envelope, the utility core, and free space.

Like Fuller, Judge envisioned his “Triponent” proposal as housing system that could be standardized for the most part, to keep future construction costs down. The envelope, in this case the dome, would protect the living spaces from the elements and could be a somewhat standardized design using materials based upon the needs presented by regional climate conditions. He imagined the utility core, i.e., bathroom(s), kitchen, laundry room and HVAC, as being a totally prefabricated element that could be standardized for all future units no matter where the location might be. That left the “free space” for customization to suit the needs of each individual homeowner. Judge’s thinking was that this “Triponent” approach would appeal to a broader cross-section of potential home-buyers than Fuller’s completely rigid, standardized designs.

 

Emmet Wemple, Conrad Buff, Don Hensman, Calvin Straub and Randell Makinson in the USC School of Architecture courtyard ca. 1955. Photographer unknown. From Buff & Hensman by Donald C. Hensman and edited by James Steeles, USC Guild press, 2004, p. 11. (For much more on Buff, Straub & Hensman see my A Case Study in the Mechanics of Fame and Buff & Hensman: An Annotated an Illustrated Bibliography).

During this period, Judge recollected receiving inspiration from instructors Conrad BuffCalvin StraubGregory Ain, and Emmet Wemple and guest lecturers Konrad Wachsman and especially Fuller. Despite encouragement from his instructors (see above) most of classmates remained highly skeptical of his chances for success. With the “Triponent” House, Judge was charting new territory, not only by adapting the first large-size experimental geodesic dome for residential use, something the resourceful Lindsay had not even dared to attempt, but by getting the dome itself and the myriad of space-age materials he was using for his envelope approved by the City of L.A.’s Department of Building and Safety. This process added at least two years to the four-and-a-half-year construction time.

Union Tank Car Maintenance Shop, Baton Rouge, LA, designed by Fuller’s Synergetics Corp. and completed in October 1958. From Wikipedia. 


 In the meantime Fuller’s 1957-8 technological advances resulted in the largest clear-span enclosure ever built anywhere in the world, i.e., a steel-skinned geodesic structure designed by Fuller’s own Synergetics, Inc. in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. (See above). The 384 foot diameter, 184 foot high building, designed as a maintenance shop for the Union Tank Car Company, was completed in October 1958. Fuller’s rapidly growing list of licensees (over 100 by 1959) resulted in accelerating demand for his services as private corporations and the Armed Services began deluging him with construction projects. To keep pace, Fuller organized several corporations owned solely by him to channel the licenses for the use of his by then dozens of patents. Geodesics, Inc. handled all government and military contracts; Synergetics, Inc. took care of all private industrial work; and Plydome, Inc. was one of many research and development subsidiaries.

Cover images reflect Fuller’s influence on close friend George Nelson’s designs. George Nelson: The Design of Modern Design by Stanley Abercrombie.

 Late 1958 and early 1959 found Fuller in collaboration with his former Fuller Research Foundation Trustees George Nelson and Charles Eames, and Welton Becket & Associates and Kaiser Aluminum on the installation of the dome to house the American National Exhibition in Moscow, site of the famous “Kitchen Debate” between Soviet Premier Nikita Krushchev and Vice-President Richard Nixon, held during the summer of 1959. Nelson was named by the U.S. government to lead the overall design effort for the exhibition and when he was presented with an almost impossible-to-meet design and construction schedule immediately called his old friend Fuller and Becket knowing they could get the job done with a quickly erected geodesic dome.

Buckminster Fuller in front of the exhibition dome at the American National Exhibition, Moscow, 1959. (From Britannica).
Inside Fuller’s dome, the seven screens for the Eameses’ film, Moscow, 1959. From George Nelson: The Design of Modern Design by Stanley Abercrombie, p. 174..


Exhibition Poster for “Three Structures by Buckminster Fuller,” Museum of Modern Art, September 1959. (From Copy Stand Weblog).

Fuller’s growing world-wide renown was recognized with a September 1959 solo exhibition in the courtyard garden of New York’s Museum of Modern Art immediately following the Moscow exhibition. (See above exhibition poster). MoMA exhibited three structures designed by Fuller including a cantilevered space frame “Octet Truss” of 2,380 gold-anodized aluminum tubes, a green plastic Radome such as used to protect radar equipment on the DEW Line and a black and white aluminum tubing and monel rod “tensegrity” mast (see below) built for the exhibition by Fuller protege Shoji Sadao. (MoMA Press Release, August 28, 1959).

Fuller at the opening of ”Three Structures by Buckminster Fuller,” Museum of Modern Art, September 1959. (From RWGrayProjects). 

 
R. Buckminster Fuller Dome Home, Carbondale, IL, 1960. (From Fuller Dome Home.org).

Coincidentally, about the same time Judge was obtaining approvals to advance the construction of his “Triponent” dome house, Fuller was building his own personal “Dome Home” in Carbondale where he was then teaching at Southern Illinois University. It is the only home the Fullers ever owned, and it served as a model for all dome homes built since 1960. His stream of consciousness discourse on the importance and origins of “domes” in his 1963 “Ideas and Intregrities” read,

“So important have domes been throughout man’s total experience that the roots of the word for God, home and dome are the same-domus, domicile and dome. In the language of the sailors of Denmark and Iceland, the word is dom. Because of the agelong interactions of mysticism, with religions of hope and fear, in the daily lives of men, always centering in the home, the dome, ages ago, became symbolic of all the cosmic thoughts, hopes, supplications and glorious conceptions. From its comprehensive pre-eminence, the dome conception gave root to the words dominate and dominion. As a result of the slow process of communication casualties in the hearing and mimicking of sounds, prior to the written word, a great interchangeability of the consonants prefixing the syllable om took place. The D was interchanged with the T in designation of the dome as a mortuary shrine and with a W as the gestation or pre-nativity shrine. Thus man went from W-OM-B to T -O-M-B via the H-OM-E. Even the B-OM-B is a derivative of dome as the super-accelerated explosive nativity container. The Bikini bomb was dome-like in shape.

In ecological patterning, early man was the hunter and fisher, operating at extreme radius from his domicile center. His mate operated at the domicile. She became the dome-man, the homeman, the w-om-man; also, she was the man with the dome inside, the w-om-b man. Greater and lesser ecological circles, characterizing male and female peregrinations respectively, are still the ecological domains of the swift running wild mammalian life. Later the thought-hunting and recollection-researching male, hibernating in his domicile center, became H-OM-O sapiens, domo sapiens.” (Buckminster Fuller, “Ideas and Integreties: A Spontaneous Autobiographical Disclosure” edited by Robert W. Marks, Prentice-Hall, 1963, p. 148).

In addition to having drunk the Fuller Kool-Aid after listening to him lecture at USC and befriending his local disciple Lindsay, Judge’s inspiration to make his 1957 USC class dome house study a reality came from,

“…having spent many years in underdeveloped countries, and the problem of human shelter- shelter in its most basic form – seemed to him paramount. He saw two thirds of humanity housed in shacks and slums; and on the other side he saw the technical and industrial potential to produce wholesome housing for every living soul. To exploit this potential, to make human habitation an experience of lasting enjoyment, seemed to him the top task of coming generations of architects. It was to be above all his own first task. He finished his studies at the University of Southern California and set out to do a house without precedent, a house that could become a point of orientation for our age.” (“Beautiful Homes and Gardens in California” by Herbert Weisskamp, pp. 146-149).

Judge and USC classmates assembling dome at a test site in California City. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.

Upon receiving shipment of the dome from Lindsay, Judge and some of his USC classmates erected it on a site in California City (see above) to take more precise measurements to design the layout of the foundation piers and began experimenting with protective skin materials and methods to attach same to the framework. Judge recollected of the time,

“I erected the dome in California city in order to test various skinning materials. It was a lot easier there as I didn’t have to lug every thing up the hill and I did not have to have any permits. I got permission from he developer to use the site as a USC student project. About 20 of my fellow students put it up in a day. We tested glass, plexyglass, Mylar and some other materials but they all failed after several months. It was only later during the load testing that I realized what the problem was, i.e., the movement due to temperature change.” (Bernard Judge e-mail to the author, August 22, 2011). 

The next step was to pour the foundation piers on the Beachwood Canyon site and relocate the dome there.
Foundation piers framing the front door with cement sheets filling the voids between the ground and bottom of dome frame. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.


Foundations were kept to a minimum on the steep grade. The lightweight structure required few foundation piers and the spaces in between were filled with single sheets of asbestos cement. (See above). Years were to pass, however, until this open dome structure became a reality as Judge had to get his design approved by the building authorities who found that it did not meet the letter of the building code in numerous areas. Judge “educated” the plan checkers and building inspectors and managed to obtain variances on seven decisive items. But he lost valuable time, construction could not proceed for long periods, and costs exceeded his shoestring budget. Another student Hendrik de Kanter finally advanced 10,000 dollars, to become, in the end, owner of the finished house. A deal was worked out that allowed Judge and his wife to live in the completed house for a year before turning it over to the de Kanters.

Water bags used by the Seabees during Judge’s tour of duty made for a more convenient test than using sand bags. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.


Once the frame was erected, the Department of Building and Safety needed to be convinced that the dome “envelope” had the necessary strength to withstand the required horizontal and vertical loads. Since Fuller and Lindsay were never able to calculate the loads in a fashion that would satisfy a plan checker, Judge had to devise an ingenious way to empirically load-test the framework. Plastic water bags Judge borrowed from a local Marine base were suspended from the dome skeleton, proving its structural stability and creating the fascinating construction photograph of bright sun light playing in the clear plastic bags. (See above).

Bernard Judge atop his dome, “Los Angeles in a New Image,” Life, June 20, 1960, pp. 74-75. Photo by Ralph Crane. 


In the spring of 1960 a staff reporter for Life magazine and photographer Ralph Crane were driving through Hollywood Hills to interview Aldous Huxley. It was by chance that they discovered a metallic dome structure far up on a slope. An old Ford engine was hoisting building material from the street. Standing on the thin metal cage, working with his own hands, was the young designer Bernard Judge and a group of his USC architectural school classmates. (See above). Life published the above double-page color spread, illustrating the filigree of the dome skeleton above the glittering lights of Los Angeles, bringing the work of three obscure years went into the pages of America’s most famous publication.

Framework for lower living platform, 1960. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.


Judge next planted a garden and was finally able to construct the living platforms which were not connected in any way to the dome itself. (See above and cross-section later below). Having seen the Lifephoto, Bucky Fuller visited the site to congratulate Judge about the time of the above photo. Judge recalls explaining the decks to Fuller and him liking the idea that they were not attached to the dome.Before the finish work could be completed, the skin had to be installed. During the load-testing Judge learned that thermal expansion and contraction of the dome’s metal rods caused the structure to sag up to one full inch at night. Thus, a system of attaching the skin to the framework had to be able to account for this. Judge developed a flexible wooden framework akin to an archer’s bow made up of 15 diamond-shaped panels  which he connected to the dome framework at every fourth joint. To that he stapled the cut-to-fit Mylar sheets seen under fabrication below. This allowed the skin to move independently of the dome framework as the dome contracted and expanded. (See two below). Any one of the dome’s 15 panels can be replaced in a few hours. However, the plastic is surprisingly strong. It has a 15,000-lb. tensile strength and is classed as fire-retardant.
Mylar skin shop fabrication. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.

View of  the wooden framework and Mylar skin from the upper living platform. Photo by Julius Shulman from “Beautiful Homes and Gardens in California” by Herbert Weisskamp, p. 148.


Mylar skin with attachment detail. Photo courtesy Bernard Judge.

The transparent skin was finally applied to the inside of the dome structure using the details above. Judge chose Mylar, 5 mils thick, the most durable clear polyester foil then available. Time had, for once, worked in favor of the young innovator, the price of the Mylar foil having gone down from 1 dollar a square foot to 9 cents in three years. Huge defense orders had reduced Du Pont’s production costs to a fraction. In this fact Judge found concrete proof of Fuller’s and his theory that today, for the first time in history, inventions are made before the need arises. The entire Mylar skin cost 300 dollars and had a projected design life of about eight years.

Cross-section showing both levels.

Heat control was a primary concern in the design. To provide natural ventilation, Judge installed a 12 feet diameter opening at the top of the dome while close to the ground he provided a narrow ventilation strip screened with nylon gauze. This established an upward air flow pattern illustrated in the above cross-section. The hill blocked the sun from the west. A fixed sunshade consisting of a spherical section of white glass-reinforced neoprene was also added to provide shade and protect the top opening. It had a silvery coating on the outside to reflect the sun’s rays. (See below). Judge recalled seeing information on the material used originally in the Project Echo communications satellite testing program conducted by NASA.

Photo by Julius Shulman from Weisskamp, p. .

Living room on upper living platform screened by a spherical cap of neoprene. Julius Shulman photo from “Modernism Rediscovered” by Pierluigi Serraino and Julius Shulman, p. 336.

The living room and his-and-hers design and artist studios occupy the upper deck. (See above). Room transitions are lightly accented by heating panels. Views from the upper deck overlook the lower living area and the wide range of hills outside. A spiral staircase connects the two levels. To live with grasses, shrubs, and trees under one light-filled dome, man and nature sharing one shelter, seems to Judge a trend of future forms of habitation. “Gardens will allow us to live as individuals in the mass-fabricated houses of tomorrow.”

 

View of the kitchen from the upper level. Julius Shulman photo from Weisskamp, p. 148.


In the core of the house is a prefabricated bathroom of fiberglass and plastic material with walls and ceilings of fireproof polyester and epoxy flooring. Electrical radiating panels heat the house and, as screens, mark spatial divisions. Bundles of light steel pipes, each consisting of four struts, carry living platforms on two levels. Judge has skillfully superimposed the hexagonal decks and created a subtle interplay of changing room heights. The entire height of the dome unfolds above the entrance section of the lower, larger platform, while the bath and bedroom have level ceilings at a cozy height of 7 feet.

Spiral staircase from the first to second floor with plants growing in the ungraded hillside. Photo by Julius Shulman from Weisskamp, p. 149.


Anchored to the foundations, made with eleven concrete piers, steel “quadrupeds” supported wood platforms exposing the a hexagonal shape. Entry, kitchen, dining room and master bedroom were on the lower deck, the living room and two studios on the upper deck. Both were connected to a pre-fabricated mechanical core and mutually accessible through a spiral staircase. (See above and floor plans below).

 

Floor plans.


Side view highlighting the dome’s structural sprits and tension wires. Photo by Julius Shulman from “Modernism Rediscovered,” p. 333.

The wires, radiating from short poles (sprits) on the aluminum ribs, carried loads in tension. (See above).

Judge described what it was like living in the dome,

“Living there was unique in that we were conscious of the outside weather at all times, day and night, yet shielded from it. It made for a comforting awareness. The fact that we had a closable curtain from the upper deck enclosing the bedroom on the lower deck meant that we could have privacy (both from the weather or the feeling of being exposed) when we wanted it. Ultimately, my idea was to plant trees around the house, as later I did in around the ‘tree house’ which gives it a sense of privacy. The fact that we had no gate at the street level (see entrance below) made it possible for people to come up the stairs to see the house. This was annoying at times – but I got my first client that way.” (Judge to author e-mail, August 17, 2011).

 


Entrance stairway from Durand Avenue. Photo by Julius Shulman from Weisskamp, p. 146.


The “Triponent” House was located on Durand Ave. off of Beachwood Drive in the Hollywood Hills with it’s dome “envelope” and sheltering a prefabricated “utility core” and “free space” which included a garden and two customized living platforms designed to meet the needs of Judge and his artist wife.

Poster for “Smog” from Movie Poster Shop.


Shortly after its completion, the house caught the attention of location scouts for the Italian movie ”Smog.” In it a man on a plane flight is unexpectedly held over in Los Angeles. At first he finds it exhilarating to do as he pleases, free of life-long inhibitions. But then he begins to fall prey to emotions and fears, to disintegrate. The crisis comes when he is left alone one evening at the Judge house. ”No, no-the stars are too close!” he cries. “I feel too near to my Maker here. There’s no place to retreat but my own soul.” Apparently this is too formidable, and so be goes back to the·reassuring stone and concrete of Italy.

Upon seeing the Ralph Crane photo in Life magazine, Julius Shulman visited the job site, befriended Judge and began taking photos for what he knew would eventually become a cover spread in the Los Angeles Times Home Magazine edited by his long-time friend Dan MacMasters. Once that happened, on July 1, 1961, the below photo became one of Shulman’s most iconic images, published numerous times over the years. (See also opening photo of this article above).

 

Bernard Judge Residence, Durand Dr., Hollywood, 1960-1, Julius Shulman: Modernism Rediscovered, Taschen, 2010. Julius Shulman Job No. 3378, 4-30 and 5-1-1961.

After graduating from USC and turning the dome over to De Kanter, Judge and his ceramicist wife, Dora De Larios, spent a year traveling the globe gathering inspiration for future work. Upon there return to Los Angeles in 1963, Judge advertised for living space for a young architect which was answered by none other than Pauline Schindler. He recalled, ”I advertised that I wanted to live in a garden atmosphere in the middle of the city.” Mrs. Schindler said, “I have what you want if I like your work.” .. He paused. “She did.” (From Ryon, Ruth, “Group Saves House Designed as Social Experiment,” Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1980, pp. VIII-1-2).
  
Bernard and Dora moved into the guest studio at Kings Road and soon were joined by new daughter Sabrina. Also renting space in R. M. S.’s old studio were architects David Ming-Li Lowe and Frederick Lyman and long-time Esther McCoy friend and collaborator and early Irving Gill historian, John Reed.

North Las Vegas City Hall, 1965, William Allen (and Bernard Judge). From North Las Vegas website.


Judge found employment with William Allen on Canon Drive in Beverly Hills. He recalled that while working on the new North Las Vegas City Hall (see above) staring out the window toward the Hollywood Hills looking for a likely building site for a new home. He remembers seeing all the grading going on for Trousdale Estates in Beverly Hills and the adjacent Bird Streets in Los Angeles following the subdivision of the old Doheny Ranch. He approached the developers of the Bird Streets subdivision and made an offer on their “unbuildable” greenbelt on the precipice above the development which they were only too willing to accept. (See below). His next challenge was to get the Department of Building & Safety to accept his proposal for a little tree house with a very small footprint.

Hollywood Hills with grading for Trousdale Estates and Bird Streets at the upper left. Judge “Tree” House site on Crescent Drive at the top of the “green belt” above the Bird Streets and abutting the Trousdaale Estates boundary. 1961 Dick Whittington photo from USC Digital Archive.


Following employment with Allen and several other local firms, he started his own office as space began to open up at Kings Road. He also concurrently worked for Jeffrey Lindsay in Los Angeles and Vancouver on several large span structures, most notably the 1967 Central Mall Space Frame at Simon Fraser University also in collaboration with Arthur Erickson. (See below).

Central Mall Space Frame, Simon Fraser University, 1967, Vancouver, British Columbia, Arthur Erickson, Geoffrey Massey and Jeffrey Lindsay. Plans and Specifications by Bernard Judge. Photo from The Bridge Studio.

 

Judge’s meticulous preparation of the plans and specifications for this project saved Lindsay from a major lawsuit. The space frame suffered snow damage due to connecting rod failure. Judge remembered from his Seabee experience to specify “upset” rods as so that their required cross-sectional area wouldn’t be compromised when the they were threaded. The rods delivered and installed were not “upset” which resulted in a structural failure after a heavy snowfall. The only people involved with this project who ended up not being “upset” were Judge and Lindsay.

 

Above drawing shows seven houses clustered and connected by walkways. They might be a hunting lodge in Kenya, condominiums, apartments or even commercial offices. This system would be useful on a flat site only if land cost was very high and several units could be developed. (From MacMasters, Dan, “A Tree House for the Hills,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, April 10, 1977, p. 15.

 

Sometime in the late 1960s, Lindsay asked Judge to design a tree house that could be used for a hunting lodge in Kenya (See above). It was to use local materials and be so simple that native workmen, with a little instruction, could put it together by traditional methods. The hunting lodge never got built but the idea was too good to give up. Why not use it for putting houses on those “unbuildable lots” scattered through the hills around Los Angeles? And for developing steep slopes without massive earth-moving? When Judge failed to interest local builders, he decided to build a tree house for himself. The concept worked perfectly for his precipitous 35 degree Crescent Drive site which he broke ground upon with the help of partner Ron Smart in 1968.

This model in wood was developed in 1967 for the hunting lodge that was to be built in Kenya. Photo by the author.

From his Kings Road base around the same time, Judge formed Environmental Systems Group, a team of architects and professionals who work independently, but come together to execute larger projects. The primary members who worked with Judge off-and-on over a 15-year period included Milica Dedijer, architect; Ron Smart, production; Tim Liu, structural engineer; Chris Davis, economist; and, until his death, Boris Lemos, mechanical engineer.

Tahiti Safari Club, Moorea, 1970, designed by Bernard Judge. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 68.


From 1970-1974, Judge was heavily involved with resort developments for Marlon Brando on his private Tahitian atoll, Tetiaroa, and the Tahiti Safari Club on Moorea. Judge met Brando through his contractor Jack Bellin whom he met by chance just before vacationing with his family at the Club Med Moorea in 1970. Bellin suggested that Judge visit Brando’s Tetiaroa while in Tahiti. Bellin and Judge quickly hit it off and collaborated on the design and construction of the Tahiti Safari Club. (See above). Judge’s design was inspired by hotels he had admired in Kenya while researching the above-mentioned hunting lodge for Lindsay. While working on this project, Judge, and his family, whenever possible, stayed at Marlon Brando’s house in Papaeete. Brando was keenly interested in monitoring the Safari Club’s progress as he had similar plans for Tetiaroa. One thing led to another and after trust was built, Brando hired Judge to design a landing strip and resort on his atoll.

Sabrina and Bernard Judge, ca. 1972. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 168.

uring this period, Judge spent almost all his time in Tahiti planning and overseeing construction of these projects with partner Ron Smart handling all of the production details from the Kings Road office. Wife Dora and daughter Sabrina spent significant time in Tahiti as well. (See above).

Design sketches for Tetiaroa, 1972, Bernard Judge. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 121.


 Tertiaroa airstrip under construction. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 187.

Judge incorporated the ideas for the Kenyan resort he developed for Lindsay into Brando’s resort. i. e., to  “live lightly” on the fragile atoll using sustainable indigenous materials and to be so simple that native workmen, with a little instruction, could put it together by traditional methods. The coconut tree trunks and leaves seen above were all stockpiled for use in constructing the resort’s structures and roofs. Judge imported a sawmill to cut planks from the tree trunks. (See below).

Judge and helpers cutting planks from stockpiled coconut tree trunks. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 170.


Dora De Larios greeting Brando and pilot shortly after completion of the airstrip. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 192.

Starting construction on one of the bungalows for what was to be called Hotel Tetiaroa Village. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 207.

Dining room of the communal hut. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 279.
 
I highly recommend reading the entire saga of overcoming the seemingly insurmountable challenges of bringing the eco-friendly development of Tetiaroa to fruition in Judge’s fascinating “Waltzing with Brando: Planning a Paradise in Tahiti.” (See below). I also recommend “Trouble in Paradise,” by Matthew Heller which appeared in the Los Angeles Times Home Section in 2005. A final recommendation is an article William Hall wrote for the Los Angeles Times after an unauthorized [by Brando] visit to Tetiaroa about a year before it was ready to open in which Judge is quoted. (Hall, William, “And Brando as a Tourist Attraction: Last Tango in Tahiti,” Los Angeles Times Calendar Section, March 11, 1973, pp. 1, 18, 20).

 
“Waltzing with Brando: Planning a Paradise in Tahiti,” by Bernard Judge, ORO Editions, Berkeley, 2011.

Bernard Judge “Tree” House, Hollywood Hills, 1977. From “Is this also tomorrow?” Sunset, November, 1978, cover, pp. 108-9. Glenn Christiansen cover photo.

Upon completion of Tetiaroa, Judge could again focus more time towards the completion of his “Tree” House. Finally completed in 1977, the house soon won an AIA-Sunset Western Home Award. (See above). The jury applauded a residence that literally could be built on any site. The house was soon thereafter featured on the cover on an issue dedicated to exploring the potential of factory-built housing.

Judge “Tree” house on a lot that slopes at a 35-degree angle down from the street. The view is to the southwest. Photo by Julius Shulman. (From MacMasters, Dan, “A Tree House for the Hills,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, April 10, 1977, p. 12). 


 
Plans above show two versions of the tree house shown. The living area of the Judge house is 1,100 sq. ft. with another 500 in decks and garage. The area of each level can vary f’rom 700 to 1000 square feet.

The house has two levels of 700 square feet each, including decks. (See above). It can be built larger, smaller, or as one of a cluster. Judge used a structural system based on four 10 by 10-inch steel columns set on 8-foot centers that run from the roof down to bedrock (in this case, 50 feet). Encased in concrete above ground and beneath the house, the columns form an 8 by 8-foot pedestal that houses all the mechanical systems – water heater, forced air furnace, sump pump (because the bathroom in the house is below street level), and storage. (See below).

Bernard Judge “Tree” House on a 35 degree lot above the Bird Streets adjacent to Trousdale Estates in the Hollywood Hills. Julius Shulman photo. (From Sunset, p. 108). 


The house was built on a shoestring budget using mostly his and partner Ron Smart’s labor. A number of ideas Judge incorporated into this house helped minimize costs: none of the wood is finished; all structure is exposed; floors are sub-flooring, sanded and sealed; the ceiling on the lower level is the underside of the upper level floor, with 2 by 8 floor joists seen as beams from below. The 10×10-inch steel columns seen below were set in place in 1969, just before the earlier-mentioned Tahitian work began. These had been fabricated in a shop, then trucked to the site and set in place by a crane. Judge recalls that while he was in Tahiti, Julius Shulman visited the site to capture the amazing construction photo below.

 

Steel columns set on 8-foot centers form the basic core of the house. Wood framework of house attached to the steel plates welded on before the columns were set.  Photo by Julius Shulman. (From MacMasters, p. 13).  Photo by Julius Shulman. (From MacMasters, p. 13).


This is how the Judge tree house is put together. Four caissons are sunk on the hillside and are filled with concrete. They are set in an 8-foot square and are quick and relatively cheap to install. On them are placed by crane the steel columns which are 50 feet tall; these the architect refers to as flagpoles. (See above). Trusses are fixed to the columns to support the structure of the house. These columns can be of timber or glue-laminated wood as well as of steel. Once the basic frame is in place you can use whatever materials you like for walls, roof, floors and other parts. And the interior can be arranged in many ways, for none of the walls is load-bearing. (MacMasters, p. 108).

Cross-section showing frame. Trusses are attached to the central columns and support the lower floor and the roof. The upper floor is suspended between them. From “Is this also tomorrow?” Sunset, November 1978, p. 108.

The upper floor is one big room divided according to use. Photo taken from above the central stairwell, lighted by a clerestory. Edge of circular stairway rail is seen at bottom. Stairway was relocated from Judge’s “Triponent” House when it was demolished in 1971. From MacMasters, p. 13. Photo by Julius Shulman.

Painted steel posts contrast with dark stained timbers. Spiral stair goes down center. Kitchen is defined by low white walls at right that also hide the counter clutter. From Sunset, p. 109.

Kitchen partly screened in by display cases. Julius Shulman photo from MacMasters, p. 1.3

Another view of the living area, with the kitchen at the back. Interior walls are gypsum board. Julius Shulman photo from MacMasters, p. 13.

Dramatic and extremely informal, the house is as easy-going as a summer cabin, with little furniture needed besides the built-ins. The entire upper level (see above images) has an open ceiling with living room, dining room, and kitchen all within conversational range. The spiral staircase at the center of the house helps define areas of use. (Sunset, p. 109). Two bedrooms and a bath occupy the lower level, plus a library-study at the foot of the stairs. Each bedroom has its own private deck. A 5 by 26-foot deck serves the upper floor on the view side. The house performs very well in earthquakes with only minor swaying and has sustained no damage since Judge moved in 35 years ago.

United States Patent No. 4,173,102 granted to Bernard Judge, November 6, 1979, p. 1 of 6.



Liking the potential for prefabrication of his “Tree” House and its use on difficult sites, Judge applied for a patent soon after completion on June 28, 1977. The patent was approved November 6, 1979, but unlike his hero Bucky Fuller, Judge did not pursue marketing the idea as he was by then deeply involved with the restoration of Schindler’s Kings Road House purchased by the non-profit Friends of the Schindler Housefrom the Schindler family upon the death of Pauline.Judge was named project director for development and implementation of the Schindler House Restoration Plan in 1979 by the FOSH of which he was also vice-president. He prepared the voluminous plans and specifications in September 1980 which included an exhaustive “room by room, surface by surface, verbal and pictorial work description.” (“Restoration of the R. M. Schindler House: Adaptive Use of the Kings Road House as a Center for the Study of 20th Century Architecture in Los Angeles,” Friends of the Schindler House, September, 1980, 362 pp.). (“Grant Will Help in Restoring Schindler House,” Los Angeles Times, November 25, 1979, p. VII-1).

  
In a 1983 article on the Friends of the Schindler House, Ruth Ryon quoted Friends president Michael Bobrow,

“Judge lived there for awhile, too. He maintained a studio in Schindler’s old studio. He introduced me to Mrs. Schindler about 1966. He embodies the spirit of the place.”
Judge is in charge of restoring the house, a project expected to cost $150,000 to $200,000. The National Endowment for the Arts has awarded FOSH a matching grant of $15,393 for restoration work, and this grant has been matched by several professionals.
“So many people have contributed their time,” Bobrow said. “For Instance, Kathryn Smith organized the house tour and lecture series lest year-fund raisers to help pay some of the operational expenses. She also was a part-time curator, getting the grant applications ready to send in.
“Then there is the firm of Latham & Watkins, attorneys, who have contributed several hundred hours of their time. We would have been in bad shape without them.
“The Redwood Assn. has indicated it will provide all the redwood to restore the house, and we are looking for contributions from the construction industry.
“Donations of time have been made by FOSH’s historians-Smith, Esther McCoy, David Gebhard and Stefanos Polyzoides, who is secretary of FOSH and is in charge of the educational program-an ambitious proposal involving competitions, archives, research, a library, exhibitions, publications, lectures and seminars that ultimately would tum the Schindler House into the Los Angeles Architectural Center.
Restoration work must be done first, and the historians have prepared the way.
“They have researched the house,” Judge said, “to see what it looked like at different periods.”
As a result, FOSH will restore the place to the time of Schindler’s death.
“We’re doing drawings for the restoration and designing a plan for remedial work to be done immediately,” Judge said, “work like fixing the leaky roof and some broken windows.
“Then we will have to raise money to do the rest-removing wood that is termite Infested, rotted or in bad shape; taking off the floor material to set down to the concrete slab, taking off the paint from the concrete walls.
“When Schindler had it, there were only five materials in the house-redwood, glass, canvas, concrete and Celotex-a board made out of sugar cane -which was also unpainted. Half the house had been painted since Schindler died.” There is also some fire damage from the 1930 that he said needs repair.
That fire happened long before Judge knew the house so well. He moved into it about 15 years ago after Mrs. Schindler answered an ad.
“I advertised that I wanted to live in a garden atmosphere In the middle of the city,” Judge recalled.   “Mrs. Schindler said, ‘I have what you want if I like your work.’ .. He paused. “She did.”
Later, Judge moved his famlly out but kept his office there. “About half of the house was used as Schindler’s office,” he said, “and after his death, that was passed on from architect to architect. I was the last in a series.”
After restoration “about half of the house still will be used as offices,” he said, “and we have made arrangements with the Friends of the Schindler House, the group representing Watts Towers and the new museum for architects. So this will be a headquarters for the architectural profession in Los Angeles. It will be open to the public, and there will be a docent service.”
(Ryon, Ruth, “Group Saves House Designed as Social Experiment,” Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1980, pp. VIII-1-2).

Judge further recalled,

“I got involved in the saving of the Schinder house because I lived and worked there for so many years, that I knew Pauline until her death, and promised her that I would be sure to save the house after her demise. Because of that, I became involved in other “preservation projects.” The Watts Towers Restoration Committee, the Frank Lloyd Wright Ennis House, The Master plan for El Pueblo State Historic Park, and member of the LA City Cultural Heritage Commission (1980-86). Those activities led to actual paying jobs as an architect, like saving the Subway Terminal Building downtown, (1970) The Clark Hotel, LA, Restoration Plan, (1991), the Original Broadway Department Store, downtown, (1991),  the Hollywood Professional Building, (1994), and the Max Factor Building (1996). One thing leads to another- as it did in the South Pacific, i.e., Site analysis in Fiji and Western Samoa.” (Bernard Judge e-mail to the author, 08-31-2011).

Based upon his involvement in helping save the Watts Towers in the late 1970s, Judge was appointed by Mayor Tom Bradley to the City of Los Angeles Cultural Heritage Commission in 1981 where he served for 6 years. He has also lectured at UCLA on histrorical preservation issues.

In researching this article I have gained the sense that Bernard Judge, like his idol and inspiration Buckminster Fuller before him, is a totally ‘free-spirited” and adventurous architect who is unafraid to tackle projects in uncharted territory. Whether using indigenous materials on the nearly inaccessible, coral reef-enclosed Tetiaroa or new space age materials to economically solve seemingly insurmountable design problems on his “Triponent” House in Beachwood Canyon, he was able to achieve his life-long goal of creating an architecture that “lives lightly on the land.” He continues to live that dream in his “Tree” House aerie in the Hollywood Hills. His work on the restoration plan for the Schindler House, arguably the most important icon of modern architecture in Los Angeles, or the world for that matter, is terribly under-recognized and noteworthy.

I highly recommend as a follow-up to this story the upcoming exhibition at the Schindler Kings Road House

Sympathetic Seeing: Esther McCoy and the Heart of American Modernist Architecture and Design 

Also stay tuned for a possible book-signing event for Judge’s “Waltzing with Brando” in conjunction with the exhibition.

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Edward Weston Remembers Tina Modotti, January 1942

I have recently been doing much research in Edward Weston’s Daybooks due to their amazing content chronicling the intertwined lives of the L.A.’s early Bohemian, avant-garde artists, architects and intelligentsia. Today while trying to track down where the original unexpurgated manuscripts might reside I ran across the below Edward Weston reminiscence written on the occasion of learning of the January 5, 1942 death of his former lover Tina Modotti with whom he traveled to Mexico with between 1923 and 1926. (See below).
Tina and Edward on the boat to Mexico, 1923. Photo likely by Chandler Weston. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 70.

 

I have illustrated the article with Weston’s photos from various sources based on his textual descriptions. Weston indicates in the article that the last two photos are the only ones that exist of the two together. The last entry in Weston’s published Daybooks is dated April 22, 1944 after a gap of almost 10 years since the previous entry. The last entry covers a brief recap of his major life events over that period including the deaths of those closest to him including Tina but omits this extremely poignant piece. Thank god for his neighbor Dewitt Hughes for resurrecting this from Weston’s Wildcat Hill trash can.


The Lost Entry:  from the daybooks of Edward Weston


Editor’s note:
The following manuscript was discovered by a certain Dewitt Hughes, a neighbor of the great photographer during his years in his beloved Point Lobos, Calif., who was in the habit of perusing the great man’s refuse in search of discarded photographic prints. Instead, he came across the following entry, which clearly bears the scars of its removal from Mr. Weston’s daybook. The missing entry is quite obvious in the original manuscript and has perplexed scholars for years, as to its contents and the reasons for its expurgation. The entry is reproduced in its entirety, and its content has not been altered in any way, except for a few technical adaptations that were made for the convenience of the contemporary reader.



This morning I received post from Mexico informing me of the death of Tina Modotti. I had been dreaming of Tina and those heady days back in Mexico throughout the night, and awoke bolt upright at the crack of dawn. Forgoing my morning oblations, I headed straight for the cellar, where the negatives from those years had been lying dormant since my first return from Mexico. Ironically, I had been printing a portrait of Robo when the postman rang. It was a shot I remembered as soon as I saw the negative in its sleeve. I could picture clearly in my mind everything surrounding the taking of that photograph: the smell of Robo’s hair tonic commingling with the daffodils Tina had purchased from a local florist, and which Robo had been busy painting the entire morning. I remembered Robo’s protest when I suggested he clean himself up a bit before I photographed him, and the look Tina shot in my direction as I peered into the ground glass. There we were, Robo and I, connected all too intimately in the brief moment of the shutter’s release. And there was Tina, the objective observer, watching her husband’s soul be stolen by her lover. (See below).

Edward Weston, Robo de Richey, ca. 1920. From Weston’s Westons: Portraits and Nudes by Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr. Bulfinch, 1989, p. 14.

Tina Modotti and Robo de Richey at work in their studio, Hollywood, 1921. Photographer unknown. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 36. Originally published in California Southland.

 

So, you can imagine the eerie feeling I had when I received the news. Sure enough, Robo’s ghost had returned to haunt me. The tables had been turned: the first time we had been in Mexico, Tina and I, hearing the news of Robo’s death in California, and now here we were, myself and Robo’s Likeness in California, receiving news of Tina’s death in Mexico. The cruel symmetry of Fate. There was nothing I could do but return to the darkroom and watch the images of those days materialize under the ripples of developer, pose by pose, frame by frame, and summon Tina from them like a necromancer.

Edward Weston, Tina El Buen Retiro, Tacubaya, 1923. From  Edward Weston, 1886-1958, edited by Manfred Heiting, Taschen, 1999, p. 59.

 

Tina is wearing a translucent silk blouse that is heavily embroidered over the breast. Her hair is pulled straight back and shiny. She sits on the steps of the hacienda, where the late afternoon sun is shining. There are trees directly outside the window, from which the sun is entering. They act like a negative, the handiwork of the supreme photographer, subduing the light, filtering part of it, redirecting the rest onto the light sensitive paper that is Tina. On the ground glass she seems to glow.

Tonight is our first night together in weeks. She has been off photographing a convent in a neighboring village. How ironic! And yet, here is Tina, as true as an angel, telling me about the night with her lover.

 

 

Edward Weston, Tina Reciting, 1924. From  Edward Weston, 1886-1958, edited by Manfred Heiting, Taschen, 1999, p. 63.

 

Tina is reciting poetry. She believes that, being an artist, I appreciate the arts in general, and being a Romantic, that I enjoy poetry in particular. She is mistaken. Tina is driven by impulse and I am old and weary and all too happy to escape into her naivete. She recites a poem in Italian about her two lovers, one a strident revolutionary she met on her travels in the countryside, and the other a married man with three children living in sin with a foreign woman in a foreign country. And that is the beauty of it. The poetry of her honesty. Yet, it is still such a crushing blow.

I photograph what I cannot possess. I inscribe in silver what eludes me in reality. Tina is sunbathing on the azotea of the hacienda. I have been writing correspondences to the art world in the United States, to remind them that I am still alive and photographing. I take leave of my study for a breath of fresh air, and steal upon Tina sunbathing on the worn stone tiles. I quickly head back for the Graflex, quietly set the tripod in place, align the camera to the most advantageous position, all without interrupting the silence of Tina ‘s repose.

 

Edward Weston, Tina on the Azotea, 1924. From Weston’s Westons, p. 124.

 

There she is, hand covering her eyes from the sun, her dark brown nipples standing erect, nearly matching the hue of the blanket beneath her. I peer through the glass. My hand reaches for the cable release. Tina is angelic, an angel drifting in the realm of angels. Ecstatically, I squeeze the release.


“Are you finished now,” Tina says.
“You pretender. I thought you were asleep,” I say.
“I was, until you came along with all your racket. Did you really think I could still be asleep?”
“Come now, I wasn’t as bad as all that.”
She sits up, still covering her eyes. Her breasts fall like fruit onto her belly. “Do you want to take anymore? How should I sit?”‘
“What’s the point now?” I say, trying to outdo her. “You’ve ruined the mood. I think I’ll even have to destroy the negative.”
“You must be mad. Why?”
“It would be dishonest not to.”
“Nobody will ever know the difference,” she says as she leans back onto her elbows, supine and seductive.
“No, I suppose they never will.”


Edward Weston, Tina on the Azotea, 1924. From Weston’s Westons, back cover.

Tina is a conundrum, but she is never cunning. She is always Tina. No matter that she offers a different self for every photographic plate I load into the camera, she remains herself. I can see so clearly now, with the passage of time, that it is I who saw her differently.

Here is Tina in the flower of her youth. She is dressed in black, surrounded by a black background, her profile emerging from the darkness. Her hair is off her face. Having just been released from a pin that held it back in place, it hangs precariously over her shoulders, on the verge of submitting to nature. Her eyes are fixed on something far away and contain a sadness that seems beyond her years. She is twenty five years old. I am forty one. She and Robo have been together for six years, and married for four. In this photograph I have captured something too private and true and yet she is little more than a stranger to me. I immediately fell in love with her.

 

Edward Weston, The White Iris, 1921. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 49.


The same photograph has reached me today, from Mexico. I have not seen it for twenty years. Actually, what I have before me is a photograph of Tina’s bier, in which is mounted this same photograph surrounded by a wreath of flowers. Here lies Tina Modotti, a firm and delicate being. And from under the black focusing cloth it was I who created her death mask, her travel companion throughout her life’s journey from Mexico to Germany to Russia to Spain and then back to Mexico again. Tina never asked for another one of my prints. It is as if she were aware of the significance of its final destination.


Edward Weston, Tina Modotti with tear, 1924. From Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexico, p. 43.



We are on our way to a party. Tina has been crying. There she stands, defiant, a swelling tear in her eye that gives her away. She gives me a cold, steely stare that looks right through me. Here eyes seem to see more than what is given to them. It’s this eye that would see through other people and other places when she later turned the camera from herself onto the world.


“You are a such a selfish man,” she says, turning to me.
“And how is that?”
“How is that? You only care about yourself, that’s how. You and that camera,” she says, turning away again.
“You know that’s not true. You’re the one who is being selfish.”
“Oh, so I guess I’m being selfish when I say that it’s only fair for me to fuck once in a while too, is that it? What do you expect me to do? act like we ‘re married?”
“Isn’t that what you want?”
“You’re impossible.”


When we arrive at the party Tina greets Diego with a kiss on the lips. It is a costume party and Tina is dressed as Edward Weston, mustache and all, and I am dressed as Tina Modotti, skirt, high heels, lipstick. Diego is our host, and is dressed, characteristically enough, as himself. Diego accepts the kiss, giving me a wink, and then walks into the living room arm in arm with Tina.


“May I present to you, ladies and gentleman, the great American photographer, Edward Weston,” he says, introducing Tina.


Everyone bows and greets her cordially, shaking her hand very gentleman-like. It is all very ridiculous, but Tina plays the part rather well, looking a bit obtuse, sternly shaking the men’s hands, chivalrously kissing the ladies’. I try my best to do play my part, but fumble around terribly in the heels. Martin, seeing my distress, comes and takes me by the arm and helps me along into the kitchen behind Diego and Tina.


Edward Weston, Diego Rivera, 1924. From Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexico, p. 43.

 

Recently, Tina has begun modeling for Diego once again. As everyone knows, Diego is a monstrous womanizer. But Tina assures me that their relationship is entirely platonic. Still, it seems to me that he is now holding her rather closely, while pretending, for the delectation of those who swarmed into the kitchen behind us, to treat her like another man.

As we enter the kitchen, Diego calls out to Guadalupe, “Look, Lupe, Edward is here. Look how his hair is thickening.” He runs his obese hand over her head as if he were petting a supine cat. Guadalupe, in turn, gives him a stern look, confirming my suspicions.

“And who is this?” she says, pointing to me with one hand while she wipes the other on her apron. “His friend’s whore?”


Edward Weston, Guadalupe Marin de Rivera, 1924. From Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexico, p. 11.

 

Guadalupe storms out of the room. Diego follows her upstairs, were they proceed to scream at one another. Tina looks at me, as Tina now, entirely herself. She unties the ribbon at the back of her hair and lets it down, the grease still holding it in place while the length of it shoots down her back. She comes to me and places a hand on my stomach. I reach for the wig on my head, but decide it’s best not to bother.

Detail of Tina in Diego Rivera mural, Chapingo, 1926. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 116.



When we arrive home I ask her why she has lied to me. She tells me that she hasn’t, that deep inside I knew, and that it was unnecessary to make matters worse. And she is correct. She stands there as strong and as delicate as her image on one of Diego’s frescoes. (See above). This is the Tina I have never been able to capture. This is the Tina that hands out arms and munitions to the people in order to fight for the cause; this is the Tina that will live without fear during the Spanish Civil War, braving bullets, mortar shells, death itself. This is not my Tina. This is not Tina, Edward’s protege, best student, budding photographer in the tradition of the American photo-succession. No, this is Diego’s Tina, the Tina of the Communist party, of the people’s cause; this is Tina the martyr.


Tina’s corpse, January 1942. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 266.

 

Today, however, I received news that she died not as a martyr but as an aging, beautiful fallen woman. The Mexican dailies ran the story as the “untimely death of a world class beauty and odalisque.” The telegram said that she died of a heart attack in a Mexican taxicab. Of course, there are rumors to the contrary, probably spread by those in the Party who do not wish to see her memory die. I wonder if anyone will ever remember Tina Modotti. If they do, will they remember her beauty or her strength? I for my part can only remember her with regret. For me, she is a symbol of my utter defeat.



After going through my negatives it occurred to me that there wasn’t a single one of Tina and I together. At first I began to despair, to wonder if it were all a dream. But then I remembered the photographs we had taken on a lark in a portrait studio in Mexico City. We had spent the rest of what little money we had strolling through the various marketplaces in Mexico City. There was music everywhere, singing and dancing on every dusty street. The hucksters were hawking there wares: chickens in makeshift coops, their legs secured to a post to prevent escape, fruit of every color imaginable–piles upon piles of pineapples, mangoes, oranges, watermelons–porcelain figurines, called animales de barro, brilliantly colored sarapes, straw mats, tapestry.


As if by accident we stumbled upon one of those portraitists you find in places like Mexico City, photographs of their work displaying what they believe to be the latest trends in their spotty showcases. There were a few different studios clustered in one area, so we studied the various displays and decided on one which we thought best–that is, the one that seemed the most ridiculous.

The photographer turned out to be quite a sight himself. He wore bifocals that made his eyes look disproportionately large. He wore an old suit that was covered with small holes and stains. He greeted us cordially and asked, “In what way may I be of service to the Senor and Senorita?”


“Senor,” Tina said. “We have just been married today.”



Tina interrupted him mid-phrase, “El Senor is very religious, perhaps you can make it with a church in the background.”The gentleman’s face lit up like a gaslight. He began suggesting various poses and backdrops that were appropriate for such an occasion, that no less than a series of three photographs was befitting of a new couple of our apparent rank. And so on and so on.

Tina Modotti and Edward Weston, “Anniversary”, Mexico, 1924. Photographer unknown. From Edward Weston, 1886-1958, edited by Manfred Heiting, Taschen, 1999, p. 246).

Sure enough, a church background was put into place, the photographer all the while assuring the Senora of the great artistry of his methods. And soon, we stood in front of the hilarious sets, trying our best to play the newlywed bourgeois couple, holding our poses as stiff as we could, as if the exposure required us to remain fixed for long periods of time.

Is it possible to find tenderness in our mockery of this genre, of the institution of marriage itself? Can one find in our stiff embrace any hint of our mutual passion? Did that preposterous photographer know more than he let on? Maybe he was actually sly as a fox, and had captured us more truly than we had thought possible. Perhaps he was indeed a great artist after all. It may be that it was he who had managed, after all, to capture the thing itself.” (Lost Edward Weston Daybook entry).

 

I happened upon the below “anniversary” photo taken at the same sitting in the highly recommended Frida Kahlo: Her Photos edited by and seemingly related postcard later below on the back cover of The Letters From Tina Modotti to Edward Weston by Amy Stark.

 

Tina Modotti and Edward Weston, “Anniversary”, Mexico, 1924. Photographer unknown. From Frida Kahlo: Her Photos, edited by Pablo Ortiz Monasterio, Editorial RM, 2010, p. 403).

 

Margaret Hooks wrote of the event in her excellent Modotti biography,

“On the anniversary of their first year in Mexico, at Tina’s suggestion she and Edward went to a professional photographer to have a joke ‘wedding anniversary’ portrait made. Tina coyly holds a dusty bunsh of plastic flowers against her cheek as the happy couple poses against a romantic backdrop, both trying desparately to control their mirth.” (From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 92).

Postcard, n.d., inscribed in Tina Modotti’s handwriting, “Tina – wristwatch and ring. Edward – Sunday suit.” from the back cover of “The Letters from Tina Modotti to Edward Weston,” The Archive, Number 22, January 1986. (Original postcard in the Edward Weston Archive, Center for Creative photography, University of Arizona).

The couple also possibly sent postcards inscribed by Tina (see above) to accompany the above photo announce their “wedding anniversary” to friends with such as Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera. (The first photo above was from Frida Kahlo’s papers).

 

For much more on the Weston’s and their interactions with the Schindler Kings Road circle see my

Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism, 1927-1936, and

The Sands of Time: The Oceano Dunes and the Westons

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R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s “Kindergarten Chats”

Portrait of Louis H. Sullivan, from Kindergarten Chats on Architecture, Education and Democracy by Sullivan and edited by Claude F. Bragdon, Scarab Fraternity Press, 1934, frontispiece. From my collection.

Louis Henry Sullivan is the taproot of the genealogical tree of modern architects in Southern California.  His apprentices Irving Gill and Frank Lloyd Wright had a profound influence on the evolution of modern architecture in the Southland which in turn attracted Frank’s son Lloyd, Viennese emigres R. M. Schindler and Richard Neutra and their eventual apostles Harwell Hamilton Harris, Gregory Ain and Raphael Soriano. (See below).

Genealogy of Los Angeles Modern Architecture from American Architects and the Mechanics of Fame by Roxanne Kuter Williamson, p. 32.

R. M. Schindler and Richard Neutra became aware of Louis Sullivan and his work through the teachings and work of  Otto Wagner and Adolf Loos and their fascination with Sullivan apprentice Frank Lloyd Wright’s Wasmuth Portfolio first published in Berlin, Germany in 1910 by Ernst Wasmuth. Schindler discovered Wasmuth in 1911 and Neutra first saw it in 1914, the year Schindler left Vienna for the U.S. They both studied under Loos, with Neutra beginning in 1912, the year he met Schindler. Loos had visited the U.S. between 1893-96 and became enthralled with Chicago and it’s Adler & Sullivan-designed skyscrapers and later regaled his students with tales of Chicago and Sullivan’s work.

Thus the previous genealogical diagram should be amended to include a dashed line connecting Sullivan to Loos and extending to Schindler and Neutra. The table below also places Wagner, Sullivan, Loos, Wright,  Schindler, and Neutra in historical context with their published doctrines. (See also the Pauline Schindler discussion on architectural lineages near the end of this article.)

Schindler-Neutra Genealogy in a Trans-Atlantic Context from “The Wagnerschule and Adolf Loos,” by August J. Sarnitz in RM Schindler: Composition and Construction edited by Lionel March and Judith Sheine, Academy Editions, 1993, p. 32.

 


Louis Sullivan, Transportation Building, World’s Columbian Exposotion, Chicago, 1893.

Ironically, Gill and Wright were still working side-by-side in Sullivan’s office about the time Loos arrived to view the 1893 Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition which included Sullivan’s massive Transportation Building, the most modernist-leaning building in the exposition. (See above). Sullivan wrote of the deleterious impact of the Exposition’s architecture on his hard-fought battle for the acceptance of a more modern architectural language,

“Meanwhile the virus of the World’s Fair, after a period of incubation … began to show unmistakable signs of the nature of the contagion. There came a violent outbreak of the Classic and the Renaissance in the East, which slowly spread Westward, contaminating all that it touched, both at its source and outward…. By the time the market had been saturated, all sense of reality was gone. In its place, had come deep seated illusions, hallucinations, absence of pupillary reaction to light, absence of knee-reaction-symptoms all of progressive cerebral meningitis; the blanketing of the brain. Thus Architecture died in the land of the free and the home of the brave…. The damage wrought by the World’s Fair will last for half a century from its date, if not longer.” (The Autobiography of an Idea by Louis Sullivan).

I do not wish to delve into the text of Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats with this article but only to give the reader a sense of the impact Sullivan had on both Neutra and Schindler through their relationships with him. A close reading of the Chats however, will provide numerous hints that Sullivan’s writings profoundly influenced Schindler’s philosophical articles on ”Space Architecture” and Neutra’s development of his theories on “Biorealism” which he expounded upon in his Survival Through DesignNature Near and other published work. (See for example below and Nuetra’s 1935 review of the Chats further below. Also see my Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism, 1927-1936 for more on the publication of Schindler’s Space Architecture in the February 1934 issue of Dune Forum edited by Pauline Schindler.).

Realismo biologico: Un neuvo Renacimiento humanistico en arquitectura by Richard Neutra, Editorial Nueva Vision, Buenos Aires, 1973. Serulnic House living room, Julius Shulman Job No. 2092, November 2, 1955, courtesy Getty Research Institute. (From my collection).

Schindler moved to Chicago in 1914 with the ultimate goal of working with Wright. His first Chicago employment was with the firm of Ottenheimer, Stern & Reichert between 1914 and 1918. Schindler met Wright in December, 1914 and finally began working for him on February 5, 1918. In December, 1918 Schindler, then living at Wright’s Oak Park studio, invited Sullivan for a visit where they met for the only time. See Sullivan’s acceptance letter below.

 

Louis Sullivan to R. M. Schindler letter, 12-12-1918. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

A by then destitute Sullivan was unsuccessfully trying to find a publisher for his Kindergarten Chats which he had recently spent five months revising and editing into book format. The “Chats” was originally conceived as fifty-two separate articles that appeared weekly in the Interstate Architect and Builderfrom February 16, 1901 to February 8, 1902. (See review below). It was an extended dialogue between a student and the master who leads him through a kind of spiritual and psychological confrontation with nature before introducing him to social and building analysis – Sullivan’s preferred method of architectural instruction.

Schindler offered to ask Loos’s help in finding an Austrian or German publisher. Sullivan, desperately short on funds, entrusted Schindler with a copy of the manuscript. After taking a while to get back in contact with Loos, the manuscript was sent off to Vienna on March 11, 1920. (Vienna to Los Angeles: Two Journeys by Esther McCoy, Arts + Architecture Press, Santa Monica, CA, 1979, p. 44-5).

Adolf Loos, photographer and date unknown. (From Wikipedia).

 

Schindler did not hear from Loos for a period of months and wrote Neutra, then working at the American Friends’ (Quakers) Relief Mission in Vienna, to go see him and find out about the status of the manuscript. Neutra’s July 15, 1920 reply was without any news of the manuscript but instead mentioned that Loos was thinking about moving his school to Paris and had asked if he could find out if Sullivan might be interested in heading it up. Schindler relayed the inquiry to Sullivan in a fascinating August 26, 1920 letter (see below) in which he described Loos’s love of America and publications on same, him being the only serious opponent against the architectural atrocities of the “Secession,” and his controversial, ornament free work. He closed with, ”Although not having any direct news about the manuscript, I hear that Loos said that he would try to publish one of your books, and the above offer convinces me that he is in possession of the manuscript and has read it.” (RMS letter to Louis Sullivan, August 26, 1920). (See below).

RMS letter to Louis Sullivan, August 26, 1920. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Sullivan replied  in an August 31st letter that he might be interested in lecturing in Paris but, at his age, he had no interest in becoming the head of a school. He was much more interested in the status of his manuscript.

About this same time Neutra wrote to the American Red Cross attempting to find a way to enter the United States to join Schindler. Neutra opened his plea with, ”I am an architect and am hoping to go to America to study the Middle Western Architecture, the work of Richardson, Sullivan and Frank Lloyd Wright who in our opinion is the worlds first architect today.” (Richard Neutra to Miss Elsa von Elst, Foreign Language Bureau, American Red Cross, August 14, 1920, courtesy R. M. Schindler Papers, UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum).

 

R. M. and Pauline Gibling Schindler, Sophie and Edmund Gibling, Dorothy Gibling and Mark Schindler at Kings Road, summer 1923. (Sweeney, p. 93). Schindler Family Collection, Courtesy Friends of the Schindler House.

 

Schindler and wife Pauline moved to Los Angeles in late December 1920 to work on Wright’s Olive Hill Aline Barnsdall compound. Unbeknownst to Schindler, the manuscript was now in Neutra’s hands. He was trying to interest the Quakers in publishing it without success. Finally, in July 1921, a year before completing work and moving into his new house on Kings Road in West Hollywood (see above), Schindler received confirmation from Neutra that he indeed was in possession of the manuscript and was trying to find a publisher himself. Esther McCoy, in her Vienna to Los Angeles: Two Journeys, illuminates through the correspondence of Schindler and Neutra and letters from Sullivan to Schindler, the efforts Sullivan and Schindler made over the next two years to get the manuscript back from Neutra. The letters from Sullivan to Schindler also portray his dire financial straits and that Wright had authorized Schindler to disburse to him a much-needed $200. (Sullivan to Schindler letter, Chicago, September 8, 1921, McCoy, p. 147).

Neutra apparently was still trying to find a publisher, an exercize that would serve him well when looking for a German publisher for his own first book, Wie Baut Amerika? in 1926-7. He also likely practiced his English by poring over the “Chats” while absorbing Sullivan’s teachings and fantasizing about returning the manuscript to him in person, a dream that was not to be realized until 1924.

 

Chicago Tribune Tower Competition entry, Adolf Loos, 1922.

In the fall of 1922 Loos submitted an unsuccessful but well-publicized Chicago Tribune Tower competition entry after Schindler left Chicago for Los Angeles in 1920 and before Neutra arrived in 1924. (See above). Loos’s entry, a seemingly serious attempt to win the $50,000 first prize, also appears to indicate that he read Sullivan’s Chats before handing the manuscript over to Neutra the previous year. His design makes an obvious wink at Sullivan’s chapter, “A Doric Column,” which derided in great detail its winning selection in a design competition for a memorial for the 200th anniversary of the discovery and founding of the City of Detroit. Sullivan ended his hyperbolic Doric Column chapter chastising the unnamed architect and the selection process with,

“So much for decay, so much for cynicism, for pessimism, for the downfall of the sturdy American pioneer, the hunter, the trapper, the woodsman, the riverman, the greaatest in the world, the hardiest, the truest and the best – and their memory to consummate in what? A “Doric” Column! In any other land, in any other time, this would seem a fairy tale, so faithless sounds the story – so inhuman a response.” (Kindergarten Chats by Louis Sullivan, Scarab Press, p. 62). (Note: Sullivan disparaged the Doric Column throughout the Chats).

How Loos’s entry would look today had it been built, presaging the Post-Modern era by a full 60 years. (From archiV).


Without benefit of knowing that Loos had likely read Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats, Katherine Solomonson wrote of the Loos entry in her exhaustively researched book on the competition,

Adolf Loos, like Bruno Taut, was particularly concerned with the Tribune building’s representational qualities. His column of gleaming granite (see above) - one of several immense columns submitted to the Tribune became one of the competition’s best-known but most ambiguous entries. Seen variously as a joke, a caustic critique, and a sophisticated essay rich in metaphorical allusions, Loos’s column has triggered wide-ranging interpretations: it expresses the Tribune’s growth and power, as it did that of the Roman Empire; it playfully alludes to a newspaper’s printed columns; it suggests that the Tribune is a pillar of society; it refers to the columnar metaphor describing the skyscraper’s tripartite elevation; it takes a critical stand against the American city; it is Dada; it is ironic; it is utterly empty of meaning.” (The Chicago Tribune Tower Competition: Skyscraper Design and Cultural Change in the 1920s” by Katerine Solomonson, p. 118). 

Loos must have been quite pleased with the triple entendre his entry presented and must have had great fun with it’s design, obviously knowing that his hero Sullivan would likely see it and realize his inside joke.

From Postcards and Poster Stamps of the Bugra.

 

(From Christie’s).

Loos is also likely to have recalled seeing the Doric Column that was part of the 1913 International Building Trade Fair in Leipzig (see above) as he was preparing his Tribune Tower entry and may have shared his heroes’ feelings about same.

Left, second prize, Eliel Saarinen, Helsingfors, Finland. Right, first prize, John Mead Howells and Raymond Hood, New York. (Sullivan, Louis H., “The Chicago Tribune Competition,” Architectural Record, February, 1923, pp. 154-155).

Sullivan’s review of the competition in the February 1923 issue of the Architectural Record was also silent on Loos’s “Column” entry but instead focused upon a comparison between the first prize entry of John Mead Howells and Raymond Hood and that of second place winner Eliel Saarinen. (See above). Sullivan’s scathing critique of the Tribune’s selection jury choice bemoaned of a lost opportunity in the advancement of modern architecture,

“It’s act has deprived the world of a shining mark, denied it a monument to beauty, to faith, to courage and to hope. Deprived an expectant world of that Romance for which it hungers, and had hoped to receive.” Sullivan ended by repeating the stated goal of the Tribune, “It cannot be reitterated too emphatically that the primary objective of The Chicago Tribune in instituting this Competition is to secure the design for a structure distinctive and imposing – the most beautiful office building in the world.” (Sullivan, Louis H., “The Chicago Tribune Competition,” Architectural Record, February, 1923, pp. 151-157).

Sullivan’s remarks on Saarinen’s design prophesied “A time to come, and not so far away, when the wretched and the yearning, the sordid and the fierce, shall escape the bondage and the mania of fixed ideas.”

“Awards in Architects’ Competition for New Tribune Building,” Chicago Tribune, December 3, 1922, p. I-3. Courtesy of the UC Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection. 

 

Schindler had actually been following the competition closely and kept a file of clippings sent to him by friends in Chicago. (See example above). He also read Sullivan’s critique and sent him a letter expressing his agreement evidenced by Sullivan’s March 6, 1923 reply from The Cliff Dwellers Club.

“Dear Schindler,
Your interesting letter of Feb. 28th at hand, thanks for Frank Wright’s address: its receipt has enabled me to write him a couple of important letters.
Glad you like the Tribune ‘Critique.’ It has produced a sensation: and the issue has sold out.
You ask me why I don’t write more? from which I take it you have not been following my ‘Autobiography of an Idea’ – ten chapters of which have already appeared serially in ‘The Journal of the Am. Inst. of Architects,’ which issues monthly. I have also written something on the Imperial Hotel. Good luck to you in spite of difficulties. Kindest to the Missus.
Sincerely,
Louis H. Sullivan” (From McCoy’s “Two Journeys,” p. 149).

I have not yet been able to find any writings stating what Neutra and/or Schindler actually thought of their mentor Loos’s tongue-in-cheek Tribune Tower Competition entry. They certainly would have gotten the intended joke immediately upon seeing his entry rendering as they both “cut their teeth” on the “Chats” and would have undoubtedly agreed with his critique of the winning entry in the Architectural Record. Neutra incorporated references to his idol Sullivan’s work and writings and his thoughts on the Tribune Tower winning design into his lectures on modern architecture as did Schindler. For example in a Pauline Schindler review of Neutra’s November 28, 1928 lecture in Carmel she wrote,

“He cited the principle which is the alpha and the omega of modern architecture, “Form Follows Function,” and distinguished between the functional architecture of the true modern, as compared with the formalist architecture of the earlier pseudo-classicists in the United States who took the Greek Doric column and thought they could make an American architecture with it. It is not the architect who now makes architecture said Mr. Neutra, but the situation out of which it arises. He clarified this by criticizing adversely several typically false buildings including the Chicago Tribune Building…” (Schindler, Pauline, “Neutra Renders Modern Architecture Intelligible,” The Carmelite, December 5, 1928, p. 4).

Neutra also followed the competition and witnessed much of the construction firsthand while working for Holabird & Roche before moving to Taliesin in the fall and Los Angeles in February 1925. He also had an article published in Europe in which he which discussed the Tribune Tower structural system and expresses his admiration for H. I. Burt’s role in bringing to fruition the technology of the skyscraper. (Neutra, Richard, “Die altesten Hochhauser und der jungste Turm,” Die Baugilde, 6 (1924): 495-97, 505-7 and  cited in Solomonson, p. 256).

Due to having to serve in World War I and lack of funds due to the collapse of the European economy thereafter, Neutra was unable to fulfill his dream of coming to America until 1923. After a brief stay in New York, Neutra followed in Schindler’s footsteps to Chicago where his goal was also to work with Wright. Shortly after arriving Neutra visited all of Sullivan’s Chicago buildings of which he opined in his autobiography, “Here in the middle of North America, I thought was work which could be compared with what Otto Wagner had been doing in Vienna of Central Europe. And that was the very highest accolade I was capable of giving to anything built.” (Life and Shape by Richard Neutra, p. 181). Neutra further wrote that while still trying to find a publisher for Kindergarten Chats shortly after his move to Chicago,

“I also talked to a few people in Chicago about it, and they all laughed at me. Sullivan? they asked, – isn’t he that old drunkard? He’s a pauper now, and is being supported by his friends; each one pitches in five dollars a month.” (Life and Shape, p. 182).

About this time in the spring of 1924 Schindler had a brief stopover in Chicago on his way to New York to do some work for Helena Rubenstein enabling a renewal of his friendship with Neutra, by then working for Holabird & Roche), on very friendly terms after their 10-year separation. This reunion most certainly heightened Neutra’s eagerness to finally make the fateful move to Los Angeles. (From R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 65). 

The Japanese Print: An Interpretation by Frank Lloyd Wright, Ralph Fletcher Seymour, 1912. (From Christie’s).

 

While researching Wright’s and Sullivan’s buildings and working for his new employer Holabird & Roche on the Palmer House Hotel project, Neutra met a mutual friend of theirs and Schindler, the noted publisher, artist and Cliff Dweller Club officer Ralph Fletcher Seymour, one of the people providing support to Sullivan. Seymour, whose office was in the Fine Arts Building where Wright had also previously held court, had published in 1912 The Japanese Print: An Interpretation by Frank Lloyd Wright. (See above). Schindler and Seymour were friends from Schindler’s time in Chicago and had been corresponding regarding Schindler designing a cottage for Seymour in Carmel. It was likely through Seymour that Neutra finally met Sullivan. (Author’s note: Seymour’s Carmel cottage was eventually built and both Pauline and RMS visited after their estrangement. Schindler, Neutra and Seymour would all lecture at Carmel’s Denny-Watrous Gallery between late 1928 and 1931).

 

Neutra soon found a broken-spirited Sullivan living in loneliness and poverty at the shabby Warner Hotel. (Richard Neutra and the Search for Modern Architecture by Thomas S. Hines, University of California Press, 1994, p. 51). After sending flowers up to his room Sullivan came down a while later and invited him to dinner at the Cliff Dwellers’ Club. (See below). Sullivan spoke of being forgotten and his ill health and Neutra tried to reassure him of his influence upon European architects. It was at this meeting that Neutra finally returned Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats manuscript. (Life & Shape, p. 182).

Louis Sullivan, ca. 1923. From “Louis H. Sullivan (1856-1924,” Architectural Record, June, 1924, p. 587.

  

Orchestra Hall, 220 S. Michigan Ave., Chicago, 1904 by Daniel Burnham with Cliff Dwellers’ Club on top floor.

Many of Louis Henry Sullivan’s last days were spent atop Orchestra Hall on Michigan Avenue where the Cliff Dwellers’ Club let him have a writing desk for free. He survived his last years largely on the handouts of friends. Besides Seymour, architects Sidney K. Adler (former partner Dankmar’s son), Max Dunning, George Nimmons, and Frank Lloyd Wright, plus associates at the American and Northwestern Terra Cotta companies, paid his bills, loaned him money, and often bought his meals. When Louis Henry Sullivan died on April 14, 1924, of kidney disease and inflammation of the cardiac muscles, they covered his funeral expenses and cleared up his financial obligations. The $189 in his bank account, which had also come from them, was almost all Sullivan owned. (“Sullivan, Louis H.,” Encyclopedia of Architecture edited by Joseph A. Wilkes and Robert T. Packard, Wiley, 1989, p. 714).

 

Louis Sullivan, ca. 1923. From “Louis H. Sullivan (1856-1924,” Architectural Record, June, 1924, p. 587. 

 

Ralph Fletcher Seymour letter to R. M. Schindler, April 17, 1924. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Seymour notified Schindler of Sullivan’s death in a letter stating that Wallace Rice was to deliver the eulogy at the funeral and that Frank Lloyd Wright was to be an honorary pall-bearer. (See above). A bereaved Neutra took off work from his new-found job at Holabird & Roche to attend the funeral. He wrote to Dione of the event,

“Poor Sullivan is dead. I wrote to you two weeks ago that I had the good fortune to visit him “at home.” Oh my, Graceland Cemetery is a more suitable place than the Warner Hotel. I am sure it is not boasting when I tell you that I am probably the only person in Chicago who daily enjoys his buildings. He was not an achiever, never became as radical as the old Otto Wagner, but surely was one of the most significant Americans. Correspondingly, his funeral was sad. He told me, trying to get his breath and quite desolate, “What is left of my endeavors? Nothing. What are the young people doing? Oh my!” (Richard to Dione letter, Highland Park, May 1924. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 122).

Seymour and erstwhile Sullivan apprentice, George Elmslie, formerly of the noted Prairie School team of Purcell & Elmslie, collected Sullivan’s possessions after his death for safekeeping, including the manuscript for Kindergarten Chats that Neutra had recently returned. It was at the funeral that Neutra finally got to meet Wright and tell him of his profound influence. A flattered Wright invited him to dinner and even though he had no work, to visit Taliesin.

Ralph Fletcher Seymour letter to R. M. Schindler, ca. May 1924. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

Not long after Sullivan’s funeral, Schindler wrote Seymour that he was planning a stopover in Chicago on his way to New York to do some work for Helena Rubenstein. Seymour replied saying that he could stay with him while in Chicago and that Neutra wanted to see him while he was passing through. (See above). The layover enabled a renewal of his friendship with Neutra, by then working at Holabird & Roche, on very friendly terms after their 10-year separation. This reunion most certainly heightened Neutra’s eagerness to finally make the fateful move to Los Angeles. (From R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 65).

Like Schindler, Neutra also undoubtedly followed the Tribune Tower competition and witnessed much of its construction firsthand before moving to Taliesin in the late fall and Los Angeles in February 1925. He also had an article published in Europe in which he discussed the Tribune Tower structural system and expressed his admiration for H. J. Burt’s role in bringing to fruition the technology of the skyscraper. He characterized Tribune Tower’s structural system as “extraordinary” notwithstanding its Gothic cladding, and he expressed his admiration for Burt’s role in bringing to fruition the technology of the skyscraper. (Neutra, Richard, “Die altesten Hochhauser und der jungste Turm,”Die Baugilde, 6 (1924): 495-97, 505-7 and cited in Solomonson, p. 256).

Tribune Tower under construction from the southwest. Photograph by Eugene Cour, July 5, 1924. Scanned from Solomonson, p. 256. Original image courtesy of Chicago Tribune Company.

The above and below construction photos illustrate Burt’s structural design and indicate how rapidly the structure rose. It seems likely that Schindler and Neutra visited the site and discussed the building’s structural aspects during RMS’s late May visit on his way to New York. Ironically, Neutra would not include any images of the Tribune Tower in either of his first two books, the 1926 Wie Baut Amerika? and the 1930 Amerika: Neues Bauen in der Welt, probablyout of respect for Sullivan’s opinions on the design competition which they likely discussed during their meeting shortly before his death.  He did, however, include an extensive illustrated construction chronology featuring the structural skeleton of the Palmer House project in his second book.

Tribune Tower under construction from the north. Photograph by Eugene Cour, July 5, 1924. Scanned from Solomonson, p. 258. Original image courtesy of Chicago Tribune Company.

Frank Lloyd Wright’s six-page tribute to “The Master” was published in the July issue of Architectural Record. Wright wrote at length of Sullivan’s genius and the importance of his four masterpieces,

“Only the Chicago Auditorium, the Transportation Building, the Getty Tomb and the Wainwright Building are necessary to show the great reach of creative activity that was Louis Sullivan’s genius. … When he brought in the board with the motive for the Wainwright Building outlined in profile and in scheme upon it and threw it down on the table, I was perfectly aware of what had happened. This was Louis Sullivan’s greatest moment – his greatest effort. The “skyscraper,” as a new thing beneath the sun, an entity with virtue, individuality and beauty all its own, was born.” (Wright, Frank Lloyd, “Louis H. Sullivan – His Work,” Architectural Record, July, 1924, pp. 28-33).

Wainwright Building, Adler & Sullivan, 1891.

Future (1928-1933) Neutra apprentice Harwell Hamilton Harris was also deeply influenced by Sullivan’s writings even before he had decided to become an architect as he recollected in his oral history about his art student days at Otis Art Institute,

“I had never heard of Sullivan, although I’m sure I had seen something of his, because it looked familiar to me when I did see his work later. It was not until, as a student at Otis, [I] went into the office of the director on some matter or other, that Karl Howenstein shoved over a typewritten sheet for me to read. It was something he had written for a magazine, and the occasion for the writing was the death of Louis Sullivan. I read it and didn’t forget it, and, less than a year afterward, [Sullivan's] The Autobiography of an Idea was published. Howenstein spoke in his piece about the influence of Sullivan. He had worked for a short time for Sullivan, but in Sullivan’s much later years. He talked, I remember, in this piece for publication about the influence that Sullivan had on draftsmen in various offices. … I did read The Autobiography of an Idea, in 1926 I guess. I was very much taken with it and became a great admirer of Sullivan.” (Organic View of Design, p. 89.

Thanksgiving at Kings Road, 1923. Herman Sachs, far left, others at table clockwise from Sachs include Karl and Edith Howenstein, Anton Martin Feller, E. Clare Schooler (lover of Dorothy Gibling), person partially obscured at right (unidentified), Betty Katz, A. R. Brandner, unidentified, and Max Pons (obscured to Sachs’ right). Another photo exists from the opposite side of the table which includes Dorothy Gibling (frequent long-term guest at Kings Road) to Betty Brandner”s right. Photo by R. M. Schindler. From the UCSB Art Museum R. M. Schindler Papers and “Life at Kings Road: As It Was 1920-1940″ by Robert Sweeney in The Architecture of R. M. Schindler, p. 97. (I am indebted to architectural historian William Scott Blair, steward of the Feller Archive, for identifying Feller and sharing his tragic story with me and help identifying the others in the photo.)

Howenstein’s Sullivan tribute was written about the time Neutra met Wright at Sullivan’s funeral and shortly thereafter moved to Taliesin with wife Dione to work for Wright. Friends of the Schindlers in Chicago, Karl and Edith Howenstein (center back above) had also met and worked at the Art Institute of Chicago. It was Edith who introduced Pauline Gibling to R. M. Schindler in early 1919. The Howensteins moved to Los Angeles in 1921 and lived for two years in the Schindler’s Kings Road House. Herman Sachs (far left above) also established the Chicago Industrial Arts Studio at  Jane Addams‘ Hull House in 1920 before the Schindlers moved to Los Angeles. (Note: Neutra also briefly lived and worked at Hull House just after arriving in Chicago in 1923).

 

The Viennese Feller (to Edith’s left above) and Romanian Brandner (across the table in the light shirt) were fellow architects that Schindler helped enter the U.S. and were then staying at Kings Road. Feller’s wife had given birth to a baby girl about a month prior to this picture and tragically committed suicide two weeks later, likely accounting for Feller’s depressed demeanor. (“Identified in Death Leap,” Los Angeles Times, November 9, 1923, p. II-1). Feller was then working in Frank Lloyd Wright’s Los Angeles office on nearby Harper Ave. with Swiss architect Werner Moser, another Kings Road visitor with wife Sylva, and Kameki and Nobu Tsuchiura who had also worked on Wright’s Imperial Hotel in Tokyo. They all moved to Taliesin the following February where the Neutra’s met and worked beside them later in the year. (See below).

From left to right, Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, Sylva Moser, and new baby, Kameki Tsuchiura, Nobu Tsuchiura, Werner Moser on the violin and Dione Neutra on the cello in the living room at Taliesin, 1924. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 52).

 

Neutra moved to Taliesin with wife Dione and new son Frank in September 1924 before relocating to California in February 1925 to finally achieve his dream of joining Schindler.

The Neutras at Taliesin, 1924. From left, Dione, Richard, FLW’s namesake baby Frank, and Dione’s mother Lilly Niedermann. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 51.

FLW having a Kindergarten Chat with baby Frank Neutra at Taliesin, 1924. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 51.

While working at Taliesin, and sitting at lunch opposite Wright, Neutra,

“… opened a letter [from Ralph Fletcher Seymour], and inside was a topaz stickpin, sent to me with an appreciative and hopeful letter. It told me that I was worthy to have the pin which Sullivan had worn in better days and which his friends had now redeemed from the pawn shop. They thought I deserved it for my enthusiasm and friendliness to the old master. Glowing, I, who was nobody, rushed around the table to Mr. Wright. “Do you recognize it?” He shook his head, and I gave him the letter. It was a mistake. He read and silently gave me back these tokens. He seemed sad. The necktie pin I have never worn. It is in a bank safe.” (Life & Shape, p. 185).

FLW and Richard Neutra at Taliesin, 1924.

 The event was so meaningful to Neutra that he wrote about it years later in a letter to Seymour,

“Your considering me a worthy heir of something that Sullivan owned has immensely encouraged me through the many dark hours of being derided and seeming to fail to reach any goal in this difficult profession. … Always when I had a tough time, I used to look at the pin and read your letter. …I wonder whether you guessed what you contributed to my effort and career when you wrote me suddenly that I, an unknown young man, was worthy to have that token and would live up to it.” (Hines, p. 54).

The pin is now the proud stewardship of Neutra biographer Thomas S. Hines. Per Raymond Neutra, “My mother gave it to Tom Hines because she thought he would treasure it and see that it found an ultimate home.” (e-mail to the author, 06-24-2011). Sullivan’s pin could not be in better hands.

The Neutras left Taliesin in February 1925 and traveled to Los Angeles and moved the Schindler’s Kings Road House in early March. (See below). There they would remain until May 1930 when Neutra began his fateful world tour. (See The Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism for more details on this period).

 

Richard, Dione and Frank Neutra and RMS at Kings Road, 1925. Photo by Jean Murray Bangs, later wife of later Neutra disciple Harwell Hamilton Harris. (McCoy Papers, Archives of American Art)

Pauline Schindler wrote of Neutra in late 1928 in The Carmelite, a newspaper in Carmel-by-the-Sea she was editing after leaving her husband,

“‘Form Follows Function’ said Louis Sullivan. ‘This is the basis for the new architecture.’ Richard Neutra, who lectures in Carmel at the studio of Denny and Watrous next Sunday evening, is what we might call a direct architectural descendant of Louis Sullivan. Every profession and every art which has great teachers has its lineages. The greatest of those who called Sullivan “Master” was Frank Lloyd Wright. … Louis Sullivan became a great influence upon American architecture because he could not only understand consciously what he was driving at; he could not only build buildings which illustrated the principle that form follows function; but he could make his meaning clear to the rest of the world. Richard Neutra is one of the two or three true descendants of the lineage of Sullivan and Wright, to whom architecture is not merely an expression of a civilization but a conditioning agent of future cultures.” (Schindler, Pauline, “The Architecture of the Future,” The Carmelite, November 28, 1928, p. 11). (Also see my Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism, 1927-1936 for more details).

 

Kindergarten Chats by Louis Sullivan, Scarab Fraternity Press, 1934. (From my collection).

It would not be until 1934, ten years after Sullivan’s death, that Kindergarten Chats would finally be published in book form. (See above). It was through the foresight of George Elmslie’s saving of Sullivan’s papers that ten years after his death, SCARAB, the professional intercollegiate architectural fraternity, published Kindergarten Chats on the occasion of it’s Silver Anniversary. Editor Claude F. Bragdon states in his introduction that,

“Several attempts were made, both before and after Sullivan’s death in 1924, to have the essays issued in book form, but all proved abortive. Though no names were mentioned, the Chats contained strictures on then-living architects which might be construed as libelous; and intemperate language, the slang of the day, bad puns, tiresome jokes, so marred the facade of this masterpiece that for publication in book form emendations and excisions were imperative. Sullivan refused to perform this task himself, nor would he submit to anyone else’s editorship. His literary executor and long-time associate, Mr. George G. Elmslie, and other interested parties, having now placed this delicate and difficult matter in my hands, I have done the best I could with it.”


Book design by Sullivan pupil Eugene Voita.

Back cover with Neutra blurb.

Neutra’s blurb on the back cover read, “In America: A New Building in the World,’ I have endeavored to set a monument to Louis H. Sullivan, a fine and great man.” (See above). Indeed, Neutra included numerous Sullivan projects in his second book published in 1930. California Arts & Architecture published Neutra’s review of the Chats shortly after publication. (See below). Neutra wrote,

“[Sullivan] in his lalks to the young designer had fundamentally shaken the arbitrariness and stylistic eclecticism of a transitory period and found new bearings for a contemporary architecture, preparing its consistent growth to something comparable with what architecture loyal to its time had meant in periods of the past. The Darwinian theory on an unavoidable relation of organic development to its influential surroundings, a theory which in the nineteenth century impressed the minds and spread fom biology to other fields of application, is reflected in Sullivan’s functional philosophy.” (See below).

Kindergarten for Infant Architects,” by Richard Neutra, California Arts & Architecture, June 1935, p. 25.

Louis H. Sullivan: Kindergarten Chats and Other Writings by Louis H. Sullivan, edited by Elizabeth Athey, Wittenborn, 1947.

Long out of print, a second edition of the Chats was published by George Wittenborn in 1947 featuring cover design and typography by Paul Rand as part of the highly collected Documents of Modern Art series. (See above). This edition restored the manuscript from the Bragdon edition back to the way Sullivan had originally revised it in 1918 and added other selected writings by Sullivan to add context and perspective. The publisher’s comments reflected,

From June to October 1918, Sullivan worked over the manuscript and produced the text which follows, and which therefore represents its definitive form. The actual manuscript gives the impression that Sullivan revised in the exact meaning of the word, that he gave attention to every sentence and paragraph, that his alterations of word and phrase, his cutting and rewriting, were the product of genuine reconsideration and a desire for greater clarity. The redundant or unprecise adjective was discarded, the specific term was substituted for the more general or the vague one repetitive passages were deleted. Throughout this revision and the text here published was prepared directly from the original manuscript it may be said that the secondary has been sacrificed to the primary.”

Kindergarten Chats and Other Writings by Louis H. Sullivan, Dover, 1979.


The Chats are still easily findable via the 1979 Dover reprint of the Wittenborn edition. (See above). Both Neutra and Schindler’s stays in Chicago profoundly influenced their subsequent development. Meeting Sullivan while there and attempting to help cement his legacy with the publication of his Kindergarten Chats must have nostalgically taken them back to their days in Vienna and their very similar chats with their like-minded Sullivan admirer and mentor Adolf Loos.

 

Recommended Further Reading and Sullivan Resources:

 

For an in-depth discourse on the Chats I recommend the excellent Louis Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats [or] Form really does follow Function by Samantha Krukowski.

For a brilliant scholarly study of the interrelationships between Sullivan and Loos and the little-known H. P. Berlage – Louis Sullivan interactions I highly recommend An Exchange on the Surface: Sullivan, Berlage and Loos by Wim de Wit who generously provided his article for this linkage. This unpublished paper, made available here for the first time, was presented as part of the Louis Sullivan at 150 International Symposium in Chicago, one of Wim’s stops along his remarkably similar journey to Los Angeles as R. M. Schindler and Richard Neutra which I hope to write about in the future. You can also listen to Wim’s lecture live at Louis Sullivan at 150 along with all the other presentations and the keynote address by one of my favorite historians, Jean-Louis Cohen, whose Scenes of the World to Come is truly a masterpiece of architectural research.

For additional reading on Sullivan and the 1893 Chicago World’s Far I recommend:

Louis Sullivan: The Function of Ornament by Wim de Wit

Grand Illusions: Chicago’s World’s Fair of 1893 by Wim de Wit

Other books by de Wit



 

 

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Richard Neutra and the California Art Club: A Pathway to the von Sternberg and Murphy Commissions


Josef von Sternberg from The Films of Josef von Sternberg by Andrew Sarris, Museum of Modern Art, 1966, frontispiece.

This is the interwoven story of  two of Richard Neutra’s more important commissions, i.e., movie director Josef von Sternberg’s house in Northridge and fellow movie director Dudley Murphy’s Holiday House Motel in Malibu. (See above and below). Neutra and his circle’s involvement with the California Art Club also played a significant role in eventually landing these plum projects. Neutra’s dynamic energy and focus, penchant for global self-promotion, and resoluteness in the search for clients to survive the Great Depression and to begin to build his legacy resulted in an ever-growing orbit of important friends, acquaintances, contacts and colleagues. Former partner and landlord R. M. Schindler and his wife Pauline were most important to the development of Neutra’s personal network as Richard, Dione and baby Frank were welcomed as tenants at Kings Road on March 7, 1925. They remained until May 1930 when Neutra embarked on his all-important career-building world tour.

Dudley Murphy, Hollywood Wild Card by Susan Delson, University of Minnesota Press, 2006.

The Schindler’s coterie of intelligentsia and California Art Club-affiliated avant-garde artists automatically became the Neutras’ as anyone who has visited the intimate surroundings at Kings Road will understand. Dione wrote her mother in September 1925, “We are slowly drawn into the whirl of social activities, although we are only starting to make acquaintances…” (From Richard Neutra: Promise & Fulfillment, 1919-1932 by Dione Neutra, p. 144). (For much more detail on this see my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Moderinism” hereinafter referred to as PGS).

The Schindlers’ relationship with Aline Barnsdall, Pauline as one of Aline’s kindergarten teachers (with her husband’s future client Leah Lovell) and R. M. as her post-Frank Lloyd Wright architect, also plays an important part in this story. (See also PGS). Aline donated her Frank Lloyd Wright-designed and R. M. Schindler-supervised Hollyhock House and surrounding compound to the City of Los Angeles in 1926 with the provision that the California Art Club be granted a 15-year lease to use Hollyhock as a clubhouse and gallery space. (See below).


Conrad Buff self-portrait froThe Art & Life of Conrad Buff, by Will South, George Stern Fine Arts, 2000, p. 45, hereinafter Buff.


Shortly after moving into Kings Road the Neutra’s met artists Conrad and Mary Buff (see above and below) through the Schindler salons. The Buff’s had met the Schindlers soon after their Kings Road house was completed in 1922, likely through salon attendee Edward Westonwho had a studio in Tropico near their home in Eagle Rock and for whom Mary modeled the same year. (See below). Weston’s sons Neil and Cole also attended Aline Barnsdall’s kindergarten class where Pauline Schindler and future Schindler and Neutra client Leah Lovell taught.

Mary Marsh Buff by Edward Weston, 1922. (From The Art & Life of Conrad Buff, by Will South, George Stern Fine Arts, 2000, p. 45 hereinafter Buff).


The Buffs then quickly became friends with Schindler tenants Karl and Edith Howenstein. One of RMS’s first friends after he moved to Chicago in 1914, Karl Howenstein was employed at the Art Institute of Chicago after a brief stint working for Louis Sullivan. (See my R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s “Kindergarten Chats” for more details). After the Schindlers moved to Los Angeles in 1920 to work on Frank Lloyd Wright’s Hollyhock House for Aline Barnsdall, the Howensteins followed in 1922 where Karl took a position at the Otis Art Institute. They moved into the Schindler’s Kings Road House for about two years between 1922 and 1924.

 

Thanksgiving at Kings Road, 1923. Clockwise around the table from left, Dorothy Gibling (Pauline’s sister), Betty and A. R. Brandner, obscured, Max Pons, Herman Sachs (back center), Karl Howenstein (far right), Edith Howenstein, Anton Martin Feller, E. Clare Schooler, and unidentified. Not shown, the Schindlers Photo by R. M. Schindler. From ”Life at Kings Road: As It Was 1920-1940″ by Robert Sweeney in The Architecture of R. M. Schindler, p. 97

 

Buff spoke of the Howensteins (see above far right)  in his Oral History,

“One of the friends that we got acquainted with was a man by the name of [Karl] Howenstein. He came from Chicago, and he and his wife were quite progressive minded, he was all for modem art and at the same time he was a Freudian. He was interested in psychoanalysis, and together with modern art and talks on psychoanalysis he captivated us, and we became quite good friends.” (Conrad Buff Oral History Transcript, p. 122, hereafter CB)

Howenstein would go on to become Managing Director of the Otis Art Institute which was housed in the Los Angeles Museum of History, Science and Art building and which also had numerous California Art Club members on the faculty. The 1923-24 Otis Catalogue seen below lists both Mary Marsh Buff and William Wendt, a founding member and early president of the California Art Club, on the Advisory Committee. The president of the California Art Club, E. Roscoe Shrader was also Dean of Faculty at Otis between 1922 and 1949. (For more on Howenstein’s background and his indirect influence on Harwell Hamilton Harris’s career choice see Mod).

The Otis Art Institute of the Los Angeles Museum of History Science and Art 1923-1924 Catalogue. From Otis College Online.

Mary and Conrad met in 1920 at the Los Angeles Museum [of History, Science and Art] where Mary worked as assistant curator and married in 1922. Conrad exhibited with the California Art Club as early as 1920. Quickly realizing the CAC’s considerable power concerning local exhibition opportunities, he joined the Club despite its conservative tendencies because it gave him another source of expanding contacts and alliances and a way to promote the acceptance of more progressive styles such as his. (Buff, p. 45).


Buff stated in his oral history,

“About 1922, I joined the California Art Club. The California Art Club in those days was practically the only club in Los Angeles that represented the artists. They had a yearly show at the Los Angeles Museum [of History, Science and Art], that was a privilege they had, and it was quite the show of the year, although there was another exhibition that took place in the fall where everybody was eligible to submit their works to a jury. In those days, the museum was really a place where the artists were treated royally, not like now where everybody has to send pictures in and submit them to a jury and be perhaps in competition with ten thousand others. In those days, the museum would come to your house, pick up the pictures, and submit them to the jury. Practically everybody that had half-way decent work would be accepted. After the show was over, the museum would bring the pictures back. So it was a golden age for the artists.

In the middle ’20′s or the later ’20s, the club had a wonderful opportunity. Miss Barnsdall of Barnsdall Hill gave her residence to the club, to be solely used by the club. I don’t know why Miss Barnsdall didn’t like her house, although at this time it was considered the most beautiful building In Los Angeles. It was, of course designed by Frank Lloyd Wright and the supervising architect was Rudolph Schindler; as I said, it was quite a remarkable building and everybody liked it except the other architects. The architects were down on Frank Lloyd Wright. We were very fortunate in having this privilege of using the building for fifteen years. She gave us a fifteen-year lease on the building.”

Aerial view of Olive Hill-Barnsdall Park with Aline Barnsdall’s Frank Lloyd Wright and R. M. Schindler designed Hollyhock House compound. From the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

Interior view of Aline Barnsdall’s recently donated Hollyhock House from the February 1927 issue of the California Art Club Bulletin.

Los Angeles Times Art Critic, etcher and California Art Club member Arthur Millier. Photo by Johan Hagemeyer, life-long friend of Edward Weston. (Weston rented Hagemeyer’s Carmel studio when he first moved there in 1929). Image courtesy Museams and the Online Archive of California.

Schindler and Neutra friend Kem Weber led a team of CAC members including Frederick Monhoff, Edouard Vysekal, Los Angeles Times art critic Arthur Millier (see above) and others in “designing and providing the special requisites for conversion of [Hollyhock House's] future uses in the cause of art.” (“Art Magazines in East Hear of Clubhouse Here,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1927, p. I-5). The Club held its formal opening and inaugural exhibition on Olive Hill beginning on August 31, 1927 featuring 225 works by many “ecstatic artists” in the Schindler-Neutra circle including Edward, Brett and Chandler Weston, Conrad Buff, Annita Delano and undoubtedly many others. (“Art Club Takes Over New Home,” Los Angeles Times, September 1, 1927, p. I-1). Weston wrote in his Daybooks of the opening,

“[Margrethe Mather] came to choose prints for the photographic exhibition in connection with the formal opening of the new Calif. Art Club house, Olive Hill, Hollywood. Three of Brett’s photographs will be hung, four of mine, and one of Chandler’s.” (The Daybooks of Edward Weston, Vol. II, California, p. 38). (For more on the Westons and Buff see PGS and for more on Delano see “Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism: Richard Neutra’s Mod Squad” hereinafter referred to as Mod).)

Catalog for the inaugural California Art Club exhibition at their new clubhouse at Barnsdall Park, August 1927. From the Annita Delano Papers, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian, microfilm roll 3000).

Aline Barnsdall European Poster Exhibition, Barnsdall Park, September 1927 designed by R. M. Schindler. From The Oilman’s Daughter by Norman M. Karasick & Dorothy K. Karasick.

Los Angeles Times, August 27, 1927, p. I-11. From ProQuest.

One of the features of the month-long opening exhibitions was a showing of 64 European travel and advertising posters collected by Barnsdall in her latest travels. (See above). She commissioned Schindler to design the distinctive outdoor display panels seen in the above photo and in two photos in a review in the Times a few days later. (“Barnsdall Park – A City Cultural Center,” Los Angeles Times, September 4, 1927, p. I-6). Schindler was likely working on the installation about the time Pauline packed up son Mark and left Kings Road sometime in August after some protracted marital difficulties likely related to R. M.’s philandering ways. Conrad Buff recalled Schindler’s infidelity,

“Schindler had built a house on Kings Road. Schlndler, besides being a disciple of Frank Lloyd Wright, was a very handsome fellow. He was quite a ladles’ man, and part of his business was to make love to all the ladles he could. He had a very interesting wife, but that didn’t bother him. There was quite a group of people that used to meet down at Schlndler’s house.” (Buff, p. 123).

This was also the same month Philip Lovell commissioned Neutra to begin design on his Health House near Griffith Park. In the spring of 1928 Lovell also chose Neutra over Schindler to design his Physical Culture Center at 154 W. 12th St. in downtown Los Angeles which entailed remodeling over 5,000 sq. ft. of industrial space. (“Four Leases Completed by Company Here,” Los Angeles Times, February 5, 1928, p. V-6). (For much more detail see PGS).

Lovell Physical Culture Center, Los Angeles, 1928, Richard Neutra, architect. From Picnic de Pioneros by Ruben Alcolea, p. 178.

Lovell Pysical Culture Center, Los Angeles, 1928, Richard Neutra, architect. From Richard Neutra and the Search for Modern Architecture by Thomas S. Hines, p. 78.

Lovell ad which ran in the Los Angeles Times throughout 1928.



Shortly after the CAC inaugural festivities Conrad Buff also commissioned Neutra to design his garage and studio entrance at 1225 Linda Rosa in Eagle Rock. (See below and Buff, p. 124-5). The building permit for same was issued on  January 30, 1928 thus this was quite a busy period for Neutra with three concurrent projects on the boards.

Entrance, Studio of Conrad Buff, Los Angels, R. J. Neutra, Architect. Photos by Willard D. Morgan. From Picnic de Pioneros by Ruben Alcolea, p. 184.

Entrance, Studio of Conrad Buff, Los Angels, R. J. Neutra, Architect. Photos by Willard D. Morgan. Architectural Record, November, 1930, p. 438. (From my collection).

Neutra spent all of 1928 working feverishly on the Lovell Health House design and all of 1929 overseeing its construction. Neutra’s name is first mentioned in association with the CAC in the September 1928 issue of the CAC Bulletin announcing his inclusion along with Kings Road salon habitues and CAC members R. M. Schindler, Jock Peters, Kem Weber, Edward Weston, Annita Delano, Henrietta Shore, Edouard Vysekal, George Stanley, and Frederick Monhoff in the December exhibition “Decorative and Fine Arts of Today” at Bullock’s Department Store curated by Delano. (This period is covered in much detail in both my PGS and Mod). Many of this group were also working on the interiors of the new Bullock’s Wilshire store then under construction. Of the trend towards modernism in design L. A. Times art critic Arthur Millier wrote,

“Following the lead of similar exhibitions in New York and other large cities, this is in the nature of an experiment in which the local public’s pulse will be felt. … [including] fine art, craft work and architectural exhibits from those artists of Southern California who are working in the modern spirit of simple, sensitive design.” (Millier, Arthur, “Decorative Art of Today,” L.A. Times, December 9, 1928, p. III-13).
Exhibition announcement, L.A. Times, December 9, 1928, p. III-23. From ProQuest.

Delano included in the exhibition: 15 Edward Weston photographs, paintings, drawings and sculpture from Peter Krasnow, two or her own watercolors, eight lithographs and paintings from Henrietta Shore, Kem Weber designs for an entrance hall, dining room, bedroom and bathroom, sculpture by George Stanley, R. M. Schindler’s Wolfe House on Catalina Island, Lovell Beach House in Newport Beach, and 3 other projects, five interiors designed by Jock Peters, drawings and watercolors by Edouard Vysekal, architectural designs by Fred Monhoff, Richard Neutra’s Rush City railroad terminal, office and store building and Metropolitan Business District and more by others.

A follow-up “Modern Arts” exhibition sponsored by the Los Angeles Architectural Club, likely also curated by Delano, featured many of the same CAC members such as Kem Weber, Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler, Conrad Buff, George Stanley, Feil & Paradise and J. R. Davidson and took place at the Architect’s Building at 5th and Figueroa. (“Modern Design to be Architect’s Subject,” Los Angeles Times, March 18, 1929).

Neutra was concurrently teaching his “Practical Course in Modern Building Art” at F. K. Ferenz’s Academy of Modern Art and compiling his second book Amerika: Die Stilbildung des Neuen Bauens in den Vereinigten Staaten which was published in 1930. The students in Neutra’s class were nearly all members of the California Art Club as were a large number of his and Schindler’s social circle prompting both him and Ferenz to also join the organization in February 1929. (See class picture at the beginning of my Mod and “Welcome!” California Art Club Bulletin, February 1929, p. 6).

California Art Club guest book entries, May 4-9, 1928 courtesy of Eric Merrell, current CAC historian. I highly recommend his Siqueiros in Los Angeles and His Collaborations with the California Art Club for more detailed information.

 

Like his friend Conrad Buff, Neutra presciently viewed CAC membership as a possible entree to potential clients. Ferenz likely joined to make similar contacts for future gallery exhibitions and attract more students to his Academy. Ferenz, already a frequent CAC visitor, had previously viewed the Vysekal’s exhibition at the CAC on May 6, 1928, likely prompted by Millier’s same day review. (See above and Millier, A., “Vysekals in Full Showing,” Los Angeles Times, May 6, p. IV-30).

Neutra and Schindler participated in a debate “Modern versus Classical Style” at the Club on February 18, 1929 against the team of Vincent Palmer and Vernon McClurg. (“Architects to Debate Styles This Evening,” Los Angeles Times, February 18, p. I-5). A month after Neutra joined the CAC, he and friend Buff were elected officers. Neutra was elected second vice-president while Buff became recording secretary for the year beginning April 1st. (“Art Club Names New Officers and Director,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1929, p. IV-8 and letterhead below). Ferenz lectured at the Club shortly after signing up on the topic “What is Modern Art?” and again in June as part of a panel discussion on, “Does Thrift Cripple the Imagination?” (“Ferenz Will Lecture at Art Club’s Forum,” Los Angeles Times, March 25, 1929, p. I-18 and “Symposium Arranged,” Los Angeles Times, June 17, 1929, p. I-3).

The Aristocracy of Art by Merle Armitage, Jake Zeitlin, 1929. From my collection.

Neutra and Schindler participated in a debate “Modern versus Classical Style” at the Club on February 18, 1929 against the team of Vincent Palmer and Vernon McClurg. (“Architects to Debate Styles This Evening,” Los Angeles Times, February 18, p. I-5). A month after Neutra joined the CAC, he and friend Buff were elected officers. Neutra was elected second vice-president while Buff became recording secretary for the year beginning April 1st. (“Art Club Names New Officers and Director,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1929, p. IV-8 and letterhead below). Jake Zeitlin crony, Schindler salon regular and Weston patron Merle Armitage lectured at the Club on “The Aristocracy of Art” on March 4, 1929. (See above and below). Ferenz lectured at the Club shortly after signing up on the topic “What is Modern Art?” and again in June as part of a panel discussion on, “Does Thrift Cripple the Imagination?” (“Ferenz Will Lecture at Art Club’s Forum,” Los Angeles Times, March 25, 1929, p. I-18 and “Symposium Arranged,” Los Angeles Times, June 17, 1929, p. I-3).

Will Connell portrait of early Weston supporters Merle Armitage and Jake Zeitlin, ca. 1930. (From L.A.’s Early Moderns, p. 45).

California Art Club letterhead, 1929. From the Annita Delano Papers, Archives of American Art. (For more on the Delano-Neutra relationship, see Mod).

Neutra was quickly accepted as a member of importance evidenced by his selection, along with Club President E. Roscoe Shrader, Kem Weber, and L.A. Times art critic Arthur Millier, to a jury to choose a winner from a design competition for a mural decoration to be installed in the south alcove of California Art Club living room and west wall ofthe music room. (California Art Club Bulletin, February 1929, cover).

Galka Scheyer at Kings Road, circa 1931. (From“Life at Kings Road: As It Was 1920-1940″ by Robert Sweeney, p. 108 in the 2001 MOCA exhibition catalog The Architecture of R. M. Schindler).

Galka Scheyer, (see above) promoter of The Blue Four, was a fellow Kings Road tenant with the Neutras during the summer of 1927 witnessing Pauline’s departure and helping broker the Lovell Health House commission for Neutra. She also played an important indirect role in Neutra’s von Sternberg commission. Academy of Modern Art founder, F. K. Ferenz, UCLA art professor and CAC member Annita Delano and Mexican muralists Jose Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros were also key figures linked to Neutra’s von Sternberg and Dudley Murphy commissions. (For much more on Ferenz, Delano and Scheyer see Mod and for more on Siqueiros see PGS).

Von Sternberg became a large blip on Galka Scheyer’s radar screen sometime in 1929 when she learned of his purchase of 18 pieces from the Braxton Gallery during the Archipenko exhibit of May 1929 possibly through her close friend and traveling companion Gela Archipenko(“Archipenko Takes Here,” Los Angeles Times, May 26, 1929, p. 16). In an April 26 letter to Kandinsky in Dessau Scheyer wrote,

“…[Alexander] Archipenko, who we wanted to exhibit while waiting for the modern museum, has meanwhile sold 16 works via an art dealer in hollywood to a von Sternberg, a movie person. I contacted him (Henry Braxton) immediately; he is coming here and is interested in the Blue Four. If something comes of that…I will telegram.” (Galka E. Scheyer and the Blue Four Correspondence, 1924-1945 edited by isabel Wunche, p. 163-4).

Von Sternberg, sufficiently wealthy by now to buy whatever he pleased, patronized the art dealers who serviced the Hollywood community such as Henry Braxton and also attended local shows and meetings of the California Art Club as did Kings Road habitue and fellow movie director and art collector Dudley Murphy. Since the artwork he was interested in was often controversial, many of the shows took place in private homes such as the Schindler’s Kings Road House and fellow circle members Sam and Harriet Freeman’s Frank Lloyd Wright-designed house and the home of Walter and Louise Arensberg or in bookshops, in particular those of Jake Zeitlin and Stanley Rose.


An agent without a gallery, the shrewd Scheyer was eager to associate with Braxton’s establishment, as she had with the Oakland Art Gallery in the Bay Area, to both mount exhibitions of the Blue Four and other avant-garde artists and to gain entree into Hollywood’s elite emigre circle, especially von Sternberg. Scheyer and Braxton hammered out the details for a long-term collaboration in May in San Francisco right after his Archipenko show and she convinced him to move to a more desirable location. (Galka E. Scheyer and the Blue Four Correspondence, 1924-1945 edited by isabel Wunche, p. 115 hereinafter Scheyer).

In a June 4th collective letter to the Blue Four Scheyer excitedly wrote of the Braxton events,

I will explain in telegraphic shorthand because I have absolutely no time to write in detail. My telegraphic style will be so mathematically clear that you will drink a bottle of champagne in honor of the “Blue Four”

Hollywood … an art dealer . . . rich film people … Archipcnko sold 18 works before the opening … Name of art dealer Braxton … has been in Hollywood for 6 month, (from New York), was here on the 25th of May (with wife) … Both wildly enthusiastic … and appreciative. Result: September 1- 15, Jawlensky exhibition … September 15 – October 1, Kandinsky, October 1- 15, Feininger, October I5 – November 1, Klee.
Engaged for 4 lectures at $100 each. Big contract with the notary, Mr. Clapp, director of the Oakland Museum, mme. Scheyer, and Mr. Braxton.

Farewell San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley. Hello Hollywood (Will I end up a movie star after all?). I am just about to pack up and move south.” (Scheyer, p. 166).

Scheyer moved in with Pauline Schindler at Frank Lloyd Wright’s Storer House at 8161 Hollywood Blvd. upon her return to Hollywood. Pauline had also recently moved back to Los Angeles after a few years in Carmel as editor and publisher of the Carmelite after leaving Kings Road. As was her penchant, she was continuing to promote modernism in all its facets including allowing Brett Weston to open his first professional photography studio on the second floor. (See PGS for more details).


Scheyer probably became acquainted with Braxton through Archipenko’s wife Gela and/or her Schindler salon connection with CAC member and Times art critic Arthur Millier. Galka and Gela were frequent traveling companions. They came to Los Angeles together in 1925 where they first met Schindler, Neutra and Herman Sachs(For more on this see Mod). They also traveled throughout Bali together collecting art during 1931. Scheyer recommended Schindler to Braxton for the design of his new gallery (see below) and a year earlier also recommended him to Director William H. Clapp for the design of a new Oakland Art Gallery which was never built.

Brown Derby Restaurant Building, 1620-28 N. Vine St., Hollywood, Carl Jules Weyl, architect, 1928. Note the Brown Derby space at the left and the Braxton Gallery space just to the right of the center car. (From flicker).

Braxton and Scheyer wanted a high-profile location and found it in a brand new commercial building (see above) designed and constructed as a 2-story shop, studio and restaurant building for Cecile B. Demille‘s Vine Street Holding Company. DeMille’s original restaurant lease was signed with the Brown Derby Restaurant Company which immediately created a watering hole for Hollywood’s elite. (“Store, Studio and Restaurant Building, Hollywood,” Southwest Builder & Contractor, June 29, 1928, p. 57). The above photo looking east across Vine Street is how the building appeared before the restaurant opened on Valentine’s Day, 1929 and the Braxton Gallery the following September.


Braxton Gallery presentation drawing, front elevation. (From ”Braxton Gallery, 1928-1929, Hollywood” by Naomi Sawelson-Gorse in The Furniture of R. M. Schindler, UCSB, p. 87).

Braxton Gallery presentation drawing, floor plan. (From ”Braxton Gallery, 1928-1929, Hollywood” by Naomi Sawelson-Gorse in The Furniture of R. M. Schindler, UCSB, p. 86).



Galka collaborated on Braxton’s gallery design (see above illustrations) and helped plan the initial exhibitions in the new space. (See “Braxton Gallery, 1928-1929, Hollywood” by Naomi Sawelson-Gorse in The Furniture of R. M. Schindler, UCSB, p. 88). Schindler completed the “ultra-modern” gallery in time for a September 1929 opening.

 

Harry Braxton Gallery, 1624 N. Vine, Hollywood, R. M. Schindler, 1929. Viroque Baker photos. (From Sheine, p. 144). Note the Schindler-designed Braxton Chair in the right photo.


Arthur Millier gave the avant-garde space a rave review with a September 15, 1929 article “‘Ultra’ Gallery Arrives: Hollywood Sees ‘Modern’ Spaces and Angles as Background for Art.”Braxton and Scheyer had originally planned to open the new space with the “Blue Four” but their most important prospective client, movie director Josef von Sternberg, had already scheduled a trip to Europe to direct the filming of The Blue Angel, his first effort with Marlene Dietrich and Germany’s first “talkie.” By mid-February of 1930 the film was complete and von Sternberg returned to Los Angeles as soon as he was satisfied with the final cut. The film premiered in Berlin on March 30th and New York in mid-April. (“UFA Film Wins Plaudits; Von Sternberg On Return Contrasts Problems of Producing ‘The Blue Angel’ in Germany,” Los Angeles Times, April 6, 1930, p. II-9 and The Blue Angel: The Life and Films of Marlene Dietrich, by David Stuart Ryan, p. 44).


Bronze bust of Josef von Sternberg by Rudolf Belling, 1930. From ProQuest.

Von Sternberg previewed and purchased some of the Blue Four’s work from Scheyer before leaving for Europe the previous fall prompting Scheyer to write her clients to coordinate the pricing of their work in case the ravenous collector von Sternberg approached them directly. The highly egotistical von Sternberg often commissioned likenesses of himself for his collection and modeled on the set of “The Blue Angel” for German avant-garde sculptor Rudolf Belling who had a large one-man show in Berlin during filming. Belling’s abstract bronze bust (see above) was shipped to von Sternberg about the time the Braxton Gallery “Blue Four” shows were wrapping up. (Screen director’s Metal Bust Unique,” Los Angeles Times, April 21, 1930, p. I-2).


Braxton and Scheyer substituted CAC member and Schindler salon regular Peter Krasnow, whom von Sternberg had also collected, for the inaugural September 1929 show which included seven of his carved wood reliefs. (Scheyer, pp. 170-174). Schindler and Neutra had recently collaborated with Krasnow on the design of a major commission for a ceremonial cabinet for Temple Emmanuel-El San Francisco described in a July 28, 1929 L.A. Times article “Krasnow’s Work Shown” as “an unusual thing of wood and glass which houses vestments and religious objects.” Krasnow carved the panels which were applied to the sides of the chest. Close friend Edward Weston was shown the chest in December 1928 after which he wrote in his Daybook, “I take my hat off to you Peter, for a superb piece of work both in conception and technical execution. Tears came to my eyes,…” (Weston, p. 98).


Scheyer also likely encouraged Schindler to approach von Sternberg directly in an attempt to interest him in a commission for a new house knowing they would meet at the opening of the Blue Four exhibitions at the new Braxton Gallery. While Neutra was preoccupied with overseeing construction of the Lovell Health House and he was designing the new Braxton Gallery space, Schindler wrote to von Sternberg,

“The movie director who wants to create thorobreds can do nothing but wait until the public grows eyes. The architect who is limited by economic considerations, might thru some chance find a client who already has eyes. I, a pupil of Otto Wagner, of Vienna, have been trying to develop contemporary building in Los Angeles for the last eight years, without finding anyone whose imagination could follow me to the end. Miss Barnsdall who has appreciated my schemes for translucent space architecture, has so far used me to build half-breeds. You are reputed to be a contemporary artist of imagination and achievement. May I present to you a new conception of architecture, which transcends the childish freaks of the fashionable modernique decorator?” (R. M. Schindler to Josef von Sternberg, June 10, 1929, Architecture and Design Collection, UC Santa Barbara).

Schindler’s attempt at self-promotion proved unsuccessful in the von Sternberg case. Little did he know at the time that five years later, the famed director would commission instead his erstwhile partner Neutra to design the modern country house which would become recognized as one of his best works.

Lovell Health House, ca. December 1929. Willard D. Morgan photo from Styleture web site.

Neutra finally completed the Lovell Health House (see above and below) in December 1929 to much fanfare in the Los Angeles Times. Dr. Lovell’s weekly column described the “Home Built for Health” in much detail including directions to 4616 Dundee Dr. in Los Feliz near Griffith Park for two successive weekends of open house tours to be conducted by Neutra himself. (Lovell, Philip M., “Care of the Body,” Los Angeles Times, December 15, 1929, pp. VI-26-27). Neutra soon thereafter began planning his world tour and CIAM conference attendance. He feverishly sent off Art Club member Willard D. Morgan photos of his masterpiece and previous work to a legion of New York and overseas editors and authors of books on modern architecture in shrewdly planning that publication would precede his visitations, CIAM conference attendance and hoped for lectures. (For more on this see Mod).

Neutra and his pride and joy. From the Los Angeles Public Library photo collection.

Neutra’s strategy was successful for the most part as articles appeared in Architectural Record (7 pp. with 7 Morgan photos and floor plans), Das Neue Frankfurt, Die Form, Stavba, Cahiers d’Art, and others and in influential books such as Herbert Hoffmann’s Die Neue Raumkunst in Europa und Amerika, Sheldon Cheney’s The New World Architecture, and Bruno Taut’s Modern Architecture, not to mention his own book Amerika: Die Stilbildung des Neuen Bauens in den Verienigtento add to his well-received 1927 pre-Lovell effort Wie Baut Amerika?

 

Exhibition Poster for “Contemporary Creative Architecture of California”, UCLA April 21-29. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

In early 1930 Pauline Schindler organized and curated a traveling exhibition of Contemporary Creative Architects of California featuring the work of Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, R. M. SchindlerJock D. Peters, John Weber, Kem Weber and J. R. Davidson. (See announcement above). The exhibition was on display at UCLA from April 21-29, 1930 and the related Symposium featuring CAC members Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler and Kem Weber took place on April 27th. CAC member and UCLA art department faculty member Annita Delano likely had much to do with arranging the opening venue for the exhibition. The same show minus Wright, who objected to his erstwhile disciples piggybacking on his fame, also traveled to the CAC clubhouse at Barnsdall Park after Neutra’s departure in June (see announcement below) before traveling the Western Art Museum circuit to the Honolulu Academy of Fine Arts, the Henry Art Gallery at the University of Washington in Seattle, The Portland Art Association and the San Diego Fine Arts Gallery. (R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 256). (See PGS for much more on this exhibition).

“Contemporary Creative Architecture of California” Exhibition announcement designed by Pauline Schindler, 1930. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

Ad for Weston Exhibition at the Braxton Gallery, Los Angeles Times, February 2, 1930, p. II-18.

Braxton and Scheyer’s second show in the new Vine Street gallery was an exhibition of Edward Weston photographs of which Millier wrote, “At Braxton’s we see Weston sharpening the single eye of his camera to exact from nature the minutest details barely visible to the human eye. His approach to art is by way of absolute realism, realism such as should commend itself to the most hide-bound academician.” (Millier, Arthur, “Realism or Abstraction,” Los Angeles Times, February 9, 1930, p. II-17). Weston had a concurrent show open February 8th at the Denny-Watrous Gallery in Carmel.

 

The Blue Four Exhibition Catalogue, Braxton Gallery, Hollywood, March-May, 1930. Courtesy of the Getty Research Institute, Peg Weiss Papers.

Scheyer’s “Blue Four” series of individual shows soon followed in March and April 1930 (see above) after von Sternberg’s return from Europe in late February. Scheyer was able to enlist von Sternberg to co-sponsor the exhibitions (see below), which were all favorably reviewed by Millier.

Preface to the above catalog highlights Von Sternberg’s Scheyer-induced sponsorship.

It is highly likely that Neutra attended the March and April 1930 Braxton Gallery openings for the Blue Four exhibitions seems almost a certainty that he met von Sternberg at same. He also likely learned of von Sternberg’s soon to be released movie The Blue Angel about this time.


During Lyonel Feininger’s April Braxton Gallery exhibition, the California Art Club honored Mexican muralist Jose Clemente Orozco, his Pomona College mural assistant Jorge Juan Crespo de la Serna and art critic and historian, Professor Jose Pijoan at their monthly dinner meeting on April 17th. (“Notable Company to Meet,” Los Angeles Times, April 16, 1930, p. I-8). Club Second Vice-President Neutra most likely attended this meeting and met Orozco since he was slated to be the following month’s honoree shortly before his world tour departure. (See below).

Los Angeles Times, May 15, 1930, p. I-8. From ProQuest.

In late May, knowing they would never return to Kings Road, Richard and Dione packed their meager belongings and archives and moved out to begin their long journey. The Buff’s allowed them to store their boxes in the previously-mentioned garage Neutra designed for their house in Eagle Rock for the duration of the trip. Dione headed directly to Europe with young Frank and Dion in tow to stay with relatives while Richard set sail for Japan to reconnect with his Japanese architect friends he met during his brief apprenticeship at Wright’s Taliesin.

In early 1930 Pauline Schindler organized and curated a traveling exhibition of Contemporary Creative Architects (Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler, Jock D. Peters, John Weber, Kem Weber and J. R. Davidson). The “Contemporary Creative Architecture in California” Exhibition (original show minus Wright) was on display at UCLA from April 21-29, 1930 and the related Symposium featuring CAC members Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler and Kem Weber took place on April 27th. CAC member and UCLA art department faculty member Annita Delano likely had much to do with arranging the opening venue for the exhibition. The same show also traveled to the CAC clubhouse at Barnsdall Park in June before traveling the Western Art Museum circuit to the Honolulu Academy of Fine Arts, the Henry Art Gallery at the University of Washington in Seattle, The Portland Art Association and the San Diego Fine Arts Gallery. (R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 256). (See PGS for much more on this exhibition).

Edward Weston had befriended Orozco and Diego Rivera during his three-year sojourn to Mexico with Tina Modotti and wrote of them frequently in his Daybooks. He undoubtedly shared photos of his Mexican work with Neutra during various get togethers at Kings Road. For example Weston wrote in his January 3, 1929 Daybook entry,
“To Richard Neutra’s [Kings Road] for supper: other guests were Mr. and Mrs. J. R. Davidson, and [future Schindler client] Dr. Alexander Kaun and wife. Dr. Kaun I met years ago at Margrethe’s, but only casually. I like Richard so much, and found Kaun and the others stimulating, so the evening was a rare gathering I do not regret. Even the showing of my work was not the usual boresome task. I felt such a genuine attitude. Neutra is always keenly responsive, and knows whereof he speaks. Representing in America an important exhibit of photography [Film und Foto] to be held in Germany this summer, he has given me complete charge of collecting the exhibit, choosing the ones whose work I consider worthy of showing, and of writing the catalogue forward to the American group. … I have busy days ahead.” (Weston, pp. 102-3 and for more on Alexander Kaun and Film und Foto see PGS).

Orozco had arrived in Los Angeles on March 22, 1930 to execute a mural at Pomona College’s new Frary Dining Hall through a commission arranged by Professor Jose Pijoan, then teaching at Pomona, and fellow Mexican artist Jorge Juan Crespo de la Serna, then teaching at Chouinard Art Institute. In a dialogue with Frary Hall architect Sumner Spaulding, Pijoan convinced him that a mural would be a fitting decoration and originally wanted Diego Rivera to perform the work. Crespo convinced Pijoan that Orozco would be better for the job. Arrangements were made to bring Orozco to the West Coast from New York to complete the massive Prometheus fresco. (See below).

Prometheus by Jose Clemente Orozco, 1930, Frary Dining Hall, Pomona College. Image from Claremont Heritage. See the following link for a photograph of Orozco at a gathering in the Dining Hall after completion of the mural from the Harold Mudd Library Special Collections.

Weston first became favorably aware of Orozco and his work in late 1925. On May 2, 1926 mutual friend Anita Brenner brought Weston to Orozco’s studio in Coyoacan to introduce the photographer to the man and his work. The next day Brenner took Orozco to Weston’s studio to return the favor. Weston wrote of the meetings,

“Sunday, Anita and I went to Coyoacan for a visit with Orozco the painter. I had hardly known his work before, which I found fine and strong. His cartoons - splendid drawings, in which he spared no one, neither capitalist nor revolutionary leader-were scathing satires, quite as helpful in destroying a “cause,” heroes and villains alike, as a machine gun. I would place Orozco among the first four or five painters in Mexico, perhaps higher. Monday eve he came to see my work. I have no complaint over his response. I wish I had known him sooner, – now it is almost too late.” (The Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexicohttp://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=southernc0e-20&l=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969&o=1&a=B000WWA0IS, p. 158).

Brett Weston photo of Prometheus by Jose Clemente Orozco. (Millier, Arthur, “Orozco’s Fresco Complete,” Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1930, pp. II-7, 12.

Brett Weston, who was in Mexico with Edward during the Orozco studio visit, photographed Prometheus upon its completion with the above image illustrating Arthur Millier’s highly favorable review of the work. At the time Brett’s studio was on the second floor of Frank Lloyd Wright’s Storer House which he was subletting from Pauline Schindler and also sharing rooms with fellow tenant Galka Scheyer, recently relocated from the Bay Area to hopefully develop a client base around the Braxton Gallery shows. Orozco was scheduled for an exhibition at the Braxton Gallery in September and Pauline also conducted private viewings of Brett’s work there for prospective collectors. (“Orozco to Put Murals in College,” Los Angeles Times, March 21, 1930, p. I-9).After completing Prometheus Orozco spent the summer months in San Francisco where he painted a number of canvasses in preparation for a large touring exhibition, Mexican Arts, which opened at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York later that year. While in San Francisco, he and his dealer Alma Reed paid a visit to Weston in Carmel. Of this Edward wrote,

“July 21. The coming of Clemente Orozco and Alma Reed will go down as an important day in my personal history. I am to open the season with a one-man exhibit in Alma Reed’s New York Gallery: but more important she is to keep my work, feature it along with Orozco’s, to the exclusion of all other artists.’ … Around the grate fire Saturday night I showed my work. Orozco had not seen it since Mexico. … Alma Reed asked “When could you be ready to exhibit in New York?” ”Tomorrow.,” I answered. So she told me: ” I had decided to discontinue the work of handling, showing, all other artists except Clemente,- the gallery was really started to ‘put him over,’  - because of my belief in his greatness. Now I have seen your work. It complements his-there is no conflict – you both are striving toward the same end. Clemente and I have discussed it,-we want you to be the only other artist the gallery will show and promote.” (Weston, p. 177).

Jose Clemente Orozco portrait by Edward Weston, Carmel, July 20, 1930.

While in Carmel, Orozco consigned a portfolio of his lithographs to the Denny-Watrous Gallery for shows beginning in late July and early September. The above portrait of Orozco was also displayed alongside other Weston studies of contemporary Mexican artists including Diego Rivera, Miguel CovarrubiasDoctor AtlTina Modotti and Jean Charlot. Weston wrote a profile on Orozco for The Carmelite in which he stated,

“Comparisons are unnecessary. Orozco stands alone, with the uniqueness of a great artist. His pencil or brush is capable of vitriolic satire or tender compassion, his presentation is direct: stark beauty, free from all frosting, all sugar coating. There is no compromise in Orozco, the quintessence of his subject is revealed stripped to the very bones. He has structural solidity plus emotional fire –  a rare combination in contemporary artists – usually either cold from theorizing or lukewarm from weak heart or evasion. Oroszco is the visionary sweeping aside all minor issues, seeing life majestically its heights or depths, with a gesture beyond good and evil.” (Weston, Edward, “Orozco in Carmel,” The Carmelite, July 31, 1930, p. 3).

In October Time Magazine wrote of the events leading up to Orozco’s Prometheus commission,

“The West’s view of Orozco, a view of one of the finest things he has done, was made possible by the removal of some scaffolding from the dining hall of Pomona College, 40 mi. south of Los Angeles. Last winter, head of Pomona’s art department was Professor Jose Pijoan, authority on Latin American art, avid Orozcoan. So long, so vigorously did he preach Orozco to the sons and daughters of Pomona that on their own initiative they invited Orozco to come west, decorate their dining hall. “We have no money,” said Prof. Pijoan when Orozco arrived, “at present only $500.” Artist Orozco glowered through his glasses. “Never mind about that,” he said. “Have you got a wall?” When Artist Orozco returned to New York he left behind a huge ogival Michel-angelican fresco, 25 x 35 ft. representing a giant Prometheus bearing the fire of truth, in pulsating Mexican color. Wrote Critic Arthur Millier of the Los Angeles Times: “The wall has been energized by the genius of Orozco until it lives as probably no wall in the United States today.” Long-legged Arnold Ronnebeck of the Denver Times was even more enthusiastic. Added Sumner Spaulding (see below), architect of Pomona’s dining hall: ”I feel as though the building would fall down if the fresco were removed.” (From “Wall Man,” Time, October 13, 1930).

Sumner Spaulding, Architect ca. 1928. Photo by Boye Studios from the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

Orozco, “Ruined House,” lithograph, 1928. From Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934, p. 82.

The same month the Time article was published Orozco was featured in two exhibitions of his lithographs in Los Angeles at the Los Angeles Museum and