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Schindlers-Westons-Kasheravoff-Cage and Their Avant-Garde Relationships

(Post under construction. Stay tuned)

This article is in essence a chapter of a book in progress on the familial relationships between the Schindler and Weston families and their bohemian social circles between 1920 through 1938. For now I plan to end the book in 1938 when Weston married Charis Wilson and built his home in Carmel Highlands and the Schindlers divorced and began living separate lives under the same roof in their iconic RMS-designed Kings Road House. My working title for the book is The Schindlers and the Westons: An Avant-Garde Friendship, 1920-1938. Their fascinatingly interwoven lives and relationships remained avant-garde to the end. As always, I welcome your feedback on any of my pieces.

This chapter of the Schindler-Weston connections centers around the intertwined relationships of Pauline, Edward Weston, Xenia Andreyevna Kashevaroff, John Cage, Merce Cunningham, Cole WestonNellie Cornish, Maurice Browne, Ellen Van Volkenburg, Ellen Janson and their circles. As the introductory image to this article I have chosen the below 1920 tongue-in-cheek photograph taken at the time of Edward Weston’s first meeting with artist Roi Partridge and his wife Imogen Cunningham, an early Seattle friend of Cornish, whose importance to the story will emerge later. This history-packed image was taken on the occasion of Edward Weston’s visit to San Francisco to see off his Dutch emigre friend Johan Hagemeyer who would soon leave for an extended trip to Europe to avoid being arrested for his outspoken radical views. (Artful Lives: Edward Weston, Margrethe Mather, and the Bohemians of Los Angeles, by Beth Gates Warren, Getty Publications, 2011, p. 187).

“Anne of the Crooked Halo,” June 1920, photographer unknown. From left: Roi Partridge, Imogen Cunningham, Anne Brigman (standing), Johan Hagemeyer, Edward Weston, unknown man, (front) Roger Sturtevant and Dorothea Lange. Woman behind them unknown. From A Poetic Vision: The Photographs of Anne Brigman by Susan Ehrens, Santa Barbara Museum of Art, 1995, p. 83.

The image’s centerpiece, Anne Brigman was looked up to at the time as being the only photographer on the West Coast accepted into Alfred Stieglitz‘s Photo-Secession Movement and featured in his influential Camera Work magazine. Roi Partridge was a noted etcher and wife Imogen Cunningham an emerging photographer of note who would later be part of Group f/64 with Ansel Adams, Weston, Willard Van Dyke, Sonya Noskowiak et al.. Their son Rondal Partridge later became a well-regarded art and architectural photographer as did Roger Sturtevant. Dorothea Lange would also gain fame as a chronicler of the Great Depression. Pauline Schindler often featured the work of Sturtevant, Hagemeyer and Weston on the cover of The Carmelite and reviewed exhibitions of their work along with Cunninghams’s and Partridge’s during her 1928-29 reign as publisher and editor-in-chief. Lange’s 1935 portrait of Pauline (see below) was taken around the time John Cage broke off his affair with her to marry erstwhile Edward Weston lover Xenia Kashevaroff.

Pauline Schindler, 1935. Portrait by Dorothea Lange. Courtesy Oakland Museum of Art.
Pauline and R. M. Schindler’s introduction to the Weston family came about in 1921 when Pauline began teaching Weston’s sons Chandler and Brett at the Walt Whitman School in Boyle Heights, shortly after her and her architect husband’s arrival in Los Angeles. (See my The Schindlers and the Westons: An Avant-Garde Friendship). At about the same time, her theater idols from her Chicago days, Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg, established a drama department at the Cornish School in Seattle. (See later below). Browne and Van Volkenburg were the founders of the Chicago Little Theater in 1912, a critically acclaimed experimental troupe inspired by the Irish Players at Dublin’s Abbey Theatre, and early pioneers of the Little Theatre Movement.
While Pauline was working at Jane Addams’ Hull-House in 1916-17 upon her graduation from Smith College, she undoubtedly viewed the performances of the Hull-House Players under the direction of Laura Dainty Pelham whom Browne credited as being the true founder of the Little Theatre Movement in America. (Too Late to Lament by Maurice Browne, Gollancz, London, 1955, p. 128). She also likely subscribed to The Little Review (see below) and regularly attended the Browne-Van Volkenburg productions at the Chicago Little Theatre in the Fine Arts Building on Michigan Avenue.

The Little Review, March 1915. (Note articles on 1925 Kings Road lecturer and life-long friend of Pauline, “Maurice Browne and the Little Theatre’ by long time friend John Cowper Powys and “My Friend, the Incurable” by frequent contributor Alexander S. Kaun, later Kings Road tenant, Schindler client and portrait sitter for Weston compatriot Johan Hagemeyer. For much more on Browne, Kaun, Weston and the Schindlers see PGS).
Browne and Van Volkenberg also collaborated with Pauline’s mentor, employer, and Hull-House and Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom founder Jane Addams, to produce a national tour of Euripides’ “peace play” The Trojan Women during her time at Hull-House. One of the performances was at the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco. Coincidentally, R. M. Schindler attended the exposition to view the architecture a few months after the Browne-VanVolkenburg performance. (See my Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence for more details).
Browne and Van Volkenberg were also involved with oil heiress, radical activist and later Schindler client Aline Barnsdall as early as 1915. Eager to start her own theater company in Chicago and produce her own plays, Barnsdall offered to build Browne and Van Volkenburg a larger, more modern theater than their 90-seat venue in the Fine Arts Building. She commissioned Norman Bel Geddes and Frank Lloyd Wright to design preliminary plans in 1915. Aline put the plans on hold as she moved to California the following year and opened a theater in rented space in Los Angeles. About the same time Barnsdall commissioned Wright to begin design on her personal residence, Hollyhock House, on Hollywood’s Olive Hill. Barnsdall’s original vision for her Olive Hill compound was to also include a director’s house and a theater but those plans never materialized. (From Frank Lloyd Wright: Hollyhock House and Olive Hill by Kathryn Smith, Rizzoli, 1992, pp. 21-23). 

“New Residence Tract Opening,” Los Angeles Times, March 13, 1921, p. 4. Courtesy Architecture and Design Collection, University Art Museum, UC-Santa Barbara.

Construction finally began on the Barnsdall House in 1920. (See above). By then heavily involved with the supervision of the Imperial Hotel in Tokyo, Wright directed Schindler, recently married to Pauline, to move from Taliesin to Los Angeles to oversee construction. A couple months after the above article on the Oil Queen’s home, Browne and Van Volkenburg were establishing the new theater department at the Cornish School.


Cornish School, Seattle, Washington, ca. 1921, designed by A. H. Albertson with Paul Richardson and Gerald C. Field. Photographer unknown.
The Chicago Little Theatre had fallen on hard times during World War I and Browne and Van Volkenburg filed for bankruptcy in 1917. After vagabond stops in Washington (where they first met Nellie Cornish), Salt Lake City and New York they returned to Seattle in 1921 at Cornish’s request. Cornish had just completed her new school building and offered the duo the directorship of her new drama school and theatre. (See above and below). Browne had the highest regard for Cornish as he wrote in his autobiography,
“Nellie C. Cornish was the wittiest and untidiest woman in North America. Violent yapping preceded her entrance into a room; when she sat down a torrent of Pekinese cascaded over her. She had the soul of a master-pianist and hands unable to do her bidding on the keyboard, so she had gathered round her the best music-teachers whom she could find and opened a music school in Seattle. Students flocked. Often the most gifted had little money; she gave them scholarships. Sometimes they had none; she housed and fed them. Consistently she overpaid her teachers. Some students lacked rhythm, so she added a dance department. More students flocked. Some still lacked rhythm, so she tried to add a drama-department but could find no director who satisfied her needs. When the Chicago Little Theatre closed, she had paid Nellie Van and me the high compliment of offering us the position jointly.” (Too Late to Lament by Maurice Browne, Gollancz, 1955, p. 263).
Announcement of the engagement of Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg as Directors of  The School of the Theatre at The Cornish School. The Drama, Vol. II, No.s 11-12, August-September, 1921, p. 443.
 Martha Graham and her dance troupe performing Heretic. Cornish School, 1928. Soichi Sunami photograph. Courtesy Cornish School Library. 

Cornish hired both famous and unknown artists for her faculty including abstract-expressionist painter Mark Tobey and dancers Adolph Bolm and Martha Graham (see above) who became an internationally renowned dancer and choreographer. She recruited Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg to establish a drama school, and gave avant-garde composer John Cage his start. Weston’s son Cole would enroll at the Cornish School in 1937, soon to be followed by Pauline’s ex-lover John Cage and wife Xenia Kashevaroff (see below), former lover of Edward Weston. Cage, who successfully sought out employment by Cornish as a music teacher, would remain at the school with Xenia throughout the 1938-39 academic years.

Xenia Kashevaroff, Carmel, 1931. Edward Weston photograph. Courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art.
While teaching at Cornish in 1921, a local music teacher brought Browne, himself a noted poet whose work had just been published in William Stanley Braithwaite‘s prestigious Anthology of Magazine Verse for 1920, a sheaf of verses written by her niece, Ellen Margaret Janson. After weeks of reluctance to read the unsolicited poems, Browne relented and was pleasantly surprised. He wrote,

“Then to my wonderment I found that, though among them were exercises and immaturities, half-dozen held magic unequaled by the lyric verse of any American woman-writer known to me save Edna Millay. Nor were those half-dozen ‘lucky flukes’; internal evidence showed that their author was a skilled and careful craftswoman, who knew precisely what she was doing. Like a pasteboard figure in an Oscar Wilde fairy tale falling in love with the ghost of a Babylonian princess I dashed in search of the music-teacher’s niece. What could be more innocent than a love-affair with a poem?” (Browne, p. 276).

The forty-year old Browne immediately began an affair with the twenty-one year-old Janson and with his close friend from Chicago, Arthur Ficke, began promoting her career as a poet in such publications as Contemporary Verse. (See below).
Excerpt from “Contributors,” Contemporary Verse claiming the discovery of contributor Ellen Janson, Vol. XII, No. 5, November, 1921, p. 2.
Browne, Maurice, “Nightfall,” Poetry: A Magazine of Verse, Vol. VI, No. 11, May 1915. Courtesy of the Poetry Foundation.
Janson, Ellen, Poetry: A Magazine of Verse, Vol. XXII, No. III, June 1923. From my collection.

Likely with Browne’s introduction, Janson was soon a regular contributor to his Chicago friend Harriet Monroe‘s Poetry: A Magazine of Verse in which his work first appeared in 1915. (See above). She appeared in Contemporary Verse, American Mercury, The Measure, North American Review and numerous other literary journals and was also anthologized by Braithwaite. Pauline likewise regularly featured Janson’s poems in The Carmelite as well as her, Maurice and their love-child’s ongoing activities even after their separation and divorce. (See below for example). She and Janson would also later collaborate as associate editors on Gavin Arthur’s short-lived Dune Forum. (See my PGS and The Oceano Dunes and the Westons). Ironically, Janson and Pauline’s husband would eventually become lovers after which she would have him design and build her a house in 1947 where he convalesced after his second heart attack before his 1953 death. Coincidentally, RMS and Pauline also knew Ellen Janson from her early 1920s involvement with one of the members of Aline Barnsdall’s experimental theater group. (Sheine, note 27, p. 283).

 Untitled poem by Ellen Janson Browne and untitled portrait [Christel Gang, 1925] by Edward Weston. The Carmelite, April 10, 1929, p. 1. 

Pauline Schindler’s and Leah Lovell’s School in the Garden, Argyle Avenue, Hollywood with students Neil and Cole Weston and others, ca. 1922. 
(McCoy, p. 39).
Around the time Browne and Van Volkenburg were establishing the Cornish drama school, Pauline met Leah Press Lovell and sister Harriet Press Freeman, while Leah was directing Barnsdall’s progressive kindergarten at Hollyhock House commissioned for her daughter Betty and other selected children including Weston’s two youngest sons Neil and Cole. (Architecture of the Sun by Thomas S. Hines, pp. 142, 156). Pauline and Leah, wife of Weston family doctor and later Schindler and Richard Neutra architectural patron Philip Lovell, later moved their school to the garden of the Lovell house on Argyle Avenue in the Hollywood Hills. (See above and PGS). Through Pauline’s friendship with Leah and Harriet, Schindler would become architect to the Lovells and later the Freemans.
The Drama, Vol. 12, No. 6, March 1922, pp. 200-02

Browne had a falling out with Cornish after only one season. He and ‘Nellie Van’ moved on to San Francisco in 1922 where they became involved with Charles Erskine Scott Wood and Sara Bard Field in the planning of another Little Theatre and drama school to be established under their directorship. When she took over as publisher and editor of The Carmelite in 1928, Pauline would enlist Wood and Field as contributing editors along with their mutual friends Lincoln Steffens and his wife Ella Winter. (See below for example).


“Painter, Poet, Pioneer,” The Carmelite, October 21, 1928, p. 1. Johan Hagemeyer portrait of Charles Erskine Scott Wood.

Despite the unflagging boosterism of the well-connected Wood and Field and their attempts to raise funds for the theater project, promised pledges of support from others failed to materialize. (Browne, p. 270). The Brownes packed their bags again in 1924 and headed for Carmel where one of their San Francisco students, Edward Kuster, had founded an acting school and the Theatre of the Golden Bough. (See below). The Golden Bough opened  in June 1924 with the Brownes producing three plays over the summer season. (Hilliard, Helen, “Eyes of Carmel Watch Paint and Political Pots,” Oakland Tribune, April 8, 1924, p. 11).

Edward Kuster’s Theatre of the Golden Bough under construction, Carmel, 1923. Photograph courtesy of the Harrison Memorial Library Collection.



Originally a prominent lawyer from Los Angeles, Kuster was formerly married to Una Lindsay Call before she met and fell in love with Robinson Jeffers who would soon thereafter begin his informal reign as Carmel’s poet laureate. The Kuster’s scandalous breakup was reported as a “queer love triangle” in a series of articles appearing in 1912-13 in the Los Angeles Times. (See for example, “Parents Wash Hands of It; “His Own Affair,” says Poet Jeffers’s Mother; Mrs. Kuster Defended as the Scapegoat of Clique,” Los Angeles Times, March 1, 1913, p. II-1). (For much more on Jeffers see my Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence).


From Carmel-By-The-Sea by Monica Hudson, Arcadia, 2006, p. 85. Note the multi-talented Kings Road salon attendee, actor and noted city planner Carol Aronovici on the left who, while wearing his City Planner hat, collaborated with Schindler and Richard Neutra on the 1928 Richmond, California Civic Center project and other projects under their Architectural Group for Commerce and Industry (AGICpartnership.
Browne recollected,
“[Kuster] proposed to build a playhouse in Carmel; it would have a full sky-dome, the first in the country. The three of us spent months pulling his plans to pieces; the Theatre of the Golden Bough was to be the best equipped and most beautiful in America. It was. Kuster invited us to open it with a play written by me, to run a summer-school there, and to direct it afterwards as an art-theatre.” (Browne, p. 271). 
Theatre of the Golden Bough, Carmel, 1925. From the Full Wiki.
Court of the Golden Bough. Lewis Josslyn photo scanned from Carmel: A History in Architecture by Kent Seavey, Arcadia, 2007, p. 68. Courtesy of Pat Hathaway, California Views.

Having totally relocated his business activities from Los Angeles by 1924, Kuster’s theater was built as part of his shopping development known as the Court of the Golden Bough on Ocean Avenue in Carmel’s business district completed at the same time. (See above). He had previously commissioned Lee Gottfried to construct his personally-designed Norman-style  residence next door to the five-acre spread of Robinson Jeffers and his former wife Una on Carmel Point. (See below).

Kuster Residence, Carmel Point, 1920. Photographer unknown. Photo scanned from Carmel: A History in Architecture by Kent Seavey, Arcadia, 2007, p. 68. Courtesy of Pat Hathaway, California Views.

Just after the earlier Golden Bough group photo was taken, Browne left Van Volkenburg to stay with Ellen Janson in Halcyon while she gave birth to their love-child. Janson’s aunt Borghild, who also lived there, found them a tiny house through John Varian, head of the Halcyon Theosophist Temple who becomes important later in this article. Browne wrote, “members of his congregation denounced him for encouraging sin. He threatened them with excommunication; they called us ‘The Holy Family’.” (Browne, p. 278-9).

Browne and Janson used their Halcyon love-nest as a base while traveling up and down the California coast camping under the starsBrowne soon divorced Van Volkenberg, married Janson to satisfy her disapproving mother, and moved into a new “redwood shack” built for Ellen by her parents near her aunt’s house. (Browne, p. 282). Browne wrote of their child’s conception,

“He was gotten, willfully, at noon of a still burning August day on one of those beaches; we both knew that he would be a male. His mother and I, living in a dream world, believed that once he was surely conceived she could go happily forth into the world alone, carrying him, and I return to my work with Nellie Van.” (Browne, pp. 278-9). 
Announcement for performances of two of Browne’s plays. Los Angeles Times, December 14, 1924.

The restless Browne continued his vagabond ways and moved his center of operations to Los Angeles after his and Kuster’s successful 1924 summer season in Carmel. (See above). Browne and/or Van Volkenburg occasionally passed through Los Angeles in 1922-3 at which time the Schindlers likely reconnected with them. Upon settling in Los Angeles Browne produced the occasional play (see above) and for the next two years taught at USC. Hearing that he was in the city, former students came back one by one to work with him. (Browne, p. 286).  Appalled by Browne’s squalid surroundings at USC, frequent Edward Weston portrait subject as early as 1916, Ruth St. Denis allowed him free use of her building and office while she was gone on a world tour. (Browne, p. 287).

Maurice Browne Theatre promotional fund-raising letter from Thomas H. Elson and G. G. Detzer to the Schindlers, August 24, 1925. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.
Despite Browne’s philandering ways, Van Volkenberg continued her professional relationship and they were soon back working together on projects such as an April, 1925 Maurice Browne Players performance at the Wilshire Ebell Theater of Browne’s “Mother of Gregory” first performed in Carmel the previous summer. (“Ebell Program for Month Out”, L.A. Times, April 23, 1925, p. I-7.)  Throughout 1925 momentum began to build for construction of  a little theater for Los Angeles to house the newly formed Maurice Browne Theatre Association. During the summer a consortium of sponsors began a $125,000 fund-raising campaign to finance the construction of a new theater and classrooms for the project. RMS couldn’t help but hope that the theater commission would come his way. (See above solicitation letter for example).
Maurice Browne Theatre Association season-ticket subscription form, 1926.  Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

As one of the movers and shakers of the planning effort, Pauline organized an event at Kings Road to help promote the cause. She arranged for Browne to lecture on Hermann Keyserling, likely on the occasion of the recent publication of his The Travel Diary of a Philosopher. (Author’s note: Edward Weston often referenced Keyserling’s diary in his Daybooks). Possibly accompanied by Ellen Janson to the soiree, Browne recollected, “And Pauline Schindler, brilliant, warm-hearted, bitter-tongued, who was trying to create a salon amid Hollywood’s cultural slagheap, invited me to her home to lecture on Keyserling.” (Browne, p. 287). Pauline excitedly wrote her mother of the salon, “[the party]…is going to be huge. We have never had more than a hundred guests before … But this will be overflowing.” (PGS letter to her mother, [n.d.] circa October, 1925. Cited in Sweeney, p. 96). 

A few months later Browne formally announced that Los Angeles would be the production headquarters for his Maurice Browne Theatre Association with offices to be located in the Transportation (aka Subway Terminal) Building and that he would be joined by Van Volkenberg. (“Nationally Known Producer Chooses City as Production Headquarters for Little Plays”, Los Angeles Times, February 28, 1927, p. 23). The following week another lengthy article reported on the specifics of the association’s planning efforts and the plays Browne currently had in rehearsal. The members of the Sponsors’ Committee were listed and included as chairman Thomas H. Elson, G. G. Detzer, Mrs. R. M. Schindler and others. (Little Theater Planned, Los Angeles Times, March 7, 1926, p. 21). 
A banquet at the Men’s City Club a few nights later feted Browne and Van Volkenburg with numerous testimonial speeches and telegrams from around the country wishing the venture well. (“Announces Premiere Production,” Los Angeles Times, March 9, 1926, p. I-10). Browne reminisced,

“A great banquet was planned in my honour; every theatrical celebrity whom I knew in America and Europe was invited to attend as a guest of honour; an astonishingly large number sent messages of goodwill; some even accepted. The realtor danced round Ruth St. Denis’ office: “With these names behind us the theatre is as good as built.” It was all so splendiferous that I telegraphed Nellie Van to come to the banquet; she sat beside me; the speeches made us feel that we had not lived in vain. Finally our evening came to its end. As I was leaving, the chairwoman of the Publicity Committee unostentatiously handed me an envelope. ”A cheque on account,” I thought, “how charming:” and thanked her warmly. When I got home I opened the envelope. It contained the bill for printing, postage, stationery, telephone, telegrams, table decorations and dinner for the guests of honour. Grinning wrily, Nellie Van returned to Seattle. My students and I gave performances anywhere-schoolrooms, tents, barns -where a ten-dollar note could be earned toward paying that bill: dollar by dollar we paid it to the last cent. Then I spat savagely and straight into the streets of Los Angeles and, worn out by the interminable conflicts within myself, the interminable struggle to establish a theatre which mattered, the interminable inability to pay for it, said goodbye to my theatric dreams.” (Browne, p. 288).

Browne dejectedly left for San Francisco where he spent the next nine months licking his wounds. He reflected before returning “back to the womb” to England, ”After fifteen years’ continuous struggle I had failed in the theatre; I had failed as a husband twice; I had failed as a father.” Browne later recollected Pauline’s unflagging support, “Twenty-four years later, during my farewell visit to America, Pauline lent me the house [Kings Road]. There I forgathered again daily with these and other old friends. Pauline was battling against political, Grace against educational, Sophie against social stupidity.” (Browne, p. 287).

Besides frequently publishing Ellen Janson’s poetry during her editorship of The Carmelite, Pauline also faithfully kept tabs on her family’s comings and goings. For example she included a brief article reporting on Ellen and four-year old Maurice, Jr. passing through town and the whereabouts of Maurice, Sr. who was currently producing a play of George Bernard Shaw’s in London. Pauline wrote of Browne,

“In Carmel he remains a memory and an influence, for Morris Ankrum, George Ball, and many others here busy with the stage have had their first dramatic training under the direction of this intense and passionate artist.” (Schindler, Pauline, ”Maurice Browne in a Second Edition,” The Carmelite, July 11, 1928, p. 2)

Not long after Browne returned to England, Pauline had had enough of RMS’s unfaithfulness and left Kings Road in late August of 1927 with son Mark for Carmel by way of Ojai and Halcyon. (PGS). Offered the use of Ellen Janson’s house for the winter of 1927-8, she stayed only briefly before heading north in October. As she had done in Los Angeles, Pauline rapidly assimilated into the Carmel arts community. She soon began contributing an unsigned column, “The Black Sheep”, to the Carmel Pine Cone. Appearing 11 times between November 1927 and March 1928, she described it as a “new critical department which does not promise to behave itself too well,” but that it would be, “young, fearless, honest, and vital.” She focused mainly on music reviews, local issues and events. 

Through her association with the Pine Cone Pauline became involved with Carmel’s new progressive weekly The Carmelite edited by Stephen A. Reynolds, for whom she penned the columns “Stage and Screen” and “With the Women” and other articles under her byline in early 1928. Pauline’s April 25th “With the Women” column for example, reported on the annual P.T.A. conference in Salinas, the recent activities of Anne Martin, regional director of the Women’s International League of Peace and Freedom founded by her Hull-House employer and mentor Jane Addams, and a meeting of 35 alumnae of her alma mater, Smith College, at Point Lobos. 

Reynolds initially announced the weekly as, “a periodical which will without fear or favor give voice and light on both sides of a mooted question affecting the artistic or practical in village life.” Reynolds, at odds with the entrenched positions of the Carmel Pine Cone, used his new vehicle as a way to publish politically-charged editorial jibes beginning in February 1928.  Pauline quickly advanced to editorial assistant and and was anticipating becoming managing editor by mid-April. (Sweeney, p. 105). In a May 7, 1928 letter to her father she wrote of The Carmelite as being, “a liberal-radical weekly, in whose pages the visiting or resident intelligentsia, from Lincoln Steffens to Robinson Jeffers, all had a word.” After only 16 weeks at the helm, Reynold’s turned over The Carmelite to Pauline after the May 30 issue.

Seven Arts Building, Carmel, 1926. Photographer unknown. Photo scanned from Carmel: A History in Architecture by Kent Seavey, Arcadia, 2007, p. 68. Courtesy of Pat Hathaway, California Views.
Under Pauline’s leadership The Carmelite became much more than a local newspaper. It was a leading-edge progressive publication reporting on many of the left-leaning issues of the day, the local arts and literary scene and reviews of cultural events in San Francisco and even far away Los Angeles. She used the paper to express her own artistic and political opinions and promote her personal interests and the work of her friends. She was truly in her element during this period of her life. In a May 7, 1928 letter to her father she stated that she wrote about half the paper which is probably an understatement based on the issues in my collection. (Sweeney, p. 105). She also featured many of the people from her Los Angeles circle of friends, Kings Road salon participants and former tenants such as Edward Weston, Henrietta Shore, John Bovingdon, Carol Aronovici, Ellen Janson, Galka Scheyer, Richard and Dione Neutra and many others. (PGS). The paper was headquartered in the new Seven Arts Building on Ocean Avenue in the heart of Carmel (see photo above).
Johan Hagemeyer Studio, Carmel. Photo courtesy OAC and U.C. Berkeley Bancroft Library, Johan Hagemeyer Photo Collection.
Tired of city life, Weston moved to Carmel in early January 1929, trading spaces from a temporary stay in fellow photographer Johan Hagemeyer’s studio in San Francisco to renting his Carmel summer studio. (See above). Hagemeyer, a close friend of Margrethe Mather and Weston since early 1918, opened a portrait studio in San Francisco in 1923 and also built the summer studio in Carmel which soon became a meeting place for artists and intellectuals. Pauline’s article “Edward Weston on the Way” in the issue below announced the impending arrival of her and RMS’s friend since 1921 from their Kings Road salons and soirees. Weston described the move at length in his Daybooks. (Daybooks, pp. 99-108). Pauline also often published Hagemeyer’s photos and his sister-in-law Dora’s poetry in The Carmelite. (See below). Weston and Hagemeyer had a falling out in late 1929 over the studio lease agreement prompting Weston to move his studio to the Seven Arts Building upstairs from The Carmelite‘s offices in January 1930. (PGS).

Schindler, Pauline G., “Weston on the Way,” The Carmelite, December 28, 1928, p. 2. (From my collection).


Hagemeyer, Dora, “Christ-Birth,” The Carmelite, March 20, 1929, front page. (From my collection). 

Pauline properly introduced Weston to Carmel’s bohemian community at a reception for the Kedroff Quartet following much heralded their performance. (See Above). Weston’s Daybook entry reads,

“To the Kedroff Quartet: the most exquisite vocal music I have heard. The folk-songs were especially thrilling, and the Strauss Waltz! … After, I went with Pauline to a reception for the Quartet, and there met Carmel “society,” everyone that I should meet I suppose! I have certainly been flatteringly presented to Carmel with many newspaper columns [by Pauline in The Carmelite] of flowery praise. Once could easily become “a big toad in a little puddle” here. Not my intention!” (Daybooks, March 16, 1929, pp. 112-3).

Pauline kept steady tabs on the comings and goings of Weston and various combinations of visiting sons in the pages of The Carmelite. For example she reported on a serious Brett Weston accident while riding with long-time Weston patron and book designer Merle Armitage. Brett suffered a compound fracture when his horse threw him and rolled over onto his leg. (“Personal Bits”, by Pauline Schindler, The Carmelite, March 27, 1929, p. 3).
Sonya Noskowiak, ca. 1929. Edward Weston photo.

Weston soon began an affair with Johan’s former assistant Sonya Noskowiak which quickly blossomed into a full-blown relationship. She moved into his studio and in return for household chores, surrogate mother duty for his visiting sons, and darkroom assistance, Edward gave her a camera and began to teach her the fundamentals of photography. Sonya proved to be a natural and was quickly accepted by Edward and his coterie, including son Brett, another disciple Willard Van Dyke, Ansel Adams, Imogen Cunningham, John Paul Edwards, and a few others when they formed Group f/64 and had their inaugural exhibition at San Francisco’s M. H. de Young Museum in 1932.


Nellie Cornish returns to the story with a visit to Carmel and Weston’s studio in the summer of 1930. It seems likely that she had been informed of Weston’s work by their mutual longtime friend Imogen Cunningham. Possibly combining business with pleasure, Cornish could have been scouting for music, art and drama teachers in the talent-rich Monterey Peninsula. Weston wrote of the meeting, “Yesterday I sold my old “Circus Tent,” – then later my favorite new pepper, – its first sale, to Miss Cornish, who has a school – I think of music – in Seattle.” (Daybooks, August 17, 1930, p. 182). This meeting laid the groundwork for Cole’s matriculation at the Cornish School in the fall of 1937 where he would cross paths with Xenia Kashevaroff (see below) and John Cage who joined the faculty the following year. 



Xenia Kashevaroff, Carmel, 1931. Edward Weston photograph. Courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art.
The first mention of  Xenia Kashevaroff (see above) in Weston’s Daybooks is in November 1932, just as his first book produced by Merle Armitage was going to press and just before the inaugural Group f/64 opening in San Francisco.  He wrote, “My desk is cleared of unanswered letters, orders to date all printed. So a few days ago Henry [Henrietta Shore] drove Xenia, Sonya and myself to Oliver’s cacti garden in Monterey. There was amazing material and I worked hard and well.” (Daybooks, November 8, 1932, p. 264). This entry indicates that Xenia the youngest of six daughters of the Russian Orthodox Bishop in Juneau, Alaska, Alexander Kashevaroff, was already known to Weston.

Ed Ricketts, ca. 1930. Photographer unknown. Courtesy Ed Ricketts, Jr. 

A couple years earlier, while living with her sister Sasha and still a senior at Monterey High School, Xenia had a steamy love affair with the then married with children, 34-year old marine biologist Ed Ricketts (see above) on whom lifelong friend John Steinbeck‘s character Doc in Cannery Row was based. Further provenance of an earlier meeting is evidenced by the six clothed Weston portraits of Xenia in the collection of New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art being dated 1931. A January 1933 entry relates Weston’s late 1932 liaison with X. before leaving for Los Angeles to sign copies of his new book. He philosophized while Sonya traveled to Los Angeles with his equally philanderous friend and patron Merle Armitage, 

Maybe Sonya is having the adventure. I hope so; then my conscience might be eased. But am I not expressing that thing one is supposed to have, – a conscience? Actually, I have never felt guilt over my philandering; only a desire not to be discovered for her sake; not yet at least. And I could feel quite as guilty toward L., from whose arms I went to H. in L. A. To be sure it was unpremeditated, and we had both reached a delightful intoxication but that does not absolve me from the guilt I should feel,-and don’t! Yes, and before going south I made love to both S. and X.! Am I then so weak that I fall for every petticoat? Am I so oversexed that I cannot restrain myself? Neither question can be dismissed with a “yes.” First, I can go long periods with no desire, no need; then I see the light in a woman’s eyes which calls me, and can find no good reason – if I like her – not to respond. I have never deliberately gone out of my way to make a conquest, to merely satisfy sex needs. It amounts to this; that I was meant to fill a need in many a woman’s life, as in turn each one stimulates me, fertilizes my work. And I love them all in turn, at least it’s more than lust I feel, for the months, weeks, or days we are together. Maybe I flatter myself, but so I feel. So what will you answer to this, Sonya?- (Daybooks, January 18, 1933, p. 267). 

Between Pacific Tides by Edward F. Ricketts and Jack Calvin, Foreword by John Steinbeck, Line Drawings by Ritchie Lovejoy, Stanford University Press.



A Monterey Peninsula intellectual-social circle developed in the early 1930s which included Xenia, her sister Sasha and husband Jack Calvin, her sister Natalya and husband Ritchie Lovejoy, Ed Ricketts, Pulitzer Prize-winning author John Steinbeck and wife Carol, and noted mythologist, writer and lecturer Joseph CampbellSteinbeck (see below) married Carol Henning and moved to Pacific Grove in 1930 where he also quickly befriended kindred spirit Ricketts. Joseph Campbell moved next door to Ricketts in Pacific Grove in 1932. Campbell quickly had an affair with Steinbeck’s wife Carol which essentially ended their friendship. After leaving his position as a writing instructor at Stanford in 1929, Jack and Sasha, whom he met on a research trip to Juneau, moved to Carmel and began collaborating with Ricketts on his groundbreaking Between Pacific Tides. (See above and below). 

Between Pacific Tides by Edward F. Ricketts and Jack Calvin, Foreword by John Steinbeck, Line Drawings by Ritchie Lovejoy, Stanford University Press, Third Edition, 1960.

Artist-writer Lovejoy met Natalya after he came to Carmel to visit his former teacher at Stanford and eventually became Calvin’s brother-in-law. Ritchie was in Pauline Schindler’s social circle as he was listed in attendance with her at a party in honor of Weston’s recent move to Carmel hosted by fellow photographer Roger Sturtevant (see opening group photo) and his wife. The article read, 

“Mr. and Mrs. Roger Sturtevant entertained a number of friends Saturday evening at their home in Carmel. Mr. Edward Weston, the noted photographer, showed a number of his recent camera studies, following which the guests danced until a late hour. Those present included Mr. and Mrs. Hans Ankersmit, Miss Nancy Clark, Miss Tommi Thomson, Miss Tilly Polak, Mrs. Tilly Polak, Mrs. Pauline Schindler, George Norhland, Eddie O’Brien, Kelley Clark, Jack Calvin, Richard Lovejoy, Clay Otto, and many others.” (“The Village News-Reel: Sturtevants Entertain at Interesting Evening.” The Carmel Pine Cone 15:5 (1 February 1929): 14).

Lovejoy eagerly joined in on the collaboration on Ricketts’ book providing over 100 illustrations to the final publication. Thus, the three Kashevaroff sisters were romantically involved with the principals in the book’s publication. The culmination of years of field research and collaboration with his friends, Rickett’s masterpiece is still widely regarded as a classic work in marine ecology and is now in its fifth edition. 

John Steinbeck,  ca.1935. Photo by Sonya Noskowiak. 
Jack and Sasha moved to Sitka in 1931 and the following summer sailed their 33-foot boat, the Grampus, as far south as Tacoma. Ricketts and Joseph Campbell joined them there for a return trip to Juneau. Campbell assisted Ricketts in his collections, and the two young men engaged in a running discussion about philosophy, human experience, native cultures and the deep meaning of the varied totems they encountered on their journey to Alaska. Their bonding on this trip forged a friendship that would last until the end of Ricketts’ life in 1948. Xenia, who had traveled separately to visit her Alaskan relatives, joined the group in Sitka and accompanied them to Juneau. She met Joseph Campbell while nude sunbathing on the Sitka shoreline when he appeared nude himself after swimming to shore from the Grampus

The Bullfight” by Henrietta Shore, Mexico, 1927, The Carmelite, July 25, 1928, p. 1.



Having studied art briefly at Reed College in Portland, Xenia became a disciple of Weston’s close friend Henrietta Shore back in Carmel in the fall of 1932. Shore and Weston met in Los Angeles 1927 through mutual friend Peter Krasnow which by association brought her into the Schindler’s Kings Road circle. Pauline featured her work on the cover of The Carmelite in the summer of 1928 in conjunction with an exhibition of her work at the Hagemeyer Studio. (See above).

Nude, Xenia Kashevaroff, Carmel, 1933. Edward Weston photograph.

A notorious ladie’s man like Ricketts, Weston seems to have begun his affair with Xenia’s sometime after her relationship with Ricketts ended. He likley took the above and below and other nudes of Xenia in February 1933 with his new 4 X 5 Graflex camera. (Daybooks, February 2, 1933, p. 270). A few weeks after this sitting Weston described in the Daybooks an anonymous sexual liaison that has Xenia’s DNA all over it. 

How I am going to take proper care of three women remains to be seen. I place my difficulties in the hands of the good Pagan Gods. The coming into my life of – was dramatically sudden. I had always felt that it would happen sometime; I have been drawn to her for three years, – since she was a child – albeit a mature one – of sixteen. And she was attracted to me, that was evident. I sensed her virginal desire for experience, and wanted to initiate her, but at the time there were – or I thought so – too many difficulties. Then she went away, returning after a year or so, – with experience. [Ed Ricketts?]. Seeing the light in her eyes, I soon found a way to be with her alone. There was no resistance to the first kiss. But still there were difficulties, – or again I thought so; Carmel is so small a place! Matters drifted along, with only an occasional surreptitious embrace, – until Saturday night (2:25) when – slightly tight – “bingy” she called her condition – took the initiative and came to me. I had just returned to the studio, tired from a sitting of Robin [Jeffers], had turned back my bedcovers, when a tap-tap came on my door. I turned on the lights and quickly turned them off, seeing who stood there, and sensing at once, why. She was delightfully the child, though a very poised one, in explaining her call. She was delicately apologetic for coming to me, yet direct and frank; – not the least brazen. She knew what she wanted, and what I wanted – but she knew my difficulties and so cleared the way. I assured – that having acquired knowledge through experience it was obviously a duty – and a pleasant one to hand on to her all that I knew! So we wasted no more time in talk. I am not exaggerating when I say, that she had the most beautiful breasts I have ever seen or touched; breasts such as Renoir painted, swelling without the slightest sag,- high, ample, firm.  - stayed the night. We slept but little. She moved me profoundly. A dear child, with a desire to learn, no inhibitions and much passion.” (DB, February 26, 1933, p. 272).

Nude, Xenia Kashevaroff, Carmel, 1933. Edward Weston photograph.

The following spring, the precocious Xenia’s work (see below for example) was exhibited at San Francisco’s de Young Museum alongside drawings and lithographs by Shore, photography by Edward and Brett Weston, Margrethe Mather, and many Group f/64 members including Sonya Noskowiak, Willard Van Dyke, Imogen Cunningham and Ansel Adams, and an architectural exhibition of work by Rudolph Michael Schindler (likely including Weston photos of his Lovell Beach House). (“Art and Artists: Architect Holding Exhibit at Museum… A gallery of modern photographs…” Berkeley Daily Gazette (13 April 1933): 7.)  


Xenia Kashevaroff, Russian Orthodox Church, Fort Ross, CAwatercolor, ca. 1932. Courtesy Alaska’s Digital Archives.
Shortly after the de Young exhibition opened Weston hosted a “memorable” party in his Carmel studio of which he described,

“Sunday night (April 16) we held a party to be remembered, a rare gathering which brought together congenial persons who like to play, be gay; not one of them was a false note, each contributing to the fun, and spontaneously. Came: Fernando Felix, who plays the guitar and sings – Mexican songs of course Nacho Bravo, who dances the rumba, – these two here with the newly-established Mexican consulate; Wilna Hervey and Nan Mason (see below), who played and sang in their delightful way; and then the group who have been gathering recently for dancing and vino, – Xenia, Francis, Elaine, Nan and Ed [Ricketts]; finally, there was Michael Schindler here for a few days. We had plenty of good vino, white and red, Fernando’s singing was memorable, Xenia sang in Russian, Sonya in Spanish and Polish, I improvised, danced a Kreutzberg and a “Spring” number, also I danced with Wilna who is almost a foot taller than I am, and must weigh 350! It was a party without one dull moment, ending dramatically when, with a knock at the front door about 1:00, the night watchman complained of too much noise! His nearest “beat” is a block away.” (DB, April 18, 1933, p. 273).

Schindler was likely passing through town on his way back to Los Angeles after attending festivities related to his de Young show. It seems likely that Henrietta and/or Xenia were also in San Francisco for the opening since it must have been a big deal for her young protege. If they were in San Francisco, they also possibly crossed paths with Schindler. Having a well-earned reputation as a notorious womanizer and partier like Weston, it is interesting to speculate upon the likelihood of Schindler taking advantage of Sonya’s presence at this party and making a play for Xenia or vice versa for that matter. (For an example of Schindler’s reputation see Conrad Buff: Artist, p. 123).
Jean Charlot, Mexico, 1927 by Henrietta Shore.
Jean Charlot and Zomah Day, Carmel, August 1933.  From Weston & Charlot: Art & Friendship by Lew Andrews, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 2011, plate 30. Jean Charlot Collection, University of Hawaii at Manoa Library. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Arizona Board of Regents.
Zomah Day, Carmel, August 1933. Sonya Noskowiak photograph. From Weston & Charlot: Art & Friendship by Lew Andrews, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 2011, plate 32. Courtesy Arthur F. Noskowiak. Jean Charlot Collection, University of Hawaii at Manoa Library. 
An old friend of Weston’s and Shore’s from Mexico, Jean Charlot, and his girlfriend Zohmah Day (see above) paid Weston a lengthy visit later that summer shortly after he had returned from a trip to Taos, New Mexico with Sonya and Willard Van Dyke at Mabel Dodge Luhan’s invitation. (For much more on this see my Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence). Weston, Charlot (see three above) and Shore all sat for portrait sessions of each other in Mexico. Weston wrote of their arrival,

“The most important event of the summer was a visit from Jean Charlot who spent several weeks with us, bringing with him Zomah Day, a strange little sprite of whom we became quite fond. As to Jean, I found that we are as close together, in friendship and in work as before, though seven years had separated us since Mexican days.” (DB, September 14, 1933, p. 275).

Weston was able to arrange exhibitions for Charlot at the Denny-Watrous Gallery in Carmel, the newly established Ansel Adams Gallery in San Francisco and Willard Van Dyke’s 683 Brockhurst gallery in Oakland. Jean and Zomah arrived in Carmel the day of the Denny-Watrous opening. Charlot had come from Los Angeles where he had been making arrangements with Merle Armitage to work with Lynton Kistler on the production of his “Picture book; 32 original lithographs (see below) and with Nelbert Chouinard to teach that fall to help defray his living expenses following in Siqueiros’s mural class footsteps from year before. (See my Richard Neutra and the California Art Club for more on Siqueiros’ controversial 1932 Los Angeles visitation).
“The Tortilla Maker” (Book cover for Jean Charlot, Picture book; 32 original lithographs by Jean Charlot; inscriptions by Paul Claudel; translated into English by Elise Cavanna (New York: J. Becker, 1933). 

Henrietta Shore, 1933 by Jean Charlot. From Weston & Charlot: Art & Friendship by Lew Andrews, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 2011, plate 55.
Armitage also asked Charlot transpose his 1929 portrait of Shore (see above) into a lithograph that he wanted to use for the frontispiece for another upcoming book he was producing on Shore following up on his success with the Weston book. Merle also asked a somewhat reluctant Weston to write the introduction and photograph Henry’s art work. (DB, December 8, 1933, p. 265). Jean asked Edward not to say anything about the portrait to Henry for fear she would not like his unflattering rendition. (See above). Charlot later recalled,

“I was asked to do it by Armitage – kind of a last minute job. She really looked like that. She didn’t like it much. I met her first when she went to Mexico. She had asked permission to do my portrait and that of Orozco – so I reciprocated. I did an article on her. She was a very good painter.” (Andrews, p. 112).

After Jean and Zohmah had been in Carmel for close to two weeks, they accompanied Edward, Sonya Henry on an August 17th outing to Point Lobos. Henry got stuck on the side of a cliff and cried out for help. Jean went to had a near-fatal mishap going to her rescue. The incident was later reported in the local newspaper:

“Jean Charlot, visiting Mexican painter, narrowly [sic] escaped death at Point Lobos one day last week when a rock gave way with him on the side of a steep cliff. He fell some distance down the side followed by a shower of rocks but fortunately escaped with minor cuts and bruises. Charlot was going to the help of Henrietta Shore, local artist, who had been lost for some hours and was unable to get back up the cliff to join the rest of the party which included Zoma [sic] Day and Sonya Noskowiak and Edward Weston. Miss Day brought help from the gate who helped Miss Shore and Charlot to safety. The party went to Point Lobos to work; Miss Noskowiak and Mr. Weston with cameras and Miss Shore and Mr. Charlot to sketch.” (“Visiting Artist Has Narrow Escape in Fall,” Carmel Sun, August 31, 1933).

Certain to have met Jean and Zohmah through Henry, Xenia undoubtedly became aware of Charlot’s Picture Book project and plans to teach at Chouinard. She either accompanied or followed Jean and Zomah to Los Angeles in early September and enrolled in Charlot’s class. Through Jean’s class Xenia is likely to have met Armitage and visited Kistler’s studio and witnessed firsthand the production of his book. She also likely met Armitage’s bookbinder of choice, Hazel Dreis, presaging her keen interest in fine bookbinding and apprenticeship with her with future husband John Cage.
Weston and Charlot corresponded and exchanged lithographs and prints the rest of the year. Jean and Zomah sent Edward and Sonya a completed copy of the Picture Book and some stationery he designed for Sonya as a Christmas gift. (Andrews, p. 124). Shortly after meeting Charis Wilson and with no work in Carmel, Weston had to travel to Los Angeles in early 1934 for steady employment through the largess on of Merle Armitage the under his West Coast regional directorship of the Public Works of Art Project. While there he got together once more with Zohmah and Jean before Jean had to leave for Chicago. He renewed his “adventure” with Xenia and possibly made a play for Zohmah, who had as yet not slept with Jean, evidenced by his April 20, 1934 Daybook entry:

“I had two delightful adventures in Los Angeles; one a renewal with X., a memorable night; another with a most passionate, and pathetically repressed virgin. [Zomah?] This adventure started just before I left never reached fulfillment. I feel that if the time had been propitious, and with more time, the story would have been different. X. on the other hand is most delightfully unmoral, pagan, – a grand person to love.” (DB, April 20, 1934, p. 282).

While studying at Chouinard, Xenia became aware of the new Arts and Crafts Co-operative Shop which opened at 2610 West 7th Street not far from the school. The non-profit shop was run by a management board headed up by managing director Mrs. John Milton Cage.
“Arts’ Shop Planned to Aid Artists,” Los Angeles Times, November 17, 1933, p. I-7.
John Cage,1928. From Blue & White, Los Angeles High School Yearbook. From Begin Again: A Biography of John Cage by Kenneth Silverman, Knopf, 2020, p. 7.
John and Xenia moved in with bookbinder Hazel Dreis in Santa Monica in 1937. Dreis, also a resident of Halcyon-
Oceano and close friends with Ella Young and Gavin Arthur, would, along with Ellen Janson and Pauline Schindler, participate in the publishing of the short-lived Dune Forum in 1933-4. (Ansel Adams: Divine Performance, p. 16).
Dreis had previously collaborated with Ansel Adams, Mary Austin and the Grabhorn Press in the production of Taos Pueblo in which she bound 108 copies of Adams’ portfolio in original quarter tan morocco leather over orange buckram. (For more details see my Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence). Dreis would in 1939 move her studio to Santa Fe, New Mexico where, with her then husband former Denishawn Dancer Edward McLean, she continued her art binding work and private press publishing ventures.
While at Cornish Xenia gave an advertised talk “How a Book is Bound” in conjunction with a display of books she and Cage had bound while living and apprenticing with Dreis in Santa Monica. The Seattle Times reported that the Cages had wrapper their favorite books, mostly on modern authors and poets in “Nigerian goat-skin.” (Silverman, p. 33).

“Dearest,

You didn’t come. As far as the music is concerned, you didn’t miss anything. Today after last night I feel ill, as though the world were diseased. Incapable and trembling because there is nothing. A flat zero. The sooner the world forgets Stravinsky the better. If he gave the primordial, as you say, I swear it was a cheap imitation. My questions is this: Is this a completely lost generation?

Forgive me. But what a vacancy he has made. I will say this for Stravinsky: possibly but unfortunately, some of his works, the ballets, will act as easy transitions for Lawrences’s big baby. Oh, you see how black I am. But how can you love a world that is filling itself with hollowness? Someone in the Shape of God must come and Save. This is a weak answer.
I spoke with Danz in the intermission. I said, But this is nothing. And he excitedly replied in my book I said so as though that made it right and proper. And Ramiel said, you shouldn’t have expected anything. Why shouldn’t I have? Those two belong back a ways. We need strong life which is superhuman and through conscious necessity growing.

I have a letter from Xenia. She is alone and has been ill. She says she wishes I were there. I told Ramiel about Xenia some time ago. So that last night Brett said to me, How is Alaska coming? I was very confused and said what do you mean, Xenia? He said, yes, I’m interested. I couldn’t reply, and stuttered like an idiot and my head whirling, why should he be interested and why should he look so sadly and kindly and patiently and add Are you serious? That whole little world with its complexities of never always sleeping together knows.

Brett was with Dolores Istarbi. She is a quiet Spanish girl, very beautiful. She told me she was going to get a wall-washing job or something equivalent. Like me. I looked at her and thought that would be very unsuitable and told her so. She said, find someone to keep me. That ought to be easy. And she replied that the field is over-crowded. She is living with Brett now and apparently looking for work during the day.I am not patient enough.

Oh, Pauline, I know what good is, and I’m not good. To be with you would be too easy now. It would be an escape from something I must meet — this muddle. I want to conquer and then come to you. You see how evil and proud I am. The only conquest is through humility and I am not humble now. I think of you all the time. I had a ticket for you last night and didn’t offer it to anyone until the last minute.

John

[Postscript] I have another new feeling of you. You flutter. I saw two butterflies over my head against the sky.I was sure you were coming last night. I love you all the time.”


November 20, 1926 Los Angeles Times announcement from ProQuest.

In 1926 Denny and Watrous founded the Carmel Music Society. In November of the same year (see above) Dene appeared in Los Angeles with avant-garde composers Henry Cowell (featured in the July 3, 1929 issue of The Carmelite) and Dane Rudhyar (one of Pauline’s contributing editors) at the New Music Society with Pauline undoubtedly in attendance. She made other Los Angeles appearances over the next few years. In 1928 the official partnership, Denny-Watrous Management, was  launched. In the same year they leased the Theatre of the Golden Bough  from Edward Kuster and in twelve months produced a dozen concerts and eighteen plays routinely reviewed by Pauline in The Carmelite , including Ferenc Molnar’s “Liliom,” Eugene O’Neill’s “Emperor Jones” and Henrik Ibsen’s “Ghosts”, all recently presented for the first time in English in New York. They then opened the Denny-Watrous Gallery, Carmel’s first art gallery, using the space to present plays and concerts, as well as art. Here was the first known American performance of  Bach’s “Art of the Fugue.”  http://www.carmelresidents.org/News0303.html 

Henry Cowell: Composer – Pianist, The Carmelite, August 7, 1929, p. 1.
Henry Cowell, John Varian, Halcyon, 1917.
Henry Cowell, 1923. Margrethe Mather portrait. From Margrethe Mather & Edward Weston: A Passionate Collaboration by Beth Gates Warren, Santa Barbara Museum of Art, 2001, p. 111.

Cage’s first piano teacher was Richard Buhlig, a noted avant-garde composer who was almost a weekly feature in The Carmelite, and he also studied with Henry Cowell, another particular favorite of Pauline’s. When Cage wrote a solo for clarinet, Cowell arranged to have it played at a small concert in San Francisco. Cage hitchhiked to San Francisco, and when the musician said it was too difficult for him to play, Cage played his piece on the piano for the audience.

“The Continuity of an Idea in Three Centuries of Music,” The Carmelite, April 24, 1929, p. 1.
 Richard Buhlig, 1922. Margrethe Mather portrait. From Margrethe Mather & Edward Weston: A Passionate Collaboration by Beth Gates Warren, Santa Barbara Museum of Art, 2001, p. 97.

Weston mentions meeting Nellie Cornish, and selling her his favorite new pepper on August 17, 1930.


Moving to Carmel with no money and no job, he lived on wild mushrooms for his first week before taking a job washing dishes in the Blueberry Tea Room. The food was welcome but the work boring, so he left for New York to study with Adolph Weiss.


The opening editorial reviews Ella Winter’s article in the previous issue,

“In Carmel, Lincoln Steffens and Ella Winter seemed equally convinced that unless every intelligent person throws himself body and soul into the Communist Cause we will soon have a Fascist Terror in this country that will put both Mussolini and Hitler into the shade…”

and references composer John Cage’s first visit to Moy Mell and includes his “Counterpoint” to Roderick White’s critique on “Modern Music.” Poetry by John Varian was published posthumously. This may have been about the time Pauline’s relationship with Pat O’Hara temporarily ended and her affair with John Cage began. Cage stayed at Kings Road at the end of 1933 and staged concerts there which might have been where they met. (Sweeney, p. 110 and Sun-Hines, p. 325). 

Cage attended the February issue editorial meeting at Moy Mell and possibly began the affair with Pauline shortly thereafter. Cage visited Pauline in Ojai on several occasions in early 1935 and dedicated his 1934 “Composition for Three Voices” to her. Their affair is documented in the letters at the following link. (http://www.ex-tempore.org/ExTempore96/cage96.html) The letters indicate a couple references to Pat [O'Hara] thus John was likely aware that Pauline may have been seeing him concurrently. They also discuss mutual composer friends such as Henry Cowell, Richard Buhlig, Schoenberg, Edgar Vardse and others.

The first letter references his February visit to Moy Mell and was written on the back of his “Counterpoint” typescript written for the February issue. It reads:

“Dear Pauline:

Gavin gave me Roderick White’s article and asked me to answer it and it somehow gave an impetus with the attached result. Hazel [Dreis] and Edward [Weston (on his first visit to the Dunes)] have not yet returned and Mary [McMeen, acting secretary to Dune Forum], Don [Sample, Cage's companion], and I are having dinner tonite at the Dunes with Gavin [Arthur]. Probably by tomorrow we will leave [for Carmel] as Don is very anxious to get settled. Dr. Gerber was over last nite and proved very stimulating. Henry Okuda made sukiyaki. The pump stopped working according to Don, W.C.’s up the Western Coast cease functioning as we approach.

Love to you and Mark.

John.

How’s Mozart? Don sends his love too and thinks of you often”

About this same time Cage was introduced to Jawlensky’s work by Galka Scheyer and purchased on of his pieces on the installment plan. (From “It is a Long, Long Road.” John Cage and Galka Scheyer by Maria Muller in The Blue Four: Feininger, Jawlensky, Kandinsky, and Kleen in the New World, p. 272).

  John Cage circa 1935. Photographer unknown. From “It is a Long, Long Road.” John Cage and Galka Scheyer by Maria Muller in The Blue Four: Feininger, Jawlensky, Kandinsky, and Kleen in the New World, p. 272.

Pauline also included in this issue estranged husband RMS’s seminal and oft-cited three-page piece, “Space Architecture” which defined his architectural design philosophy. He wrote that the modern architect would be “dealing with a new medium as rich and unlimited in possibilities of expression as any of other media of art: color, sound, mass etc. This gives us a new understanding of the task of modern architecture. Its experiments serve to develop a new language, a vocabulary and syntax of space.” After reading many of PGS’s other writings I speculate that she may have had a hand in editing this article.

Cage at Cornish:



Field
Because the rather famous [Cornish] school of the theater in Seattle was, for lack of financial support, closing down. It had been organized and was supervised by a remarkable woman named [inaudible] Cornish. It became a famous school, to which people interested in the dramatic arts came from all quarters of the country and certainly [from] west of the Mississippi, those who didn’t choose to go to New York, where I suppose there were plenty of dramatic schools. This was the only one in the West.


My husband and I had been very deeply interested in dramatic art, which was just beginning to develop all over the country. We were fortunate to have in San Francisco, at the time that we resolved to see if we could do something about starting a school, Maurice Browne and Ellen Van Volkenburg Browne, who usually went by just her maiden name, Ellen Van Volkenburg. They had taught in the Cornish school and previous to that had established a little theater in Chicago which became really world famous. It produced some of the most remarkable plays that had been given up to that time in the country, foreign plays and very choice plays written by European authors. They had become known as the father and mother of the little theater movement. From the time they established that it was so successful that little theater movements began to spring up here and there.


It seemed to us that San Francisco—being a large city and with a chance of drawing students for the school from as many corners as the Cornish school had done—that we should really use the great experience of the Brownes and others who were in our region to establish a school that not only would teach actors and the idea of drama but that would encourage the writing of drama and those enterprises connected with the stage such as painting sets, and electrical equipment, and costume-making. In other words, it was to be literally a school of the arts of the theater, because we considered every part of what went into the performance of a successful drama an art, and the person doing it as an artist who had to adjust to the whole dramatic form.

Fry
At this point, there didn’t seem to be any dramatic departments in colleges and universities?


Field

There was very little activity. There was a little theater over here in Berkeley, of which Everett Glass was director, and later was, I think, pushed out of what he could do very well by Sam Hume. But there was very little, you might say, wide activity, and certainly nothing on the scope of this school, so my husband and I both set about trying to raise funds to back this school. We found very great difficulty in approaching the wealthy. They almost all would tell us that they had other commitments and they seemed not at all to see its possibilities. This was just previous to the Great Depression; we had a little more certainly than we had later, and we resolved that we would take it out of our capital to prove to the people of San Francisco, for at least two years if necessary, that such a school was possible.


Now there were, within the region, some famous people in the drama. Hedwiga Reicher was one. She was the daughter of the great [Emanuel] Reicher of Germany, who had done some very remarkable dramatic work. He had brought his beautiful daughter— she was extremely beautiful—over to play the [Gerhart] Hauptmann plays in New York (he [Hauptmann] wrote a number of most significant plays whose titles I can give you later). One of them was called The Weavers and was a play that was built around the terrific upheaval that industrial changes brought to England [Silesia]. It was played very successfully in New York. But Mr. Reicher died and Hedwiga drifted out to the Coast, getting one opportunity after another. The manager who was going to back her in some big productions in New York went down on the Titanic, and all her prospects for a further career went down with him. And so she came to the Coast and was teaching drama, or at least had organized a little dramatic school over here on this side of the bay in, I think, Oakland. I had met her in New York when she was the rage of New York. She had come over, as I say, a very beautiful girl, with this famous father, and my husband and I went to a luncheon in New York at which we met her and had been fascinated by her. So when we heard she was out on the Coast we enlisted her services and those of Irving Pichel, who was rising in fame as an actor in this region, and also of Rudolph Schaeffer, who still has a school of design in San Francisco. He must be quite an old man now; I haven’t seen him in years, though I get all his announcements faithfully. He has a rather important school of design which I think is backed by a lot of very wealthy women in San Francisco.


Of course the leading spirits were the Brownes. Who else have you [listed] besides those I’ve named?

Hazel Dreis Gallery announcement of exhibition of bindings for 12 books designed by Merle Armitage. March 16 to April 1, 1936. Courtesy Getty Research Institute, Peg Weiss Papers.


Merce Cunningham, Jack Tyo and Cole Weston at Cornish School, 1937. Photographer unknown. From Laughing Eyes: A Book of Letters Between Edward and Cole Weston, 1923-1946 edited by Paulette Weston, Carmel Publishing Company, 1999,  p. 53.
Syvilla Fort, Merce Cunningham, and Dorothy Herrman performing Skinny Structures (Syvilla Fort), Cornish School, Seattle, 1939. Photographer unknown. Courtesy Merce Cunningham Dance Company
Cole Weston, Seattle, ca. 1940. Phyllis A. Dearborn photograph.. From Laughing Eyes: A Book of Letters Between Edward and Cole Weston, 1923-1946 edited by Paulette Weston, Carmel Publishing Company, 1999,  p. 92.
Dorothy Hermann, 1946. Cole Weston photograph. From Laughing Eyes: A Book of Letters Between Edward and Cole Weston, 1923-1946 edited by Paulette Weston, Carmel Publishing Company, 1999,  p. 71.



Imogen Cunningham did not sever her ties to Seattle when she moved south. In 1935, she produced the photographs for the Cornish School catalog. 

Cornish School, 1935. Imogen Cunningham Photograph. 
Cornish School, 1935. Imogen Cunningham Photograph.
Forest Theater, Carmel, 1939. Photographer unknown.
During the Great Depression, the theater was deeded to the city in order to take advantage of Works Progress Administration funds for sorely needed renovations. While acquiring a concrete foundation, a grape-stake fence and new seating, the theater closed for nearly three years.

Heron resumed productions in 1940 as the Carmel Shakespeare Festival, presenting Shakespearean plays and work from local authors; the latter included the world premiere of Robinson Jeffers’ “The Tower Beyond Tragedy.” While World War II halted theater production, Heron, then retired from active involvement, organized the first Forest Theater Guild. Under the direction of Cole Weston (photographer Edward Weston’s son), the theater resumed a schedule of Shakespeare, classic drama and plays by local writers. Weston oversaw construction of dressing rooms and a small theater beneath the outdoor stage.
Cole Weston, son of photographer Edward Weston with his wife Dorothy Hermann and their cat. At this time, Weston worked as a metalsmith helping to build P-38s at the Lockheed Aircraft Company plant in Burbank for 51 cents an hour. Courtesy Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection. 
Cole Weston, with wife Dorothy Hermann outside their home before heading off to work. At this time, Weston worked as a metalsmith helping to build P-38sthe Lockheed Aircraft Company plant in Burbank for 51 cents an hour. Courtesy Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection. 
John Cage “prepaqring” piano. 

Experimental music pioneer John Cage created some of his most astounding work while teaching, composing, and performing at Seattle’s Cornish School during the pivotal years 1938 through 1940. At once a bold innovator, brilliant essayist, philosopher, iconoclastic rebel, poet, lecturer, raconteur, and certified eccentric, Cage continually confounded plenty of his admirers, as well as critics, who linked him to every art movement from the Dadaists to the Surrealists to the Minimalists. He was, to be certain, a ground-breaking explorer of atonal music, an early adopter of electronic devices in music-making, and a leading theoretician (and practitioner) of employing two aural extremes — noise and silence — in his compositions. Cage embraced a radical vision that, by design, would ideally produce music without order, harmony, or even sound. Cage relentlessly pushed the creative envelope: He formed America’s first all-percussion group, penned songs for a piano “prepared” with odd objects wedged between its strings, and created recordings and mixed-media performances based on snippets of various records, spoken word recitations, and/or random radio broadcasts and static. The result was anarchic music that the general public barely noticed, and mostly rejected, but that thrilled those listeners blessed with open ears and progressive minds.
Well, I didn’t set out to be a photographer. I graduated from high school and my father gave me a 45 pistol and somebody else gave me a bottle of whiskey. That’s what I graduated with in Los Angeles in 1935. Anyway, he said, “What do you want to do?” I said, “I don’t know, maybe the theater.” So he introduced me to Nellie Cornish from the Cornish Schools in Seattle. I ended up there. I had a working scholarship and I was there for three years, ’37 to ’40. I graduated in theater. I was in Cunningham, dancing with the famous dancer Arthur Graham – the best. He was my roommate. Although he was gay and I didn’t know it then. I don’t think he knew it then. I graduated in theater in ’40 and I had a chance to go under the Dashold Youth Theater. I was going to set the world on fire. My friends in LA said, “What’s the sense of doing that? You may as well go to work for Lockheed. There’s a war on. We’ll be in the war before ’40.” This was ’37. You weren’t even born then. So I went to work for Lockheed and became a rivetter, and went to work for Lockheed for 51 cents an hour. I thought to myself, “I’ve got to get to 75 cents an hour.” The rent was $20 a month. I was married then to Dorothy. She was a dancer. She married me instead of going and studying with Martha Graham. I went in the Navy and did theater all along. There’s a sort of avocation in the theater. 



Cage arranges Blue Four exhibition at Cornish.

Cage buys a painting from Scheyer on installment plan.

Fall 1933-mid-April 1934. Through Richard Bühlig met Henry Cowell (1897-1965) and studied dissonant counterpoint and composition with him for a season (Cowell, H. 1952).

Late October-November 3, 1933. Santa Monica, California. Composed Sonata for Two Voices.
1933. Carmel, California. Became interested in mushroom hunting (Lyon 1965).
1933-1934. Carmel, California. Composed Solo with Obbligato Accompaniment of Two Voices in Canon, and Six Short Inventions on the Subjects of the Solo.
Late 1933 or early 1934. Made the acquaintance of Xenia Andreyevna Kashevaroff (August 15, 1913-September 26, 1995), an art student at Reed College in Portland, Oregon.
January 15, 1934. Ojai, California. Completed Composition for Three Voices, dedicated to Pauline Schindler (1893-1977), with whom Cage had an affair around the time. Part of their correspondence survives. Cage practiced the French horn in these days, until summer 1935 (Cage/Schindler 1996; Hines 1989; Hines 1994).
February 1934. Composed Music for Xenia.
After February 1934. Seattle, Washington. Music for Xenia first performed; performer unknown.
Prior to February 15, 1934. Wrote Counterpoint (text).
March 7, 1934. Carmel, California. Completed Solo with Obbligato Accompaniment of Two Voices in Canon from Solo with Obbligato Accompaniment of Two Voices in Canon, and Six Short Inventions on the Subjects of the Solo.
April 5, 1934. Carmel, California. Completed Six Short Inventions from Solo with Obbligato Accompaniment of Two Voices in Canon, and Six Short Inventions on the Subjects of the Solo.

http://books.google.com/books?id=9IphVelzAlYC&pg=PA88&dq=cornish+school&hl=en&sa=X&ei=9J48T8iGOsTbiALIuvnFAQ&ved=0CFAQ6AEwBTgK#v=onepage&q=cornish%20school&f=false

http://books.google.com/books?id=YQ4nAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA233&dq=ellen+janson&hl=en&sa=X&ei=LpQ8T4PMLqmciALLnbi5AQ&ved=0CEMQ6AEwAjgK#v=onepage&q=wardell&f=false

http://www.historylink.org/index.cfm?DisplayPage=output.cfm&file_id=9042

http://books.google.com/books?id=Fs8sF5hV2a0C&pg=PA218&dq=hazel+dreis+xenia&hl=en&sa=X&ei=11M8T9LGKu3WiALXnuzEAQ&ved=0CFIQ6AEwBA#v=onepage&q=hazel%20dreis%20xenia&f=false

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/g/a/2011/08/03/carmel_forest_theater.DTL&ao=2


Beginning in 1922, the year the Schindlers moved into their radical new home on Kings Road in West Hollywood and the Lovells started attending their salons, RMS designed three projects for the Lovells, a mountain cabin, a farmhouse and the Beach House in Newport Beach which was completed in 1926 and photographed by Weston the following year. By 1924, RMS had also essentially replaced Wright as Barnsdall’s personal architect and by 1928 had replaced Wright as the Freeman’s architect. By this time the naturopath and Los Angeles Times ‘Care of the Body’ columnist Philip Lovell was also Edward Weston’s doctor of choice. The Lovells and Weston were habitues of the frequent salons and parties at both the Schindler’s Kings Road House and the Freeman House.

In 1928 Schindler was hired to design furniture for Wright’s 1924 Freeman House where, over the next 25 years, he designed two guest apartments and other alterations and over 35 pieces of furniture. (See “Freeman House, 1928-1933, Hollywood Hills” by Jeffrey M. Chusid in The Furniture of R. M. Schindler, UCSB, p. 88). It has been speculated by some that Schindler was having an affair with Leah and/or Harriet which could have contributed to Pauline’s 1927 departure from Kings Road and might have come into play in Philip Lovell’s decision to award Neutra the Physical Culture Center and Health House commissions. (See my Selected Publications of Esther McCoy for much more discourse on the Lovell Health House Commission).




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Edward Weston and Mabel Dodge Luhan Remember D. H. Lawrence and Selected Carmel-Taos Connections

This article is in essence a chapter of a book in progress on the familial relationships between the Schindler and Weston families and their bohemian social circles between 1920 through 1938. For now I plan to end the book in 1938 when Weston married Charis Wilson and built his home in Carmel Highlands and the Schindlers divorced and began living separate lives under the same roof in their iconic RMS-designed Kings Road House. My working title for the book is The Schindlers and the Westons: An Avant-Garde Friendship, 1920-1938. Their fascinatingly interwoven lives and relationships remained avant-garde to the end. As always, I welcome your feedback on any of my pieces. 

(Click on images to enlarge)

Taos Pueblo, October 1915. Photograph by R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

R. M. Schindler in Taos, 1915. Photographer possibly Victor Higgins. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

Longtime Edward Weston friend R. M. Schindler “discovered” Taos Pueblo, New Mexico a full two years before the now legendary dowager of Taos, Mabel Dodge Luhan and seven years before the arrival of her muse D. H. Lawrence. Schindler’s images (see above for example) taken on the last leg of his fateful 1915 six-week sojourn to the West Coast to view the Panama-Pacific International Exhibition in San Francisco and Panama-California Exposition in San Diego provided inspiration for his earliest Southern California work including the 1923 El Pueblo Ribera Court in La Jolla, the 1922 Popenoe Cabin in Coachella, a commission obtained through his familial friendship with the Westons, and his now iconic personal residence on Kings Road in West Hollywood on which he began design in late 1921.

Schindler fondly remembered his Taos experiences in at least two letters to his future partner Richard Neutra. A couple months after his return to Chicago he wrote, “My trip to San Francisco, but especially my stay in New Mexico among Indians and cowboys are unforgettable experiences. That part of America is a country one can be fond of.” (Letter from RMS to Richard Neutra, Chicago, February 9, 1916, courtesy Dione Neutra Papers). In another letter to Neutra shortly after his December 1920 move to Los Angeles to supervise construction of Frank Lloyd Wright’s Hollyhock House for Aline Barnsdall, Schindler wrote of his impressions of the vernacular architecture of Taos Pueblo,

“When I speak of American architecture I must say at once that there is none. . .The only buildings which testify to the deep feeling for soil on which they stand are the sun-baked adobe buildings of the first immigrants and their successors — Spanish and Mexican — in the south-western part of the country.” (Letter from RMS to Richard Neutra, Los Angeles, California, ca. January, 1921: quoted in E. McCoy, Vienna to Los Angeles: Two Journeys (Santa Monica, Arts & Architecture Press,1979), p.129).

While in San Diego before leaving for Taos, Schindler also sought out the work of Irving Gill, who he knew by then to have been employed alongside his idol Frank Lloyd Wright in the offices of Adler & Sullivan while his Viennese mentor Adolf Loos was visiting his idol Louis Sullivan‘s Transportation Building at the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition. (See my “R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s “Kindergarten Chats” for more details). Thus it was possibly in San Diego that Schindler first learned of Gill’s innovative concrete tilt-slab construction techniques. Schindler and his builder-partner Clyde Chace later employed the same tilt-slab method, using Gill’s own equipment, in the construction his Pueblo-inspired residence in 1922 (see below) just down the street from Gill’s Dodge House which he observed under construction during his 1915 Los Angeles stopover.

Schindler Residence, 835 Kings Road, West Hollywood. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

Akin to the process used in formingg and curing the indigenous organic straw-reinforced clay adobe bricks in Taos, forms for encasing the the steel mesh-reinforced concrete wall slabs for Kings Road were also supported by the construction site’s floor slabs during the curing process. (See above).

“Doc” Martin, and unidentified child, Taos, November 1915. R. M. Schindler photo. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

 

Victor Higgins in his studio, Taos, ca. 1920. From New Mexico’s Digital Collections.

 

RMS’s visit to Taos was prompted by a letter he received from Chicago friend and fellow Pallette and Chisel Club  member Victor Higgins (see above) the previous summer which read in part, “Taos is a very fine place – the layout of the pueblos – and one of the most Indian in character. The pueblo runs four and five stories high and if the primitive appeals to you, you will be delighted.” Higgins concluded that the pueblo is “the only naturally American architecture in the nation today” and that its “strong primitive appeal calls out the side of art that is not derivative.” (Victor Higgins to RMS letter, July 30, 1915. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection. See also Scheine, p. 27).

Letter from “Doc” Martin, Taos to R. M. Schindler, Chicago, November 14, 1915. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

Doc Martin, no date, photographer unknown. Image scanned from Edge of Taos Desert by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1937, p. 40. (From my collection).

 

During his spiritual Taos awakening, Higgins showed Schindler around Taos and the Pueblo and introduced him to the now legendary Thomas “Doc” Martin with whom he possibly stayed. (See above). Also having met Martin on her first day in Taos in December 1917, Luhan writes at length about the prominent town gossip in Edge of Taos Desert, the fourth volume of her autobiography Intimate Memories. Martin was so taken by Schindler that he immediately commissioned him to design a personal residence near his beloved Taos where he had lived since 1890. Schindler gathered his design inspiration from the nearby Pueblo he had recently photographed. Schindler had not been back to Chicago a week when he received a brief letter from Martin expressing his anxiousness to view the preliminary design sketches. (See above). Martin referenced the Chicago artists [Walter] Ufer and [Victor] Higgins who had recently made their own discoveries of Taos in the above letter.

“Pallette and Chisel Club,” American Art Annual, Vol. XIV, 1917, p. 93.

Victor Higgins, Summer Day at Taos Pueblo, 1915. From 

Dividing their time between Taos and Chicago by 1915, Ufer and Higgins (see above) both exhibited their award-winning Taos work in annual exhibitions at the Chicago Art Institute and were also Pallette and Chisel Club officers. (See above). Their work was also jointly exhibited with the Los Angeles Modern Art Society as early as 1916. (Antony Anderson, “Of Art and Artists,” Los Angeles Times, December 3, 1916, p. IX-12).  Higgins was also a member of the Chicago Society of Artists and, like Frank Lloyd Wright and his mentor Louis Sullivan, the Cliff Dwellers Club. Schindler was taking life drawing classes from Higgins and others at the club and frequently attended and participated in club outings and group exhibitions. The activities of the club, which then met at the Athenaeum Building in the Loop (see below), seemed just the ticket for the 1914 emigre from Vienna. (See further below).

Pallette and Chisel Club, Athenaeum Building, Chicago, ca. 1906. Photographer unknown. (From This Old Pallette). 

 

“The Pallette and Chisel Club,” The Inland Printer, Vol. 51, No. 4, July 1913, p. 602.

R. M. Schindler at an outing of the Pallette and Chisel Club, Chicago, 1915. Photographer unknown. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

 Ufer and Higgins would both permanently relocate from Chicago and by 1917 become influential members of the Taos Society of Artists. Coincidentally, the inaugural meeting of the Society was in the home of “Doc” Martin about the time Higgins invited Schindler to visit Taos. The two Chicago transplants would also become intertwined within the social circle of Mabel Dodge Luhan shortly after her permanent move to Taos in 1919. (For example see group portrait below and Taos and It’s Artists by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Duall, Sloan & Pierce, 1947 which also featured the work of Ufer and Higgins).

“Ourselves and Taos Neighbors (New Mexico Interior or New Mexican Interior),” Ernest L. Blumenschein, 1931. In the foreground Blumenschein, his wife and daughter. Grouped behind them are Bert Geer Phillips, Oscar E. Berninghaus, Walter Ufer, Leon Gaspard, Victor Higgins, D.H. Lawrence, Joseph Henry Sharp, Kenneth Adams, Mabel Dodge Luhan, Tony Luhan, Mary Austin and others. Courtesy of Stark Museum of Art, Orange, Texas. (From Antiques & the Arts On-line).

Martin Residence, Taos, 1915, R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

 Schindler sent Martin the colorful project renderings (see above and below) a few weeks later along with a four-page letter describing the thought process behind his “monumental” design. One can’t help but wonder if these renderings were painted at the Pallette and Chisel Club. Schindler wrote,

“The whole building is to be carried out with the most expressive materials Taos can furnish, to give it the deepest possible rooting in the soil which has to bear it, but I will avoid by all means to copy a few ornamental forms of any old imported style even if formerly used on the place. The building has to show that it is conceived by the head of the twentieth century and it has to serve a man which is not dressed in an old Spanish uniform.”

Martin Residence, Taos, 1915, R. M. Schindler. Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection.

 Schindler closed by asking Martin for a safe return of the drawings as soon as he reached a conclusion closing with, “I consider them and the ideas contained therein as my spiritual and material property.” (RMS to “Doc” Martin, 12-14-1915, UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection). The project never came to fruition but Schindler successfully exhibited the drawings in the Thirtieth Annual Chicago Architectural Exhibition in April 1917 (see below) about a year before he finally achieved his goal of working for Wright. The above view of the courtyard was featured prominently as the first illustration following the foreword in the above exhibition catalog and also in the April 1917 issue of Western Architect devoted to the exhibition.


Thirtieth Annual Chicago Architectural Exhibition, Art Institue of Chicago, 1917.

The cosmic forces of Taos eventually brought together the Schindlers, Mabel Dodge Luhan  and her husband Tony, Ella Young, Robinson Jeffers, Lincoln Steffens, Edward Weston, the ghost of D. H. Lawrence and others to Carmel in the spring of 1930 providing the nexus for this story. 

Mabel Dodge Luhan, Carmel, March 1930. Edward Weston portrait. Courtesy Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.


After spending much of the previous two years in Taos, New Mexico enmeshed in the considerable web of Mabel Dodge Luhan (see above), in early November of 1924 the celebrated English novelist, poet, playwright, essayist, literary critic and painter D. H. Lawrence sat for his portrait (see below) in the Mexico City studio of Edward Weston. While Lawrence was satisfied with Weston’s results, Edward was less so, feeling that the sitting was too brief for either artist to connect more than superficially, and that the resulting negatives were below his usual standards. Weston wrote in his daybook about the below photograph, “…unless I pull a technically fine print from a technically fine negative, the emotional or intellectual value of the photograph is for me almost negated…” (The Daybooks of Edward Weston, Vol. I, Mexico, edited by Nancy Newhall, Aperture, 1973, November 5, 1924, p. 102). Little did Weston know that his Lawrence portraits from this session would result in the fascinating connections that follow and to this day serve as the default portraits used by Lawrence historians and biographers to illustrate their work.
D. H. Lawrence, Mexico City, November 4, 1924 by Edward Weston via the internet. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.

Tony Lujan, Taos, summer, 1929. Ansel Adams photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 The news of Lawrence’s untimely March 3, 1930 death in France reached Carmel a few days later. At the time, his early 1920s patron, Mabel Dodge Luhan and her husband Tony (see above), intimates and patrons of the vagabond Lawrence during his Taos sojourns between 1922 and 1925, were wintering in Carmel. Luhan was working on her Lorenzo in Taos  manuscript which was written in the form of a novel length letter to longtime Carmel resident Robinson Jeffers (see below) describing her unflagging efforts to lure Lawrence to Taos and their dysfunctional relationship after his 1922 arrival with wife FriedaLuhan would use her paean to Lawrence to also lure Jeffers into spending many succeeding summers in Taos in an attempt to fulfill her need for a literary champion she could orchestrate to extol the virtues of her beloved region.


Robinson Jeffers, Carmel, 1929. Edward Weston portrait. Image scanned from Lorenzo in Taos by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Alfred A. Knopf, 1932, p. 287. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.

 Ella Young, Carmel, March 31, 1930. Edward Weston portrait. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

Luhan and her entourage also included Ella Young (see above), an Irish revolutionary, poet and mystic who captivated everyone she came in contact with. In a piece on the little town of Halcyon a year earlier for The Carmelite, the preferred organ of the town’s avant-garde community, the then creative force and modernist publisher and editor Pauline Schindler wrote,

“Ella Young, the Irish poetess, sits on the doorstep of her cabin on a sunny morning in Halcyon, and tells of strange knowledges. Children understand her deeply; the common intellectual is too much overlaid with incrustations of logical habits. She is like a seer; she feels her knowledges through the symbols which outward life presents. She lives within a reality so intense (and probably so true) that the reality in which most Americans live can be compared to it as the empty carapace of the living animal who has already left it behind.” (Schindler, Pauline Gibling, “Utopia Found,” The Carmelite, March 6, 1929, pp. 8-9. See also my Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism (hereinafter PGS) for more on The Carmelite and its contributing editors.).

 

 Ella Young’s cottage “Claun Ard” (sandy place in Gaelic) on Paso Robles Street in Oceano, 2008. Denise Sallee photo. http://www.thesunsraven.com/dsellayoung.html

The Luhan’s likely picked up Young at her home (see above) near the Oceano Dunes on their way to Carmel. Young was also a close friend of Irish San Francisco arts patron Albert Bender whose portrait Weston took in in San Francisco in 1928. (See below). (See The Daybooks of Edward Weston, Vol. II. California, September 9, 1928, p. 72 for details behind the Bender portrait sitting and PGS). 

Albert Bender, San Francisco, 1928. Edward Weston Photograph scanned from The Daybooks of Edward WestonCollection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 

Ella Young and Virgina Adams, in the Southwest, 1929. Ansel Adams photo. Image scanned from Ansel Adams: An Autobiography, New York Graphic Society, 1985, p. 89.


Ella Young aboard Mabel Dodge Luhan’s horse Jocko, Taos, summer 1929. Photographer unknown. Courtesy Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library(See also The Flowering Dusk by Ella Young, Longman’s, Green & Co., New York, 1945, p. 260).

Like Luhan, Bender loved to surround himself with, and cross-pollinate the activities of, artists, poets, musicians, actors, writers and intelligentsia at his legendary San Francisco soirees. Luhan met Young and Weston friend Ansel Adams and his wife Virginia (see above) through another Bender associate, Mary Austin (see below) with whom they stayed during part of their New Mexico visit in the summer of 1929. Young wrote of her introduction to the Luhans and her first of what would become many visits to their Taos compound, 

How did I come to be here? I had no thought of it when my friends, Ansel and Virginia Adams, proposed that I motor with them from Halcyon to Santa Fe in New Mexico where they had the loan of Mary Austin‘s house. I lectured in Santa Fe. Mabel Luhan and her Indian husband, Tony, came to the lecture, and as a result I find myself Mabel’s guest. (See below). She has a houseful of guests: Ansel and Virginia are here, so is Georgia O’Keefe (see portrait and studio photo below), the noted artist, and Rebecca Strand (see below) who works so cleverly in pastel. John Marin, whose fame is noised about America and beyond it, is here too.” (Young, p. ).

Finally lured to Taos with close friend Rebecca Strand after repeated and persistent attempts by Mabel, O’Keeffe remarked to Young at breakfast one morning in Luhan’s dining room, that she had seen her up very early to which she replied, “No, I just got up. You must have seen my astrol body.” (From Portrait of an Artist: A Biography of Georgia O’Keeffe by Laurie Lisle, Heinemann, 1987, p. 165).

Mabel Dodge Luhan House, “Los Gallos,” Taos, 1929. Ansel Adams photo. Courtesy Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

 

Georgia O’Keeffe, with her new Ford, Taos, summer, 1929.

 

Luhan compound guest artist studio. Photograph by Georgia O’Keeffe, ca. June 1929. Included in a June 3, 1929 letter from O’Keefe to Alfred Stieglitz.Courtesy Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

 

Rebecca “Beck” Strand, Taos, 1932. Photograph by Paul Strand.

In letters written on her way back to New York to Rebecca (see above) and Mabel, whom she did not say goodbye to before leaving, O’Keeffe described her painting “D. H. Lawrence’s Tree” (see below) completed during a couple week stay at his  Kiowa Ranch with Dorothy Brett, 

“…I also got a painting of the big pine tree as you see it lying on that table under it at night — it looks as tho it is standing on its head with all the stars around – Pretty good – for me…”  (Letter to Rebecca Strand [James] while on train from New Mexico to New York, 24 August 1929.)

“I had one particular painting — that tree in Lawrences front yard as you see it when you lie under it on the table – with stars – it looks as tho it is standing on its head…” (Letter to Mabel Dodge Luhan from Taos, August 1929. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.). 

D. H. Lawrence’s Tree,” Georgia O’Keeffe, Kiowa Ranch, summer 1929.

Luhan published an article reminiscing upon O’Keeffe’s 1929 visit in the June 1931 issue of Creative Art which was illustrated with her paintings “D. H. Lawrence’s Tree” (see above), “Taos Pueblo” (see below), “Mountains of the West,” “Black Cross,” and “Ranchos Church.” Her work done during the 1929 visit was exhibited at Stieglitz’s An American Place Gallery shortly after her return. Luhan described the invigorating influence the high altitude in Taos had on O’Keefe’s work. She also humorously wrote about Georgia’s learning to drive her new Ford (see earlier above),

“Such a nerve-racking experience falls to the lot of the few – to go out with Georgia driving her Ford the first month she had it! Beck Strand had the dubious joy of teaching her and we all watched her lovely silver hair grow more silvery day by day…Finally we recognized that Georgia was destined to become a demon driver!” (Luhan, Mabel Dodge, “Georgia O’Keeffe in Taos,” Creative Art, June 1931, pp. 409).

Taos Pueblo, 1929. Georgia O’Keeffe.

Luhan continues, “She doesn’t make whoopee like other people do, but she makes it just the same. Her whoopee is of the finer nerves, the more poignant vision, awarenesses few others even dream of and perceptions that have to remain esoteric to the majority.” She prophetically ends with, “You better let her come again, Stieglitz.” (ibid, p. 410).

 

Mary Austin, Taos, 1929. Ansel Adams photograph. From Owens Valley History.

In addition to her knowledge of Jeffers and his poetry prior to her 1930 visit, Luhan undoubtedly heard much about Carmel from former resident Austin who lectured at Luhan’s New York salon as early as 1913 and after visits as early as 1919, permanently moved to New Mexico herself in 1924. (Mabel Dodge Luhan:New Woman, New Worlds by Lois Palken Rudnick, University of New Mexico Press, 1984, pp. 169-70). A celebrated author from her earlier California days (see below), Austin, with introductory facilitation and strong encouragement and financial backing from Bender and entree to photograph the Pueblo gained through Tony Luhan, collaborated with Adams on his seminal 1930 book Taos Pueblo. The book included text by Austin and Adams’ photographs from this 1929 visit. (Adams, pp. 89-91).

George Sterling, Mary Austin, Jack London and Jimmie Hooper on Carmel Beach, ca. 1906. Photo by Arnold Genthe. From Wikepedia

 

Lincoln Steffens, Carmel, 1929. Edward Weston portrait from Weston’s Westons: Portraits and Nudes by Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr. (From my collection).

Another reason Luhan was attracted to Carmel was that it was the home of another of her early New York salon habitues, Lincoln Steffens (see above) who had moved to Carmel with wife Ella Winter (see below) in 1927 to work on his autobiography. The couple divorced in 1929 but still lived amicably under the same roof. By the time of Luhan’s visit, Steffens and Winter had wrested publishing and editorial control of the local weekly newspaper, The Carmelite, from longtime Weston family friend, Pauline Schindler who had moved to Carmel with son Mark after leaving RMS and Kings Road in 1927. (For much more on this takeover see Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism). 

Ella Winter, Carmel, 1929. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

 Ella Young wrote of the Fates which brought together this circle of luminaries, which also included Sinclair Lewis and his wife Dorothy Thompson, in the spring of 1930,

“Why have we, all of us, foregathered? Why did Mabel suddenly decide that she must see the West Coast? We have slid together like beads on a string! Perhaps it is not wholly by chance. Perhaps there is a design somewhere, a pattern could we disentangle it! Who knows?” (Young, p. 299).

The answer to Young’s question may be found in Luhan’s previously-mentioned O’Keefe piece in Creative Art where, likely in conscious attempt to lure her and other artists back to Taos, she states,

“Composite of ethers, oceans, mountains and plains, we need, for our continued sense of life, to share them all from one time to another; we need occasionally to go from cities of the plain to the high peaks above the clouds lest our mountain cells grow too hungry from living exclusively where the great marketing is carried on. And those who live overlong in the upper ether need, sometimes, the sea and, descending to it, “suffer a sea change,” an alteration of rhythm, a moistening of the tissues after aridity, an expansion of the heart accustomed to beat high but not broad.”  (Luhan, Mabel Dodge, “Georgia O’Keeffe in Taos,” Creative Art, June 1931, pp. 407).

John and Molly O’Shea Residence, Wildcat Cove, Carmel Highlands, 1925. Photographer unknown. Image scanned from John O’Shea, 1876-1956: The Artist’s Life as I Know It by Walter A. Nelson-Rees, WIM, 1985, p. 44.


Weston met the Luhans and Young at a get together at the house of John and Molly O’Shea (see above), longtime friends with fellow Irishmen Young and Bender, a week before Lawrence’s death. Of his first encounter with Luhan and her coterie, Weston wrote,

“At the O’Sheas’ Monday late, we met Mabel Dodge Luhan and her Indian husband. One might expect a young, handsome, dashing sort of buck,- instead of the rather stolid, heavy old Indian we met. With them was Ella Young, who impressed me more than any of the party. They will come here today. Sean showed a number of paintings I had not seen. He has a dazzling color sense, and often achieves fine form.” (Daybooks, February 25, 1930, p. 143).
Ella Young wrote of the same evening,

“A night in that house by the sea that John O’Shea’s pictures and Molly’s rose-damasks and blue enamels made so colourful. Firelight glinting on copper bowls and hammered silver, a wind in the twisted cypress trees, a wave-murmur from the cliff-foot. The sound of a strange instrument on which a young composer is playing, fingering the strings of it lovingly: the long-necked rich-voiced instrument that his hands had made. He is singing, or rather chanting, as he plays. He is singing for Molly. She is like a lady in some far-off time. Firelight makes the only colour in her face. Her long straight gown is rose-red.” (Young, p. 329).

Ella Young portrait by John O’Shea, ca. 1943. Image scanned from Nelson-Rees, p. 

 

Approximate view from the site of the future O’Shea Residence, ca. 1923. To the right, the James Residence, 1922, by Charles H. Gottschalk (later substantially renovated by Charles Sumner Greene for noted playwright and O’Shea friend Martin Flavin). Point Lobos at the top left. 

 Presaging his and Weston’s nearby seminal Point Lobos work, Ansel Adams reminisced of the magical setting of the O’Shea house (see above) on his first visit with Bender in June 1926,

“They lived in a massive home built of local stone and huge timbers. … As the fog lifted, windows were opened and the sound of the sea came over me, different than the mountain magic of the Sierra, but unforgettable.” (Adams, p. 85-6).

That same afternoon Bender drove Adams to Tor House and introduced him to Jeffers. (See below). (Adams, p. 86).

Robinson Jeffers and Albert Bender at Tor House, 1926. Ansel Adams photograph? From Occidental College Library Collection

 

John O’Shea, Carmel Highlands, February 20, 1930. Edward Weston portrait. Image scanned from Nelson-Rees, p. 64. 

Coincidentally, Weston had taken the O’Shea’s portraits (see above and below) at his first visit to their house only five days prior to meeting the Luhans and Young there. Of this session he wrote, 

Thursday I went to photograph Molly and John O’Shea, at their Highlands home: real persons both of them! Evidently well-to-do which hasn’t hurt them, indeed they are amongst the few, one might say, whom money has enriched, – added to their inherent charm. I did Molly first, in John’s (or Shawn’s – is that the Irish spelling? – I think not, but like the sound better) studio. She is difficult to work with, camera shy to a degree, – why I cannot see, being a beautiful woman of fine carriage. While working I noted Leda, their police-dog, asleep in a most beautiful posture, and made three negatives, which I look forward to with great interest. After lunch, and cocktails, too many for me not used to drink, Sean (I think this correct) took me to see their rocks. I was amazed at the concentrated drama and strength of that point.” (Daybooks, February 22, 1930, p. 142).

Molly O’Shea, Carmel, May 1, 1929 or February 20, 1930. Edward Weston portrait. Daybooks, p. 119 and/or p. 142. Image scanned from Nelson-Rees, p. 64. 

 After experiencing the hospitality of the O’Sheas for a few months and shortly before returning to Taos for the summer, Luhan wrote in her “review” of Molly’s homemaking skills in The Carmelite,

“Well I am going to write a review of someone who is not called accomplished in the usual sense of the word, but who is, in reality, very gifted, indeed. A gifted woman is one who sheds a gentle light all around her – and that is what Molly O’Shea does. She knows how to create a pleasant atmosphere by a kind of radiation. Perhaps it is instinctive and comes from her natural kindness – for thoughts are generous and never mean.” (Luhan, Mabel Dodge, “Molly O’Shea, The Carmelite, May 15, 1930).

Just before learning of Lawrence’s death, Luhan penned a feature article on Young for The Carmelite in conjunction with her upcoming talk at the Denny-Watrous Gallery reminiscing about her lecture in Santa Fe the previous summer. In it she wrote, 

“Here is one clearly related to the leprechauns and the djinns it seems. Here is one who believes in the fairies. She believes so strongly in the fairies that she convinces others about them. One evening she was lecturing to an extremely sophisticated audience in Santa Fe. Behind her sat Mary Austin, raking the faces before her for possible smiles – ready to deal with them – for she suspected what Ella Young might tell and she feared what might happen. But it didn’t! Ella Young so entranced those listeners – who had heard all other things – with the Fairy Folk that at the end, one world-worn painter rose and asked wistfully, “Miss Young, can you tell us any technique one might employ to develop the faculty for seeing fairies?” Even Mary Austin herself smiled at that. …she is one of the very few of those who are dwellers of two worlds: and is equally at home in each.” (Luhan, Mabel Dodge, “Friend of the Fairies,” The Carmelite, March 5, 1929, p. 5).

Edward Weston and Margarethe Mather, “Max Eastman at Water’s Edge”, 1921. Platinum-palladium print, tipped to a mount, signed by Mather and signed and dated by Weston in pencil on the mount, matted, a Museum of Modern Art label on the reverse, 1921. (From Sotheby’s: Photographs from the Museum of Modern Art : April 25, 2001 : Sale NY7632, p. 140. See also my Oceano Dunes and the Westons).

In the same issue Mabel wrote a feature on her and Steffen’s visiting mutual friend and salon-mate and Pauline Schindler idol, Max Eastman (see above), who stating that he would like to come back to Carmel to live for a while. (Luhan, Mabel Dodge, “Max Eastman in Carmel,” The Carmelite, March 5, 1930, p. 7). Also accompanying Luhan’s piece was the poem ”To Max Eastman” by another Luhan New York salon-mate, John Reed. (See below). Coincidentally, the very next issue included a lengthy review of Weston’s exhibition then on display at the Denny-Watrous Gallery. (Lyon, Ernest, “Edward Weston – Creative Artist,” The Carmelite, March 12, 1929, p. 7).


Movers and Shakers, Volume Three of Intimate Memories by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1936.

 

The Luhan’s and Ella Young visited Weston again on March 25th after which he entered,

“Mable [sic] Dodge Luhan in, and bought two more heads of Lawrence and one of Jeffers: a nice birthday present. Ella Young with her and I asked for a sitting, because I admire her and because her portraits may sell. Ella Young believes in fairies, – and of course that would appeal to me, anything unorthodox does. I told her that I had slept during most of her talk [at the Denny-Watrous Gallery], but felt that my subconscious self had listened very attentively. She was not surprised, in fact she was pleased, and said this often happened when the subconscious mind wished to especially listen in. This partial understanding of my desire to sleep through important evenings, came to me as I told her of my nap during her talk. I knew she would not mind, or rather would understand and be complimented. ” (Daybooks, Vol. II, March 25, 1930, p. 149. Weston is referring to Young’s lecture at the Denny Watrous Gallery which was reported upon in The Carmelite).

Ella Young, Carmel, March 31, 1930. Edward Weston photograph. Collection Center for Creative Photography. ©1981 Arizona Board of Regents.

Young sat for her portrait (see above) on March 31st. Weston wrote of the occasion, “Then I did that fairy-like person, Ella Young, with good results.” (Daybooks, March 31, 1930, p. 149).

Tony Lujan, Carmel, April 8, 1930. Edward Weston portrait. Image scanned from Lorenzo in Taos by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Alfred A. Knopf, 1932, p. 33. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.

A week later Weston had guests from the south, Galka Scheyer and R. M. “Michael” Schindler, who were possibly returning the unsold prints from his recent exhibition at the Schindler-designed Braxton Gallery in Hollywood. (For more details see my Richard Neutra and the California Art Club).Of their visit he wrote,

“Galka Scheyer and Michael Schindler have been here and we have seen much of them these two days past. A stimulating contact it has been. Galka repelled me at the very start of our acquaintance but now I find myself wishing she would drop in once more before leaving. She is a dynamo of energy. She would wear me out in a few days,-but insight of unusual clarity, and an ability to express herself in words, brilliantly, forcefully, to hit the nail cleanly, buoys me up for the time. She is an ideal “go-between” for the artist and his public. She and Michael had a two day controversy over one of my prints,whether or no it could legitimately be hung upside down, both of them agreeing that it was stronger upside down but Michael insisting that the objectivity of photography required the print to be shown as originally seen: she protesting the imposed limitation, insisting that no rule should bind one’s freedom of expression. I inclined to Michael’s side, at least in the case of the print in question, fish and kelp, for one cannot get away from objective rendering of perspective and the fish turned upside down gave me a disagreeable feeling of falling out of the print, maybe only because I made the negative. Granted the lines, pattern, etc., became more dynamic reversed, art must be more than pattern, form, for otherwise anyone could learn to compose by rule and be an artist,-which
could never be.” (Daybooks, April 7, 1930, p. 151). (Author’s note: About this time Pauline Schindler wrote a review of Robinson Jeffer’s latest book of poems, “Dear Judas” for Survey Graphic and was busily curating the “Contemporary Creative Architecture of California” exhibition at UCLA which opened on April 20th and traveled to the Denny-Watrous Gallery from May 1st through 15th (See Schindler, Pauline, “Contemporary Architecture,” The Carmelite, May 1, 1930, p. 6). See also PGS for more details.) 

Luhan would later use her purchases of Weston’s Lawrence and Jeffers portraits to illustrate Lorenzo in Taos along with one of Tony taken a couple weeks later. (See above). Weston wrote of the occasion, ”Yesterday, lunch with the Luhans. And after, Don Antonio – “Tony” – was persuaded to go out on the rocks with me and my Graflex. I made three dozen negatives, and some brilliant ones.” (Daybooks, April 9, 1930, p. 152). A few days later he wrote,

“I printed a head of Tony Luhan to have ready when they came after proofs. The print was extraordinary, – about the limit in brilliance of chemical quality, and powerful in presentation of the person. I was more than happy. Now Tony is a rather flabby Indian, settled down into a life of ease, well-fed, middle-aged inactivity. In my print, I gave him a heroic strength he does not possess. So when he lumbered in, I got out the enlargement, anticipating at least a grunt of approval. Silence - Well, I thought, Indians are never ecstatic. Mable [sic] Luhan was in the car. We took the print and proofs to her. She responded, exclaiming, “Like a head of bronze.” “How do you like it Tony?” “I don’t like.” “Why?” I ventured at last. “I look too old, – a hundred years maybe.” !!!!! – Collapse of the photographer – ” (Daybooks, April 12, 1930, pp. 152-3).

D. H. Lawrence Special Issue, The Carmelite, March 19, 1930. p. 1. Linoleum cut by W. Johnstone after the 1924 Weston portrait at the beginning of this article. Courtesy Harrison Memorial Library, Carmel.

 

The news of Lawrence’s passing was felt deeply among the literati of Carmel. Ella Winter wrote in the foreword to a special 16-page Lawrence tribute in The Carmelite (see above) shortly after Lawrence’s death,

“In the afternoon [the day before being notified of Lawrence's death] we had talked about Lawrence at the Jeffers house; Mabel Luhan had told of his days at Taos, of his ranch, of his trips to Mexico and had described his childhood and youth in England.” (Winter, Ella, “D. H. Lawrence, Introduction,” The Carmelite, Special Supplement, March 19, 1930, p. II). See more at Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism).

Knowing of Weston’s 1924 meeting and portrait of Lawrence and that other writers then in Carmel had also known him well, Winter collaborated with the group to produce a special 16-page tribute, “D. H. Lawrence.” Weston contributed, “Lawrence in Mexico,” Mabel Dodge Luhan, “The Lawrence I Knew,” Orrick Johns, “Lawrence in Italy,” Jeanne d’Orge, “Lawrence the Wayfarer,” and Carmelite contributing editor Dora Hagemeyer, “The Lover of Flowers.” (“D. H. Lawrence,” The Carmelite, Special Supplement, March 19, 1930, pp. I-XVI).

“Lawrence in Mexico,” by Edward Weston, The Carmelite, March 19, 1930, Special Supplement, pp. IX-XI.

Using excerpts from his Daybooks and additional remembrances, Weston cobbled together a fascinating piece (see excerpt above) centered around his impressions of Lawrence and a critique of his The Plumed Serpent which was not very well regarded by Weston’s Mexican circle of friends including the muralist Diego Rivera. In early November 1924 Weston wrote in his Daybook, “D. H. Lawrence, English author and poet, in with Luis Quintanilla. My first impression was a most agreeable one. He will sit for me Tuesday.” (Daybooks, November 2, 1924, Vol. I, p. 101). 


Tina Modotti and Pepe Quintanilla, 1924. Edward Weston photograph. Image scanned from Hooks, p. 95.

Quintanilla was a Mexican poet, professor of English at the University of Mexico and diplomat in the protocol division of Foreign Affairs and was looking after DHL after his attendance at a P.E.N. banquet in his honor the night before. (The Letters of D. H. Lawrence by James T. Boulton, p. 162). Luis’s brother Pepe was also in Weston’s Mexico City circle of friends and had begun an affair with Tina Modotti (see above) sometime around the summer of 1924 which continued through Weston’s sojourn back to California during the winter of 1925-6. (See for example Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, HarperCollins, 1995, p. 94). Weston’s Daybooks continued,

“Tomorrow I dine at a luncheon in honor of the United States Ambassador to Mexico. God knows his name – I don’t – but duty calls. In preparation I trimmed the fringe from my trousers and borrowed a hat from Rafael [Sala]. Now to buy a collar and I shall be ready for the fray.” (Monday, November 3, p. 101). 

For The Carmelite Weston wrote of his afterthoughts regarding the luncheon,

“I wish I had cancelled my date, and spent the time with Lawrence. But evidently I was considering business before pleasure, and from the condition of my wardrobe, I must have needed business!”

Weston recollected for The Carmelite that Lawrence came to the sitting with his wife Freida and a Miss [Dorothy] Brett who he was given to understand was Lawrence’s secretary. His Tuesday evening Daybook entry read,

“The sitting of Lawrence this morning. A tall, slender, rather reserved individual, with reddish beard. He was amiable enough and we parted in a friendly way, but the contact was too brief for either of us to penetrate more than superficially the other: no way to make a sitting. Perhaps I should not have attempted it; now I actually lack sufficient interest to develop my plates.” (Daybooks, November 4, 1924, Mexico, p. 102)

Weston further recalled,

“My memory carries more than I wrote down [in my Daybooks] about Lawrence: a walk in el bosque de Chapultepec, the famous park, – “woods,” the Mexicans call it, – Lawrence, Tina, and myself, - and certain bits of conversation. His first visit to Mexico not long before had thrilled him, but now he was frankly upset, distressed, – he wished  to leave the city for Oaxaca, where he might quietly write. Had Mexico changed, or was Lawrence in a highly neurotic state? Obviously the latter. His resulting book, “The Plumed Serpent,” gave evidence. We read the book aloud during a period of travel through Mexico, a five months trip, which made me see vividly and feel deeply, an itinerary which took us far away from tourist tracks. I recall one place, where the Indians had seen foreigners only once before. So I offer these notes, not as literary criticism, but as my intense reactions against Lawrence’s.”

D. H. Lawrence, Mexico City, November 4, 1924. Edward Weston portrait. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.

 

As mentioned earlier, Lawrence liked the two portraits Weston forwarded to him in Oaxaca a few weeks after his sitting, preferring the one seen above. In his grateful thank you letter Lawrence described how they, and other work Weston had shown him, might be published and lead to him becoming better known. He wrote, “Vanity Fair might like some of your less startling nude studies, if you could stand seeing them reproduced and ruined,” and added, “Let me know if I can help in any way.”  (See D. H. Lawrence: Dying Game, 1922-1930 by David Ellis, Cambridge University Press, pp. 207-8). In a similar sincere gesture of goodwill, after editing an essay sent to him by his Weston introductor Luis Quintanilla, Lawrence wrote back saying he had received Weston’s portraits and thought them quite good. He wondered whether they might serve for a little article Quintanilla might write “on Mexico, D. F. – and me thrown in – and Weston thrown in – for Vanity Fair.” (ibid, p. 221).



Weston acknowledged Lawrence’s letter in his Carmelite remembrance, “Lawrence wrote a kindly, sympathetic letter from Oaxaca, thanking me for his proofs, the best he had ever had, offering to help me in every possible way with publishers, giving suggestions for business, admitting that he could not apply them himself. Nor could I!”

The Plumed Serpent by D. H. Lawrence, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1926. Jacket Artist: Dorothy Brett.

 

Weston included in his Carmelite piece numerous quotes from his Daybooks negatively critiquing The Plumed Serpent (see above) after its 1926 publication. The quotes, in synch with the thoughts of his Mexican friends, were originally recorded as he read the book while travelling with Tina Modotti and his son Brett on their commission to photograph Mexican vernacular art for illustration of Anita Brenner’s Idols Behind Altars. (See below).

A related critique of The Plumed Serpent from Weston’s close friend Robinson Jeffers indicates a wide reading and discussion of the book among the Carmel literati. When Jeffers was asked what he thought of the book by Lawrence Clark Powell in a feature story in Westways a few years later, Jeffers replied, “It certainly contains some fine descriptive writing, but I don’t think it comes off. Somehow it’s not real. I mean, I can believe of Lawrence wanting to revive the dead gods, but I can’t believe it of Mexicans.” (Powell, Lawrence Clark, Photographs by Edward Weston, “Robinson Jeffers on Life & Letters,” Westways, March 1934, pp. 20-21, 34-35).

 

Idols Behind Altars by Anita Brenner, Harcourt Brace and Co., 1929. Frontispiece photo “Hand of potter Amado Galvan” by Edward Weston. (From my collection).

 

Weston had previously read Lawrence’s Women in Love while in San Francisco in the spring of 1925 and gave the following critique in the Daybooks which he apparently overlooked while writing “Lawrence in Mexico” for The Carmelite.

“There’s too much ‘swooning’ in Lawrence – too much ‘sweat’ and ’surging’ – overemphasis on ‘vibrations’ and ‘anticipations’ – repetitions of ’white fury’ – ‘voluptuous ecstasy’ – ‘sardonic look’ – ‘demonical soul’ – ‘fine hate’ – ‘convulsed moment’ – ‘drugged eyelids’ – the writer of Nick Carter’s Weekly never rose to such melodramatic heights. His characters are overdrawn - for instance, ‘Hermione’ – he’s too anxious to make plain their pathology. Better to write a book of facts and statistics on sex psychology. Lawrence is unrelieved by a single laugh, which might, by contrast, strengthen his drama.

“He is keen indeed – has much to say on ‘love.’ He sees, he feels, he knows: his baring of impulses, his revealment of the cause, the why and wherefor is profound. But in the telling, in the words, he loses by repetition and obvious statement of fact.

“But I do not attempt to criticism of Lawrence! I am indulging in passing thoughts. To me he is a head higher than contemporary novelists that I happen to know. But my reading is limited, so after all I don’t know much!” (Daybooks, April 1925, p. 120)

Mabel and Tony Luhan, ca. 1920s, photographer and location unknown.
In early May Ella Young penned a feature story for The Carmelite on fellow mystic Tony Luhan’s singing and by then legendary drum playing (see above) as a prelude to his upcoming concert at the Carmel Playhouse,

“Tony is a wonderful exponent of this ancient singing art, for he knows the very strange and antique songs of his people, the songs the young folk are beginning to lose and forget. When I first heard this music in Taos, it reminded me of what is known about old Ireland and the earliest civilization there because the whole communal and ceremonial life of the Indians is the same as it was in Taos a thousand years ago, and the very same as the ancient Gaelic civilization, and the ceremonial life was in Ireland a thousand years ago. And this made me feel that this Indian culture is international in its roots – that all cultures may possibly be the same in their beginnings.(Young, Ella, “When Tony Luhan Sings,” The Carmelite, May 1, 1930, p. 5).

“Voice of the Tribes: Tony Luhan ‘Trades’ Songs for His People,” Tony Luhan, linoleum cut by Lane Wood. The Carmelite, May 8, 1930, pp. 1, 6.

 

The lengthy review of Tony’s performance in the May 8th issue of The Carmelite (see above), discussed a plea for support for improving the plight of the Indians, with which Pauline would certainly have been in agreement, and stated that he performed to a packed audience with the excited children (including the Schindler’s son Mark?) filling the front rows of the theater. Therefore it seems likely that the Schindlers would have crossed paths with the Luhan-Weston circles at one of the numerous gatherings in conjunction with either of these events. Coincidentally Tony’s concert took place while Pauline Schindler’s earlier-mentioned “Contemporary Creative Architecture” exhibition was on view at the Denny Watrous Gallery. It is tantalizing to speculate whether RMS and Tony compared notes on building techniques at the architecture exhibition. 

Mabel Dodge Luhan, 1912. Jo Davidson sculpture.

Prominent sculptor Jo Davidson, yet another Luhan early New York salon-mate along with Steffens and Eastman, was also in Carmel at the time for what appeared to have been a “Movers and Shakers” reunion. Davidson had previously done a bust of Luhan in 1912 (see above) as well as one of Steffens and son Peter in the 1920s. While staying at the Steffens-Winter household, he was holding court while working on a bust of Jeffers.

Jo Davidson, Steffens Residence, Carmel, May18, 1930. Edward Weston portrait. From Edward Weston Portraits, essay by Susan Morgan, Aperture, 1995, p. 57. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.

Ella asked Weston to come over to photograph Davidson at work for an article she was writing for The Carmelite. (See above). Hearing of Davidson’s dislike of his portrait work evoked one his most poignant Daybooks entries. Realizing he couldn’t make a scene and possibly offend his patronage among Carmel’s “movers and shakers,” he waited until the following day to vent his feelings of Davidson’s condescending, boorish behavior,

“…At first meeting I was amused, he had a disarming way, his exhibitionism, his pose, the antics of this droll, pot-bellied, bewhiskered little monkey were really funny. But later when I got a taste of his crude arrogance, not the dignified sureness of one who really knows they are great, – the quiet poise of Jeffers what a contrast between those two men! The real – the artificial! If I had wished to cartoon Davidson, I would have photographed the two heads together, – no intentional caricature could have been more revealing: perhaps I have caught this contrast in the group. … Davidson was jealous of my work, his aggressiveness was a defense. My portraits of Jeffers made his bust of Jeffers look weak. That’s the whole story. He had to keep his exalted position on a shaky pedestal.” (Daybooks, May 19, 1930, pp. 160-1).

Lincoln Steffens. Jo Davidson sculpture. From Between Sittings: An Informal Autobiography of Jo Davidson, Dial Press, New York, 1951, p. 86.

Ella Winter reported on the two-day gathering in The Carmelite a few days later, commenting on Davidson’s recent exhibition at the Palace of the Legion of Honor in San Francisco which included his bust of Lincoln Steffens (see above) and a life-size statue of their son Peter at two years of age. Thus her slant on the comings and goings of Carmel’s writers and artists to view Davidson’s work in progress while regaling his audience in the party-like atmosphere in the Steffens household was much more receptive than Weston’s irate Daybooks entry. For example she reported,

“A few days ago this robust, vigorous, massive sculptor, a black-bearded humorous mass of energy, arrived in Carmel. Before he had been here twenty four hours Robinson Jeffers was sitting to him in the studio of Lincoln Steffens. … Jeffers sitting, Davidson singing snatches of song, opera arias, telling stories, anecdotes, jokes. Every phrase reminds him of some tale. So it went for two days. … Edward Weston photographed the bust with the sculptor and sitter and without. … Jo Davidson and Weston the center of a group, vociferously arguing what in photography was chance, what artistry, and what choice. … At one time Mabel Luhan called from her armchair in the corner called the hostess aside. “Just look at the room now!” she laughed. “Couldn’t Weston take that? Look at everything that’s going on here.” (Winter, Ella, “The Poet of Stone in Stone,” The Carmelite, May 22, 1930, p. 3).

D. H. Lawrence, 1930. Jo Davidson sculpture. Photo by Kollar. From Between Sittings: An Informal Autobiography of Jo Davidson, Dial Press, New York, 1951, p. 214. 

Winter also referenced Davidson’s busts of Mabel’s erstwhile protaganists D. H. Lawrence (see above) and Gertrude Stein (see below). One of the stories Davidson undoubtedly regaled the festive group with was his meeting Lawrence in France and completing his bust just five days before his untimely death. Recommended to Lawrence by H. G. Wells, another of his recent sitters, he completed the bust in two brief sessions surrounding a nap by the very tired Lawrence. He later related to Julian and Juliette Huxley, “it was not a bad head; but who could ever fix that face…Lawrence was waiting for Aldous and Maria – talked only of that, waiting to die when they had come.” (The Letters of D. H. Lawrence, Volume VII, 1928-1930 edited by Keith Sagar and James T. Boulton, Cambridge University Press, 1993, pp. 14).

 

Man Ray, Gertrude Stein posing for Jo Davidson, 1922, gelatin silver print. Courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, © 2010 Man Ray Trust / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New York / ADAGP, Paris. From the Huff Post.

Luhan possibly had a hand in bringing Davidson to Carmel as the bust was seemingly part of her well-orchestrated strategy to seduce Jeffers into coming to Taos where she could work on him full-time to perform her literary bidding. Like Weston, she did not think much of Davidson’s finished product remarking, “He hasn’t caught the spiritual quality in the eyes or the poetry of the nostrils.” (Lincoln Steffens: A Biography by Justin Kaplan, Simon & Shuster, 1974, p. 294).  Shortly after Davidson’s departure, Steffens wrote his longtime friend and house-guest,

“Your bust of Jeffers has come and it has conquered. All the family like it; they are a bit emotional about it; and their visitors are caught by the bust or by the atmosphere of approval. But of course, you and I know that Mabel Dodge is to be credited with some of your success. She is not here now to steer people’s judgment with her reason for not liking the bust. You remember her reason? You made the damn thing in our house, not in hers. A better reason than most people’s for an attitude on a work of art.” (Between Sittings: An Informal Autobiography of Jo Davidson, Dial Press, New York, 1951, p. 260).

I could not locate the Weston photograph of the work in progress but the completed bust of Jeffers was photographed by Johan Hagemeyer two years later. (See below).

Jo Davidson bust of Robinson Jeffers. Photo by Johan Hagemeyer, June 3, 1932. Courtesy UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library, Johan Hagemeyer Collection.

A week after Jeffers’ Davidson sitting Weston kept a long-standing promise to photograph him with his twin sons Garth and Dannan just days before the family left to spend the summer in Taos. (See below). Mabel must have been thrilled that her plan seemed to be succeeding. At the Jeffers going away party a couple days later Steffens showed Davidson much more of Weston’s work. The sculptor now recognized his “intention” as art and liked one of the peppers so much that Steffens presented it to him as a gift. When informed of this change of events, Weston in turn softened his feelings for Davidson and his work. (Daybooks, May 24-25, 1930, pp. 163-4).

Dannan, Garth and Robinson Jeffers at Tor House, May 25, 1930. Edward Weston portrait. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.


From left, Dorothy Thompson, Lincoln Steffens, Una Jeffers, Ella Winter, John O’Shea, Albert Bender, Robinson Jeffers and Sinclair Lewis, picnic at the O’Shea Residence, Carmel Highlands, ca. early 1930s possibly in celebration of Lewis’s Nobel Prize in literature. Photographer possibly Molly O’Shea or Ella Winter. Courtesy San Francisco Public Library. I wish to thank reader and Albert Bender biographer Ann Harlow for bringing this important image to my attention.

Just before returning to Taos for the summer, the Luhans, along with Ella Young, Robinson and Una Jeffers, Lincoln Steffens and Ella Winter, and Sinclair Lewis and Dorothy Thompson, attended a picnic hosted by John and Molly O’Shea on the rocky shoreline near their Carmel Highlands home. Of the event Young eloquently wrote,

“John and Molly O’Shea are giving a luncheon. They are having it on the cliff-edge at the end of their peninsula in Carmel Highlands. Nature seems to have known in advance about John and Molly, royal dispensers of hospitality, known that one day they would own this peninsula reaching into the sea… Everyone has to descend about a hundred steps cut in the rocks. Arrived, one might be on a desert island. No sound of a motor-horn, no glimpse of a roadway or of a house. A sound of the sea makes itself felt, the sea advancing in great waves and churning among the rocks. Far off, on Lobos magnificently thrust upon the horizon, there is the barking of sea lions… It is a gay party, as gay as the sunshine, as gay as the coloured stripes on the awning, as light of heart as the circling sea-swallows. Sinclair Lewis is raying out the wittiest and most fantastic remarks. John O’Shea replies in kind. Lincoln Steffens is even more dazzling. So lightning-quick is thrust and riposte in this rapier play of wit that I find myself bewildered by it. Una Jeffers, at the other end of the table, is telling amusing anecdotes. Tony, tired of it all, is standing on a rock. He stands majestic in a scarlet serape. The sea curls in waves behind him, sapphire-blue except where churning foam transfigures it to chalcedony. Molly O’Shea, beautiful and gracious, is smiling and spreading that atmosphere of joyousness that makes her so renowned a hostess. ”What do you think of America?” asks Sinclair Lewis. ”America,” I reply, “is a tawny lioness, beautiful, alert, and sinewy-muscled.” ”And England?” ”England is a heavy-flanked bull: too long stall-fed.” ”But Ireland,” says Sinclair Lewis, with an air of believing it, “Ireland is a white unicorn!” (Young, pp. 300-1).

Robinson Jeffers and sons Dannan and Garth, and Mabel Dodge Luhan at the Luhan compound, Taos, summer 1930. Courtesy Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

The Carmelite published an excerpt of a letter from the Jeffers who had arrived in Taos around June 1st which read in part, “This is georgeous country and this house is most beautiful – dozens and dozens of rooms rambling about a great courtyard. The Luhans have got the boys into sombreros and bandannas and overalls and they look native. This house is filled with most exquisite Italian and Spanish and Mexican furniture.” (“The Jeffers at Taos,” The Carmelite, June 5, 1930, p. 2).

Luhan also invited her now close friends the O’Sheas to stay that summer in Taos and Ella Young accompany them to satisfy her Luhan-like curiosity and fascination with the mysticism of the Indian culture piqued the previous summer. Young includes numerous passages in The Flowering Dusk of her various visits to Taos after Lawrence’s death. O’Shea proceeded to paint the surrounding area such as from the above overlook at Valdez, New Mexico.

 

Valdez, New Mexico, summer 1930, by John O’Shea. Image scanned from Nelson-Rees, p. 71.

 

Valdez, New Mexico, 1928 by Esther Bruton, The Carmelite, December 26, 1928, p. 1. (From my collection).

 

O’Shea’s inspiration for choosing this particular scene could likely have come from Monterey artist Esther Bruton’s woodblock  print from a similar vantage point published by Pauline Schindler on the cover of The Carmelite the year before. (See above). Luhan described the scene depicted by O’Shea and Bruton thusly, “We drove down the mountain into Valdez, that village that from the brow of the hill looks like a child’s toy: a tiny plaza with an old church in the center, and houses on either side.” Bruton and her sisters, Helen and Margaret and their mother had also spent considerable time in New Mexico in late 1928. (Lorenzo in Taos, p. 243). Esther would also have an affair with Pauline’s husband RMS around this time. (See undated love letter from Esther Bruton to R. M. Schindler Courtesy UC Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, Schindler Collection).

Rendering of Schindler’s Wolfe House on Catalina Island announcing Schindler’s upcoming lecture at the Denny-Watrous Gallery. “In the Vanguard of Modern Architecture,” The Carmelite, September 4, 1930, p. 1.

 

Shortly after the Jeffers and O’Sheas returned from their summer in Taos, Pauline Schindler booked a lecture for her estranged husband at the Denny-Watrous Gallery. Acting as agent for Neutra and Schindler, she had had been trying for a while to arrange lectures for them. Hazel Watrous guaranteed either a $25 fee, replying, “Schindler has a mastery and charm, Neutra has ideas about mass production. I’ll leave the choice to you…We have arranged with Galka Scheyer to have her exhibit here in June. Edward Weston has been showing his prints for several weeks.” (McCoy, p. 60).  Pauline then booked a lecture for RMS on September 6th. (See ad below). (See also my PGS for more details on Pauline and her time at The Carmelite).


Schindler lecture announcement. The Carmelite, September 4, 1930, p. 4.

Not one to hold a grudge in her relentless pursuit to further the cause of Modernism and still a frequent contributor since her ouster by the Steffens “gang,” Pauline introduced Carmelite readers to Schindler with an introductory article in which she wrote,

“Of the three architects [Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra and R. M. Schindler] it is often said that Schindler is most the creative genius. He sees first the pure form. His designs are uncompromising as far as period architecture is concerned. Those who have wondered why the modernist does not build himself a “Spanish house” will have an opportunity to hear the basic principles back of modern building when Schindler speaks on Saturday. An opportunity for questions will also be given, and slides of Schindler’s and Neutra’s buildings will accompany the talk.” (Schindler, Pauline, “Schindler, Modern, Speaks on Architecture,” The Carmelite, September 4, 1930, p. 7).

Retained on the Carmelite‘s editorial board after Pauline’s departure, Edward Weston took great exception to the treatment his longtime friend Schindler suffered at the hands of patron John O’Shea after his gallery lecture. He recounted,

“Schindler bore himself with dignity, he was a gentleman, the others were not. I admit John O’Shea had been drinking, good, – one’s character is revealed with a few drinks. After the lecture he made disparaging remarks, even indulging in personalities in a loud voice standing near Schindler, head turned toward him, face in a leering mask. Disgusting! I sat down and wrote The Carmelite an article giving full vent to my feelings, not using names, but several offenders were plainly enough indicated.” (Daybooks, September 17, 1930, p. 187).

Weston’s angry letter to the editor presciently ended with,

“Always the new in art, science, philosophy, has been ridiculed. But this time the joke is on the persecutors, for the new architecture has long ago been accepted, is spreading all over the world. It is for those who live today. Future generations, looking back upon the beginnings of the American Renaissance, which we are in, and being so close cannot recognize, will point out such names as Wright, Neutra, Schindler, who in the face of smirks and guffaws, went their own way – building with foreesight, faith and hard work.” (Weston, Edward,  ”Schindler,” The Carmelite, September 11, 1930, p. 6.

Soon thereafter, John O’Shea invited Weston to a stag party which he tried to get out of but finally attended. He wrote in his September 17th Daybook entry,

“I spent my evening trying to keep them off art and keep my temper. Dickinson said, “Weston is too serious!” But they were the serious ones – that [Carmelite] article had a sting! I was sober enough to sit back and watch the others, especially John: and his face revealed much. I saw a man, soured, cynical, negative. Perhaps he knows he can never reach the heights he tried for. A fine painter, but nowhere near a great artist. I feel sorry for him, but that does not excuse his childish nonsense.” (Author’s note: Schindler had known [Henry F.] Dickinson from his Chicago days and corresponded with mutual friend Ralph Fletcher Seymour in 1924 about designing him a house in Carmel across the street from Dickinson’s. See my R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s “Kindergarten Chats” for more details).

The cross-pollination of the artist colonies of Carmel and Taos was evidenced by the late 1920s and early 1930s summer visits to Taos by Albert Bender, John and Molly O’Shea, the Jeffers family (see above), Ansel and Virginia Adams and Ella Young, and the early 1930s visits to Carmel by Mabel Dodge Luhan and husband Tony and others. Fellow Group f/64 members with Adams, Edward Weston, Sonya Noskowiak and Willard Van Dyke first visited Taos and Luhan in the summer of 1933 and Weston and Charis Wilson would visit twice more in 1937 and 1941.


Lorenzo in Taos by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Knopf, 1932. Cover portrait by Edward Weston, Mexico City, November 4, 1924.

Upon the 1932 release of Luhan’s Lorenzo in Taos (see above), Weston wrote,

“Mabel Luhan’s book on D. H. Lawrence just out, with most of illustrations by myself, - Lawrence, Tony, Jeffers. I was angry and disgusted to find they had changed the shape of my portraits to fit the page of the book. They would not have done this with paintings! – but just photographs. - The quality of the reproductions is quite good. I am not at all proud of the Lawrence portrait. I certainly did a poor technical job that day.

My portrait of Lincoln Steffens used as frontispiece in the autobiography (see below), though very popular, did not please me. It was soft, moved. I can only blame myself for letting it go out, giving them a chance to choose it, in my desire to please others.

The Lawrence book was interesting and amusing, quite as revealing of Mabel Luhan as of Lawrence.” (Daybooks, March 2, 1932, p. 247).

Coincidentally, Weston’s 1924 portrait of Lawrence was included in his first monograph Edward Weston published by his patron Merle Armitage later that year. Somewhat disappointed by Merle’s choice Weston wrote, “Some of the portraits might be questioned from the technical side. Merle overpersuaded me to include sevaral because of their wide appeal as outstanding figures of the age, D. H. Lawrence for instance. Well I must stop worrying; it’s done, the book has gone to press.” (Daybooks, November 8, 1932, p. 264).

The Autobiography of Lincoln SteffensHarcourt Brace and Co., 1932. Edward Weston frontispiece of Lincoln Steffens, Carmel, ca. 1930.

A couple weeks later he followed with, “In Mabel Luhan’s book I like very much her thoughts on the artist as the transformer, or, “Man is the transforming animal,” – to quote her correctly: and “unless he gives back to life as much as he takes from it, his acute reception faculty fails him.” (Daybooks, March 15, 1932, p. 249).

D. H. Lawrence, self-portrait, 1929. From flickr.

 

Lawrence and Brett: A Friendship by Dorothy Brett, J. B. Lippincott, 1933. Front cover art includes a reproduction of Brett’s 1928 portrait of Lawrence.

The Luhans returned to Carmel to visit the Jeffers during the winter of 1933, this time accompanied by Lady Dorothy Brett, whom Weston originally met along with Frieda at the November 1924 Lawrence portrait session in Mexico City. About this time Lawrence and Brett (see above), Brett’s account of her relationship with Lawrence was published. (See above). Brett’s book was praised by critics as well as the general public upon its release. Alfred Stieglitz’s jacket blurb stated,

“It was a rare spiritual experience – no student of Lawrence can afford to miss this book. Brett has avoided all hearsay – she gives her own picture of her friendship with Lawrence in simple terms. There is an integrity in the book – a sense of the eternal – a sense of Light – which raises it above all the other books I have read about Lawrence – his letters excepted.” (Lawrence and Brett back jacket blurb).

Mabel Dodge Luhan opined “It will surely interest everyone to know Lorenzo from another angle, and so clearly and explicitly drawn.” Noted architect, author, critic and contributor to The Architectural Record, and editor of Louis Sullivan’s Kindergarten ChatsClaude Bragdon similarly blurbed, “With the exception of his own, in the ‘Letters,’ Brett’s portrait of Lawrence is the most lifelike of any yet.”

Mabel Dodge Luhan, Freida Lawrence and Dorothy Brett at Kiowa Ranch, ca. 1938. Photo by Cady WellsCourtesy Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

The book was written at Kiowa Ranch (later named “Flying Heart” by Lawrence and now known as D. H. Lawrence Ranch) which Luhan had given to the Lawrences in 1924 in an attempt to keep D. H. in Taos. Brett was living as caretaker of the ranch after the Lawrences left for Italy in 1925 until the return of Frieda in 1934. (See above). Frieda had insisted that Mabel accept the manuscripts for Lawrence’s Sons and Lovers as payment for the ranch. She later wrote to Mabel of an unsolicited appraisal of the manuscripts by Walter Ufer, ”The Ufers came in one day, said the MSS of Sons and Lovers, they had “heard” I had given to you (they hear so much) was worth at least $50,000, at least! Swinburne Hale had told them!! It gave me a shock to think of it in terms of dollars – a bit of one’s life!” (Lorenzo in Taos, p. 250).

Weston wrote of his early 1933 reunion with Luhan and Brett,

“Last evening we had tea with Mabel Luhan and Lady [Dorothy] Brett (see below); a really good time. I had not seen Brett (one can hardly think or speak of her otherwise) since our meeting in Mexico with Lawrence and Frieda. That meeting was no more than a greeting. I feel I will like her; in fact I do. When Mable Luhan asked Brett to show her paintings, I had mixed feelings of curiosity and dread. It’s not easy, as a guest, to be honest! But I found to my relief, imagination, a very individual viewpoint, and a feeling for form. Brett does not know my work, other than a few portraits. She has promised to come here soon.” (Daybooks, February 7, 1933, p. 271).

 

Lady Dorothy Brett with ear trumpet “Toby”, Carmel, 1933. Edward Weston portrait. From Edward Weston: Photographs from the Collection of the Center for Creative Photography by Amy Conger, Figure 736. Copyright Center for Creative Photography, Weston Collection.

 

 Brett sat for Weston a couple weeks later. Weston took 20 negatives during a wet day on the beach at Point Lobos. After describing in lucid detail his first sexual liaison with Xenia Kashevaroff in the same Daybooks entry, he wrote of the occasion, “But now for the work I have been doing: sittings for portraits of Dorothy Brett, … The sitting of Brett (we have discovered that we are related) with her ear trumpet was a great success.” (See above). (Daybooks, February 26, 1933, p. 272). (See also my Schindlers-Westons-Kashevaroff-Cage for much more on Xenia).

The Boy in the Bush by D. H. Lawrence and M. L. Skinner, Seltzer, 1924. Cover art by Dorothy Brett.

Brett had previously contributed the cover art for Lawrence’s The Boy in the Bush (see above) the summer before she first met Weston at the above-referenced Lawrence portrait session in Mexico City .

Around that same time as his reunion with Luhan and Brett, most of the participants Ella Young described in attendance at the previously-mentioned 1930 O’Shea Carmel Highlands cliff-top picnic had another reunion of sorts on the bluff near the O’Shea house on Wildcat Cove. (See below).

On the beach near the O’Shea House, spring, 1933. Artist William Ritschel‘s Castle in the background. Photographer unknown. Seated on the left of the table are Tony and Mabel Luhan, Lincoln Steffens and Ella Winter. Also present are John and Molly O’Shea at the end of the table, Lady Dorothy Brett on the far right, and Sinclair Lewis, Dorothy Thompson and unidentified others. Courtesy Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

At Luhan’s invitation, the following June Weston, Noskowiak, and Van Dyke traveled to Taos to photograph the region Weston had heard her expound so eloquently about. Van Dyke chronicled their trip in his unpublished memoirs, excerpts of which read,

“I was delighted to be there with my friends and I looked forward to a period of work with my camera in an atmosphere of intelligent dedication to art. Mabel’s house was in a compound surrounded by smaller dwellings for guests and servants. Though comfortable the houses had no particular distinction. We had our evening meals in the large house, but otherwise we were left on our own. … We visited Dorothy Brett, a painter and writer who had been a friend of D. H. Lawrence on his visits to Taos. Edward photographer her with the ear trumpet she called Toby. … Photographers, intent upon their own work are sometimes quite boring and I think Mabel was not amused by us. One night she called for dessert before Edward had finished his main course and when someone called her attention to this her reply was that Edward did not want dessert. That night we decided to move on and the next morning we bade goodbye to a relieved hostess and drove to Santa Fe.” (Willard Van Dyke: Changing the World Through Photography and Film by James Enyeart, p. 82).

The trio met and befriended local photographer Ernest Knee during their stopover in Santa Fe whom Van Dyke described as “a photographer whose approach and sensibilities were consistent with ours.” (Enyeart, p. 83). Luhan, who was likely working on her Winter in Taos (see below) around the time of their visit purchased many of Weston’s and Knee’s prints to illustrate the book.

 

Winter in Taos by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Harcourt, Brace. Edward Weston photo of Taos Pueblo (see also below) on the spine and others in the book taken during his June 1933 visit with Willard Van Dyke and Sonya Noskowiak.

Taos Pueblo, June 1933. Edward Weston photograph used on the dust jacket spine and internally in Taos in Winter. Courtesy of San Francisco Museum of Modern Art.

Across the flat adobe roofs of Taos, Edward Weston photograph, June 1933. Image scanned from New Mexico Magazine Home Plan Book, edited by George Fitzpatrick, Santa Fe, 1940, p. 31. (From my collection).

Sonya Noskowiak photographing cloud formation, Taos Pueblo, June 1933. Photograph by Willard Van Dyke. (Enyeart, p. 106).

 

Weston did not mention his dessert “encounter” with Luhan in the Daybooks but fondly wrote of his trip experiences,

“We, Willard, Sonya and I, have returned from N. Mexico. Gone but two weeks, counting traveling time, I feel the time and expense well-spent. Besides the visual memories brought back of a magnificent country -Arizona, New Mexico and my own California – I have some fine new work; landscapes with gorgeous heavens – I was continuously reminded of old Mexico – details of various pueblos, – the old church at Laguna, the perfectly formed and functional ovens against equally perfect walls of adobe, some few rock details and one of a juniper; but mostly open landscape, – for in N. Mexico the heavens and earth become one…” (Daybooks, July 7, 1933, p. 275).

Weston’s body of portrait work of Luhan’s circle was exhibited at the Denny Watrous Gallery the following November. It was reported in The Carmel Pine Cone that, “The exhibit will be of portraits only, unretouched, including prints made this last year of Muriel Draper, John Evans [son of Mabel Luhan], Claire Spencer, Lady Dorothy Brett, Mabel Luhan, Robinson Jeffers, and Joseph Freeman [John Reed Club organizer and husband of artist and former lover of Edward Weston].” (“Weston Prints in Gallery,” The Carmel Pine Cone, November 3, 1933, p. 7). Weston’s next visit to New Mexico was with Charis Wilson in Deecmber of 1937 after they were offered use of a house in Tesuque just outside of Santa Fe. They had just completed their first year traveling on Edward’s Guggenheim Fellowship and monthly  stipend from Phil Townsend Hanna, editor of Westways, and a lengthy rent-free stay to regroup seemed appealing to them. (See my “Touring Topics / Westways: The Phil Townsend Hanna Years” for more details). “The house deal fell through after they arrived as they learned when they reconnected with old friends Ernest Knee and his abstract artist wife Gina Knee. They took advantage of the Knee’s hospitality and photographed “pueblos, adobe buildings, and the unusual New Mexico landscape.” (Through Another Lens: My Years with Edward Weston by Charis Wilson, North Point Press, 1998, p. 164-5). 

 

Edge of Taos Desert: An Escape to Reality by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Harcourt, Brace and Co., New York, 1937. Cover photo, “Dancing Boy,” by Ernest Knee.

Knee undoubtedly proudly showed Weston his presentation copy of Luhan’s recently released  Edge of Taos Desert: An Escape to Reality, volume four of her autobiography Intimate Memories, which was illustrated by nine of Knee’s images, including the cover, and one by Ansel Adams. (See above). They also likely got a chuckle out of reminiscing about Weston’s dessert “episode” with Luhan in 1933. Charis also recounted event which Edward had shared with her previously and would soon get to witness Luhan’s manipulative characteristics firsthand. (Wilson, p. 167).
 
Edward and Luhan somehow connected and she invited them to stay at her house where, as usual, she had an ulterior motive. She wanted Weston to photograph her Christmas holiday house guest, composer and conductor Leopold Stokowski, whom she had for years egged on to incorporate Indian music into his compositions. Edward agreed only on the condition that Mabel get the conductor’s approval ahead of time. She told Edward later that Stokowski was willing and that a good opportunity would be at the upcoming Taos Pueblo Christmas Dance. As they were watching the dance from the pueblo roof Mabel came up and admitted to Edward that she hadn’t asked Leopold’s permission. Edward was left with no choice but to ask Stokowski’s approval when introduced. Much to Weston’s chagrin, Stokowski replied, “No, no. No pictures,” acting as though he had been ravaged by the mere request.” (Wilson, pp. 167-8). 

 

Upon returning to Tesuque after the latest Luhan debacle, the Knee’s informed Edward that the current issue of Life featuring his Guggenheim work was on the newsstands so they immediately ran out and got a copy. (“Speaking of Pictures…These are Edward Weston’s Westerns,” Life Magazine, December 27, 1937, pp. 5-6). Disappointed by the quality of the images and layout, this motivated Edward and Charis to immediately get to work on the application to renew his Guggenheim Fellowship for another year. After completing the application they spent New Years Eve in Albuquerque with Willard Nash, yet another old Taos painter friend known as “The American Cezanne.”

They photographed their way back to Los Angeles, with a five day stopover with photographer Frederick Sommer in Prescott, Arizona. They arrived at Chandler’s place on January 11th where they learned that Brett and Cicely’s's daughter Ericka was born that morning, making Edward a grandfather for the second time. (Wilson, p. 170).


Tony Luhan portrait by Sally Flavin, no date. From Edge of Taos Desert: An Escape to Reality by Mabel Dodge Luhan, Harcourt, Brace and Co., New York, 1937, frontispiece.

Another eerily coincidental event occurred while they were on their trip. Sally Flavin, whose portrait of Tony was selected by Mabel for the frontispiece (see above) of the book Knee had just showed him, had had a tragic accident. On December 7th, the day the Weston’s left for New Mexico she had fallen off the cliff while photographing near her and husband Martin’s Charles Sumner Greene-remodeled Carmel Highlands home ”Spindrift”. (See earlier above). The house was directly across Wildcat Cove from John and Molly O’Shea’s home and just across the Highway One from the estate of Charis’s father, noted author Harry Leon Wilson seen below with some of his old Carmel writing cronies. Her body washed ashore at nearby Point Lobos on January 5th about a week before Edward and Charis got back to Los Angeles.

George Sterling, James Hopper, Harry Leon Wilson and Jack London, Bohemian Grove, San Francisco, 1913. Photographer unknown. (Recall that Hooper, Sterling and London were also on the beach with Mary Austin in the earlier above 1906 Arnold Genthe photograph)


Robinson Jeffers and Mabel Dodge Luhan, Los Gallos, Taos, 1937. Courtesy Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

Upon returning from their annual vacation in Taos in late 1937 (see above), possibly crossing paths with Edward and Charis on their return trip, Una Jeffers wrote to Mabel of Sally’s tragic death, 

“I must tell you of Sally [Flavin]. No trace of her altho’ hundred CCC patrol constantly. Apparently she focused her camera on a tripod at edge of cliff & then backing away from it fell backwards into the sea—That is the way they have reconstructed it but no one saw her fall. They found her camera there on tripod & a day after her shoe & sock washed in. The pictures were developed in camera—all of sea. She had never taken seascapes before & had just gotten the assignment to take some from the camera club. She was gone 5 hrs. before they began to search. Martin [Flavin] sent for R & me to come out yesterday & talked 2 hrs. about it.” (“Una Jeffers Correspondent: The Luhan Letters, Excerpts, 1938″ in Robinson Jeffers Newsletter, Number 88, Autumn 1993, p. 29).

Los Angeles Times, December 8, 1937, p. 3.

 

Martin Flavin, Carmel, ca. 1930. Edward Weston portrait. The Carmelite, February 12, 1930, p. 1.

Weston first met the noted playwright and 1944 Pulitzer Prize-winning novelist Martin Flavin (see above) and his wife Sarah [aka "Sally"] at a July 20, 1929 party at their previously illustrated Charles Sumner Greene-remodeled Carmel Highlands home ”Spindrift”. Like the O’Shea’s, the Flavins were also close to Robinson and Una Jeffers and their circle. He wrote of the occasion,

“Then – Saturday last a party was planned at the Flavin’s - Ramiel [McGehee] to dance, Vasia [Anikeef] to sing. In comparison the affair was flat. The setting was perfect, the drinks real, the service perfect, – food such as only the wealthy can find time to prepare: but it was planned, – certain ones to perform at a given time, and the spontaneity of the other party was lacking. The Flavins I like, – and their home on the coast, with a miniature Point Lobos, is a place of wonder.” (Daybooks, July 22, 1929, p. 129).

Coincidentally, Weston’s portrait of Flavin appeared on the cover of The Carmelite during the Luhan’s initial 1930 visit to Carmel. The Luhan’s undoubtedly befriended the Flavins during this trip evidenced their circle of friends and by Mabel’s choice of Sally’s portrait of Tony (see below) for the frontispiece of Edge of Taos Desert.

Weston Residence, Wildcat Hill, 1942. Edward Weston photograph.

 

A few months after returning from New Mexico and bolstered with the renewal of his Guggenheim Fellowship, Edward and Charis called upon son Neil, by then an expert carpenter, to build their new home on Wildcat Hill in Carmel Highlands. The site was a 2-acre portion of Charis’s father Harry’s former estate they were able to salvage through his foreclosure proceedings. (See above). Work was begun in May while Edward and Charis were back on the road for more Guggenheim work and was finished by the time of their return in August at a cost of $1,500 including Neil’s labor. (Wilson, p. 189).

About the time Weston’s house was under construction, Robin and Una Jeffers were visiting the Luhans in Taos for what would end up being the last time. Their visit almost ended tragically as a disenchanted Mabel, in a last ditch attempt attempt to break Jeffers out of a severe case of writer’s block, abetted an affair between him and another house guest, Hildegarde Nathan. Believing that what he needed was to be recharged sexually she encouraged Nathan into a tryst. Once Una found the couple out she attempted suicide with Mabel’s .32 caliber automatic. By a fluke, the attempt failed, Una recovered, and the Jefferses’ family life gradually returned to normal after their return to Carmel. (Rudnick, pp. 298-9).

Leaves of Grass, Walt Whitman, Limited Editions Club. Photographs by Edward Weston.

Weston’s last visit to New Mexico came in 1941 during an eight-month odyssey photographing America for illustrations for the Limited Editions Club edition of Walt Whitman‘s Leaves of Grass. (See above). Charis and Edward again hooked up one last time with Gina and Ernie Knee who took the below photo of Edward at work near the Lawrence Ranch.

Edward Weston, San Cristobal, New Mexico, 1941. Photograph by Ernest Knee.

 

 

The Schindlers and the Westons: An Avant-Garde Friendship, 1920-1938

 

This article is in essence a chapter of a book in progress on the familial relationships between the Schindler and Weston families and their bohemian social circles between late 1920 through 1938. For now I plan to end the book in 1938 when Weston  built his home in Carmel Highlands and married Charis and the Schindlers divorced and began living separate lives under the same roof in RMS’s iconic Kings Road House. My working title for the book is The Schindlers and the Westons: An Avant-Garde Friendship, 1920-1938. Their fascinatingly interwoven lives and relationships remained avant-garde to the end. As always, I welcome your feedback on any of my pieces.

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Structural Similarities in the Work of Wallace Neff and Buckminster Fuller

(Post Under construction. Stay tuned)

 

Jeffrey Head’s fascinating article, ‘Bubble’ born, then burst in the December 31, 2011 issue of the Los Angeles Times immediately brought to mind a recent article I have been working on which delves into the structural aspects of dome-like structures. (See Living Lightly on the Land: Bernard Judge’s “Triponent” and “Tree” Houses). Head’s in-depth research into the pioneering Airform work of Wallace Neff has resulted in a new book, No Nails, No Lumber: The Bubble Houses of Wallace Neff just released by Princeton Architectural Press which I just ordered. Head’s book will seemingly build upon the solid foundation laid by Diane Kanner in her chapter “The Bubble House” in the highly recommended Wallace Neff and the Grand Houses of the Golden State in which the below photo appears. (See my William Krisel and George Alexander in Hollywood for more on Neff’s Beverly Hills houses for Hollywood celebrities and Frederick L. Roehrig: The Millionaire’s Architect for details on Neff’s childhood in La Mirada).

 

Industrial Laundry for Pacific Linen Supply, Vernon, 1944. Wallace Neff, Architect. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

The above and below Maynard Parker construction photos of Neff’s largest realized Airform project, 32-ft. tall and 100 ft. in diameter, constructed in 1944 to house an industrial laundry for the Pacific Linen Supply Co. indicate the use of a central mast to help hoist and support the Goodyear Neoprene balloon (see below) used as the interior form for the sprayed-on gunite outer wall. (For more photos go to the Huntington Library’s excellent Maynard Parker Collection).
Central mast used to facilitate construction of the Pacigic Linen Supply laundry facility. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

Central mast used to facilitate construction of the Pacigic Linen Supply laundry facility. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

Early Buckminster Fuller Dymaxion House studies, 1927. (From “Your Private Sky,” pp. 142-3).).

 

Having begun his conceptual “Dymaxion House” central mast investigations as early as 1927 (see above), I couldn’t help but think of  the similarly employed mast in the erection of the Buckminster Fuller’s patented design of the first ever aluminum dome at Henry Kaiser’s Hilton Hawaiian Village in Honolulu in 1957. (See below). Fuller and Neff were undoubtedly aware of each other’s experimental work as they both had similar visions of landing war-time housing contracts which never came to fruition. Both Neff and Fuller patented their designs but Fuller was much more successful in globally licensing and marketing his concept. (See Living Lightly on the Land).

Hilton Hawaiian Village Dome, 1957. After 15 working hours about two-thirds of the dome is completed. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 383).


Model a parametric version of Buckminster Fuller’s Dymaxion House, ca. 1930. From DesignByMany.
 

Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co. Airform Storage Bins, Litchfield, AZ, 1943. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntngton Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

In his Los Angeles Times piece, Jeffrey Head stated that Neff’s Airforms were used for wine storage facilities in Portugal and grain bins and Jordan. The above image from the Huntington Library Parker Collection also includes Airform grain storage bins built in Litchfield, Arizona in 1943. Ironically, during World War II Fuller was experimenting with ways to adapt off-the-shelf Butler grain storage silos into cheap, low-cost housing. (See below). Materials shortages during the war fostered endless experimentation and innovation into construction materials and building techniques that would bode well for the post-war home-building industry.

Wallace Neff inspecting Airform House. Photograph by Maynard Parker courtesy Huntington Library Maynard Parker Collection.

 

Dymaxion Deployment Unit ca. 1941. Image courtesy of the Google-hosted LIFE photo archive.

Dymaxion Deployment Unit under construction, 1940.  (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 214).

Fuller’s earlier studies coupled with his anecdotal accident of seeing a grain bin, led him to develop the version of the Dymaxion Deployment Unit seen above. Commissioned by the army for field housing, hundreds of these units were shipped to the Persian Gulf during World War Two. Fuller’s continued research into this production method led to the development of the Wichita House in 1946. (See below).

Installing the ventilator on the Wichita House, Wichita, Kansas, 1946.
From “Your Private Sky,” p. 245.

Structural engineer Richard Bradshaw recently reminisced of his relationship with Neff and his Mexican domes,

“Wallace Neff sort of adopted me. He came over to my office many times. The stuff I was designing seemed to fascinate him. I think he was a frustrated structural form enthusiast but had never met anyone who actually had familiarity with them. The only engineering I actually did for him was his Mexico gunite domes. (See below). They were built and I guess they used the Goodyear forms to build them.” (Richard Bradshaw to John Crosse e-mail, December 31, 2011).

Head, Jeffrey, ‘Bubble’ born, then burst, Los Angeles Times, December 31, 2011, pp. E4-5.

 

Diane Kanner interestingly wrote in her Neff biography that the above 1949 Mexico City school composed of seven Airforms was painted by renowned muralist Diego Rivera. (Kanner, p. 194).

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Gordon Drake’s First Project: The Lt. and Mrs. H. M. Drake Residence, Coronado, 1939-40

(Post Under Construction. Stay Tuned)
In the meantime, for more on Drake go to my The Post-War Publicity Partnership of Julius Shulman and Gordon Drake.
Photo courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
The precocious Gordon Converse Drake received his first architectural notoriety in the spring of 1940 while still a student at USC for the design of his brother Max’s house at 374 Avenue D on Coronado Island in San Diego. (See above). He designed and built the house in 1939, two years after enrolling in USC’s School of Architecture and Fine Arts while under the tutelage of Carl Troedsson, first as a student and later a draftsman in his private practice. Drake won the special award for architecture in USC’s annual Art Appoliad for his “House in Coronado” which was exhibited in the Fisher Gallery on the USC Campus. (See below). (“Creative Art Contest Winning Entries Show”, Los Angeles Times, May 1, 1940, p. I-10).
Los Angeles Times, May 1, 1940, p. II-10.
Blueprint courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
Photo courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
Photo courtesy of Drake’s great nephew, Gordon Converse Hiler Drake.
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Raphael Soriano: An Annotated and Illustrated Bibliography

Raphael Soriano, frontispiece photo from his oral history Substance and Form, Interviewed by Marlene L. Laskey, Completed under the auspices of the Oral History Program University of California Los Angeles, 1988. Photographer unknown.

Introduction

I would like to acknowledge Julius Shulman for the inspiration to create this bibliography. As I gradually became an avid fan and collector of material pertaining to Southern California modernist architecture over the last few years, I grew to appreciate the great importance of Shulman’s legacy in chronicling its evolution and growth. I also started to realize the ubiquitousness of his images in the architectural literature and on the covers of same. I approached him a couple years ago and asked if he had ever thought of doing a book which would collect all of the covers from books, shelter magazines, and architectural journals that his photos have graced. He liked the idea and invited me up to his idyllic Raphael Soriano-designed studio in the Hollywood Hills. After an introductory chat he told me to open the doors to his closet and pull down some of the dusty old 8X10 Kodak film storage boxes from the top shelf. They were stuffed to the gills with clippings and tear sheets he had saved over the years from various articles containing his photos. As we rummaged we found numerous covers he had long forgotten about and which I had never seen.

Thus began a journey on which there seems to be no end. Julius gave me much encouragement and allowed me free reign to browse, and catalogue his studio archives. He also graciously shared with me his assignment log book which contains over 7,000 records and counting as he continues to work beyond his 98th birthday. He introduced me to important historians, film makers and archivists and regaled me with anecdotes on his assignments and clients. To date we have uncovered over 800 covers on which his photos have appeared. Julius has chosen the title “Julius Shulman Covers Up” for this effort and uses it with an impish twinkle in his eyes. While conducting my exhaustive search for Shulman covers I began compiling an annotated bibliography of all the publications his work has appeared in. It has become a labor of love which now approaches 8,000 items. It has also provided focus to, and facilitated my collecting efforts.

Publication in 2008 of Julius Shulman: The Building of My Home and Studio and Julius Shulman Does His Own House by Nazraeli Press motivated me to learn more about the architect Raphael Soriano. A logical starting point for me was to perform a “Soriano” search in my aforementioned Julius Shulman Annotated Bibliography.. The search resulted in 265 articles with Shulman photos of Soriano projects. Shulman has logged close to 50 assignments on Soriano projects over the years for various clients ranging from Soriano himself to book and article authors, magazine editors, newspaper reporters, exhibition curators, homeowners and realtors. He also used his considerable marketing skills and contacts with publishers and editors to help spread the gospel of modernism according to Soriano to a global audience.

This bibliography compiles my Shulman-Soriano findings with the excellent bibliographic foundation laid by Wolfgang Wagener in his excellent 2002 biography Raphael Soriano published by Phaidon Press. Esther McCoy’s groundbreaking The Second Generation published in 1984 by Gibbs Smith had additional bibliographic material and Neil Jackson’s 1996 The Modern Steel House published by Van Nostrand Reinhold was also helpful. Building upon these sources, exhaustive searches were also done on ProQuest, Los Angeles Times Historical, RIBA, Avery, WorldCat, WilsonWeb, Art Index, Google and many other databases and sources resulting in well over 350 items discovered to date.

The bibliography is assembled chronologically by year and contains selected images from my private collection which illustrate the close friendship shared by Shulman and Soriano. Shulman’s eventual choice of Soriano as architect for his own house over Neutra is indicative of that bond. Shulman’s publishing contacts gained through his assignments for Richard Neutra opened doors for all of his other clients. Through this network Shulman ensured that Soriano’s work was published in all the important literature of the early modern movement throughout the 1940s and early 1950s as evidenced by the illustrations herein.

The reader is also directed to Soriano’s oral history, Substance and Form, to gain insight into the personality and character of this now legendary figure. He expounds in his own inimitable style on John Entenza, the Case Study House Program, Esther McCoy and his colleagues and is a truly fascinating read. Click on the link below to go to the bibliography.

Feedback on ways to improve this compilation and submittals of new items and sources for inclusion is always welcome as I intend to update this bibliography periodically.
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Living Lightly on the Land: Bernard Judge’s “Triponent” and “Tree” Houses


Bernard Judge Residence, Durand Dr., Hollywood, 1960-1, MacMasters, Dan, “A Bubble on a Hilltop,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, July 1, 1962, cover, 21-25, 32. Julius Shulman Job No. 3378, 4-30 and 5-1-1961. 

 

Architect Bernard Judge’s “Triponent” House, which Julius Shulman helped make famous with his above iconic 1961 image has a fascinating back-story which few people other than personal friends of the designer are aware. Judge’s personal residence, begun  in 1958 while still an architectural student at USC, was also coined the “Bubble” House by legendary Los Angeles Times Home Magazine editor Dan MacMasters. (See above cover). Judge’s AIA Award-winning “Tree” House, his residence for the last 35 years, also has quite a story to tell. (See below). Recent publication of Judge’s “Waltzing With Brando: Planning a Paradise in Tahiti” and hearing him speak at a recent book-signing event at R. M. Schindler’s Buck House, now owned by Jocelyn Gibbs and Gene Lichtenstein, piqued my interest in the man and his architecture and prompted in the following story.  

Bernard Judge “Tree” House, Hollywood Hills, “Award-winning House-on-a-Post Goes Anywhere,” Sunset, November 1978, cover, pp. 109-9. Cover photo by Glenn Christiansen.

 

 Judge was drawn to architecture through his architect father Joseph who was Dean of the School of Architecture at Penn St. University and later worked for Eggers & Higgins. Various projects took Joseph and his family to different parts of the world including France, Mexico, and Nicaragua. While still in high school, Bernard helped his father build a house, thus learning the construction process firsthand. Experience in his father’s office also led him to his first job after high school as a draftsman for Harrison & Abramovitz working on the United Nations Headquarters Building. This was an exciting time for Judge who recalls, “There were literally two architects from every nation in the U.N. in the drafting room. So for me that was a way of looking at architecture in the universal sense rather than in the parochial sense.” (Smith, Kathryn, “Bernard Judge, AIA,” L.A. Architect, March 1980, p. 2).

Judge added more practical experience through a four-year term of service with the Seabees during the Korean War where he gained an insight into architecture through construction. Much of this Navy time was spent in Morocco and North Africa. After his release in 1954 he traveled around Europe until his Seabees savings ran out and then spent a year at the Beaux-Arts in Paris. Bernard’s extensive travels exposed him to a wide variety of cultures and vernacular architecture and indigenous building materials which helped formulate his life-long design philosophy of “living lightly on the land.” By the time he arrived in Los Angeles to enroll in the USC School of Architecture in 1956 he was ready to begin his studies in earnest.Before beginning discussion on Judge’s first project, his “Triponent” House, I must digress to lay some groundwork pertaining to his inspiration for same, none other than Buckminster Fuller.

R. Buckminster Fuller, “Design: The Dymaxion American,” Time, January 10, 1964.

 

“Bucky” Fuller, whom Time Magazine deemed “The Dymaxion American” in a January 10, 1964 cover story (see above) was a prodigious, seminal, free thinker without a college degree, was an engineer, systems theorist, author, designer, inventor, and futurist. Fuller published more than 30 books, inventing and popularizing terms such as “Spaceship Earth“, ephemeralization, and synergetics. He also developed numerous inventions, but it was mainly his doing more with less“ architectural designs which held potential for prefabrication for the common man, such as the Dymaxion House, Dymaxion Deployment Unit, Wichita House, Autonomous Dwelling Unit and the Geodesic Dome, which held his interest throughout his lengthy career. A summary of the highlights of his lightweight, transportable housing will serve as an intro to the later dome discussion.

Model a parametric version of Buckminster Fuller’s Dymaxion House. From DesignByMany.


The project that made Fuller’s name was the 1929 Dymaxion House, which he unveiled in the interior decorating department of the Chicago’s Marshall-Field’s Department Store. “The name Dymaxion, Dy(namic)max(imum)(tens)ion, was created by the marketer Waldo Warren who, after listening to Fuller talk for two days, devised endless combinations of syllables taken from his highly idiosyncratic vocabulary. Finally he found the word which seemed to him best to dramatise Fuller’s personality. Made from lightweight steel, duraluminium and plastic and suspended from a central mast from which the rooms radiated in a hexagonal plan, the Dymaxion House was conceived not as private property, but rather as temporary, transportable space that could be rented – rather like a telephone issued by a telephone company.” (From R. Buckminster Fuller: Inventor, Designer, Architect, Theorist (1895-1983) at DesignMuseum.org).

Dymaxion Deployment Units, 1940From R. Buckminster Fuller: Inventor, Designer, Architect, Theorist (1895-1983) at DesignMuseum.org. 

 

In 1940, in anticipation of the bombing of British cities, he was asked by the British War Relief Organization to design an emergency shelter he named the Dymaxion Deployment UnitIn the DDU’s conception, Fuller started with an existing industry that he hoped to upgrade technologically. Fuller worked with the Butler Company of Kansas City, which manufactured grain silos (see below left) of curved galvanized steel, to develop a self-supporting structure in a circular shape designed to provide the most advantageous relationship between circumference and interior space. The unit was designed to be set up and taken down easily. Metal for its construction was, however, never made available by the British Government as it was needed for the production of armaments. When the US entered World War II, Fuller’s units were commissioned as emergency accommodation for the air force. (See above). (From Design Museum). A similar unit was also designed for domestic use but again due to lack of materials did not go into production. (See below).

Dymaxion Deployment Unit under construction.  (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 214).

 

The DDU’s sanitary unit is enclosed in a separate cylindrical element. Two units can be attached directly to each other. (See floor plan below). The pylon (see above right) is important, though originally Fuller conceived of it merely as a simple way to set it up: it holds up the dome that is built beneath it. From a constructive perspective, and even more from a structural perspective, Fuller was breaking a path that years later would lead away from the idea of a central supporting pylon to the supporting shell of the geodesic domes.

 

Dymaxion Deployment Unit floor plan.  (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 214).

Dymaxion Deployment Unit for domestic use, metal, adapted corn bin, built by Butler Brothers, Kansas City, May 1941. Photo by Marion Post Wolcott.

 

 Fuller’s expertise in the field of lightweight demountable housing was again enlisted by the U.S. government to explore post-war housing possibilities. These studies led to the famous 1946 Wichita House, a full-size family dwelling weighing only 4 tons that was designed to be assembled on wartime bomber production lines. The prototype (see below) is arguably the most important prefabricated house design of the 20th century, and certainly the greatest lost opportunity of the years of the post-war building recovery. Life Magazine, a close follower of Fuller’s work, featured the Wichita House in an article the same year. (“Fuller House,” Life, April 1, 1946, pp. 73-4, 76).


Installing the ventilator on the Wichita House, Wichita, Kansas, 1946. From Design Museum. From “Your Private Sky,” p. 245.

Wichita House, Wichita, Kansas, 1946. From Design Museum. From R. Buckminster Fuller: Inventor, Designer, Architect, Theorist (1895-1983) at DesignMuseum.org.

 

When revealed to the public at the end of World War II, the image of the Wichita House (see above) was a revelation. The lightweight metal building was essentially a cylinder, just over one thousand square feet in area, with a domed roof enclosing a single volume. As with the DDU, it was hung from a central mast, its “double wire-wheel” structure relied on tension as the main structural principle. At the top, a wide aerodynamic sheet metal ventilator was designed to rotate or lift and alter the internal environment depending on wind direction.  Designed to facilitate transport, erection, and dismantling, the majority of the components weighed less than ten pounds each.


Fuller in his office at Black Mountain College, summer 1948. Photograh by Hazel Larson Archer. Courtesy Buckminster Fuller Institute.

 

Frustrated, but undaunted, by the Wichita House not going into full-scale production despite a major marketing effort, Fuller began preliminary “geodesic” studies in his Forest Hills, New York apartment in the fall and winter of 1947-8 by assembling a series of four-foot diameter three-way grid structures. (See models above). Immediately following the geometric discoveries of the spring of 1948, Fuller took teaching positions at the Institute of Design in Chicago and at Black Mountain College. His research activity merged seamlessly into his modeling-based work with students.

It was the start of an unparalleled level of teaching activity at a growing number of art and design schools, universities, and colleges. Fuller had a talent for inspiring his students to achieve genuine innovations and inventions. He continued these early studies with the help of a very creative group of students at Black Mountain College the following summer including Kenneth Snelson, Jeffrey Lindsay, Ted Pope, Don Richter, and Shoji Sadao whose contributions enabled Fuller’s success of the fifties.It was more or less coincidence that Fuller came to Black Mountain College, a tiny art school in North Carolina, where Josef and Anni Albers were carrying on the Bauhaus tradition. Distinguished architects such as A. Lawrence Kocher, former partner of Albert Frey and editor of Architectural Record, and Walter Gropius, former director of the Bauhaus, preceded Fuller teaching architecture at the school. At the last minute, Fuller stepped in for Bertrand Goldberg, whose partner in the Chicago architectural firm, Leland Atwood, had suggested him as a substitute. Atwood had previously helped Fuller on the Dymaxion Deployment Unit project. Fuller packed his models into his Airstream Trailer and headed off to North Carolina for the 1948 Summer Institute session. (“Your Private Sky,” pp. 314-6).

The Dome Model with Si Sillman (bending), Buckminster Fuller, Elaine de Kooning, Roger Lovelace, and Josef Albers. Photo by Beaumont Newhall. Courtesy of the Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate, Scheinbaum and Russek Ltd., Santa Fe, New Mexico. © Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate.


Iwas Josef Albers who invited John Cage, Merce Cunningham, Willem and Elaine de Kooning, and Beaumont and Nancy Newhall to teach at the 1948 Summer Institute at Black Mountain College. At the time they were all struggling and unknown artists. He also invited Buckminster Fuller to teach a class in architecture. Established in 1933 by John Andrew Rice, Theodore Dreier and other former faculty members of Rollins College, Black Mountain was the first American experimental college boasting complete democratic self-rule, extensive work in the creative arts, and interdisciplinary academic study. Josef and Annie Albers held central positions at Black Mountain from 1933-49 arriving shortly after their previous home, the Bauhaus, had been closed by Hitler. (See Appalachian History).


Fuller with students unloading models from his Airstream, Black Mountain College, summer 1948. From “Your Private Sky,” p. 326.


Fuller came with his Airstream trailer, packed full with his mathematical models. His laboratory was now mobile, his research nomadic. According to reports from participants, including Elaine de Kooning, Kenneth Snelson, Richard Lippold, and Merce Cunningham, Fuller’s first, three-hour-long lecture must have had an electrifying effect on the audience. Bucky, Elaine de Kooning recalled,

“whirled off into his talk, using bobby pins, clothespins, all sorts of units from the five-and-ten-cent store to make geometric, mobile constructions, collapsing an ingeniously fashioned icosahedron by twisting it and doubling and tripling the modules down to a tetrahedron, talking about the obsolescence of the square, the cube, the numbers two and ten (throwing in a short history of ciphering and why it was punishable by death in the Dark Ages), extolling the numbers nine and three, the circle, the triangle, the tetrahedron, and the sphere, dazzling us with his complex theories of ecology, engineering, and technology. Then he began making diagrams on a blackboard. He drew a square, connecting two corners with a diagonal line. ‘Ah’, he said affectionately, ‘here’s’ our old friend, the hypotenuse.’” (Elaine de Kooning quoted in Mary Emma Harris, “The Arts at Black Mountain College,” p. 151).

Kenneth Snelson, Black Mountain College, 1949. (From BMCproject.org).

 

Kenneth Snelson (see above), one of Fuller’s brightest students in the 1948 and 1949 summer sessions and discoverer of what Fuller coined “tensegrity” reminisced upon Fuller’s arrival,

“Two weeks into the (1948) session “this strange man Buckminster Fuller arrived.” Snelson recalled that no one really knew who Fuller was and that he was not particularly interested in taking a class in architecture. Albers asked him to help Fuller unload (see earlier above) and assemble the many models from his aluminum trailer in preparation for Fuller’s community lecture. Although Snelson expected to find models of small houses based on the cube and rectangle which he would organize and assemble, he found instead models made of Venetian blind strips, marbles, straws, and other materials based on the tetrahedron and geodesic geometry. He recalled that he was “mesmerized” by Fuller’s first three hour community lecture and enrolled in his class. He, along with other members of the community, was captivated by Fuller’s message of saving the world through technology, economy of means, and by his fascinating geometry.” (From BMCProject.org). (Note: For a great video demonstrating the Snelson’s tensegrity concept which he would later incorporate into his now famous sculptures see “Playing with a Tensegrity“).


William De Kooning and Albert Lanier, Buckminster Fuller’s Architecture Class, Black Mountain College, summer 1948. From Mondoblogo.

 

In addition to his models. Fuller came to Black Mountain packed full of ideas and projects. Shortly before his departure, he had sketched out a project on 15 June: the construction of a transparent geodesic dome that would enable its occupant to locate his or her correct position in the universe. This was clearly the origin of the idea that was connected to the construction of geodesic domes. Fuller called it “Your Private Sky.”  At Black Mountain College, he planned to execute the small great-circle model on a larger scale, utilizing lightweight metal Venetian blind sashes to create the first dome. (See below).

The “Supine Dome” under constructionBuckminster Fuller, Summer 1948, Black Mountain College, Photographs: Beaumont Newhall. Courtesy of the Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate, Scheinbaum and Russek Ltd., Santa Fe, New Mexico. © Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate.

 

Fuller’s first full-scale dome, a forty-eight foot diameter ”necklace” structure with a height of twenty-three feet which would cover an area of fifteen hundred square feet and was to weigh less than 270 pounds. The students measured the Venetian blind slats and computed the tensile strength of each unit. Each strip was coded and the points marked where they would meet. On a rainy day Fuller and his students gathered in a grassy area (see above) while rest of the community watched from the Studies Building or the nearby FHA units as the class began to connect the points on the strips.

 

The “Supine Dome” under constructionBuckminster Fuller, Summer 1948, Black Mountain College, Photographs: Beaumont Newhall. Courtesy of the Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate, Scheinbaum and Russek Ltd., Santa Fe, New Mexico. © Beaumont and Nancy Newhall Estate.

 

The dome collapsed to the ground when tension was applied during its attempted erection. (See above). Fuller had said in advance that it probably wouldn’t hold due to the choice of materials, but decided to go ahead and complete the class project anyway. When the dome did not rise, it was coined the Supine Dome by Elaine de Kooning. Fuller reassured the class that “failure” is a part of the process of inventing, and success is achieved when one stops failing, a valuable lesson for the young students. (From Black Mountain College Project).

Programl for The Ruse of the Medusa, Black Mountain College, August 14, 1948. From D. H. Ramsey Library, Special Collections.

Buckminster Fuller as Baron Medusa and Merce Cunningham as the mechanical monkey performing in Erik Satie’s The Ruse of the Medusa, Black Mountain College, August 14, 1948. (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller, 1999, p. 323).

 

It was not all work and no “play” at Black Mountain. Arthur Penn co-directed (with Helen Livingston) a play by Erik Satie, The Ruse of Medusa, with cast members Buckminster Fuller (see above), Merce Cunningham, Elaine de Kooning, and others with piano accompaniment by John Cage (see below) and set design by Willem and Elaine de Kooning. (See playbill above). Cage was quoted from this period, “The whole world has to be turned into music or into a Fuller university.” (Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, p. 320).


John Cage performing in Erik Satie’s The Ruse of the Medusa, Black Mountain College, August 14, 1948. (From Your Private Sky: R. Buckminster Fuller, edited by Joachim Krausse and Claude Lichtenstein, Lars Muller Publishers, 1999, p. 325).

 

At Black Mountain over the 1948-49 winter a crisis culminated in the resignations of Theodore Dreier, the last of the college founders, along with Josef and Anni Albers and other members of the arts faculty. On the recommendation of Josef Albers, the remaining faculty asked Fuller to return to direct the 1949 summer session. Fuller accepted and invited as summer faculty Chicago friends and colleagues: Diana and Emerson Woelffer, John and Jano Walley, and Indian dancer Vashi and Pra-veena. He also brought a group of students from the Institute of Design, his “Twelve Disciples” (Black Mountain designation): Louis Caviani, Arthur Boericke, Eugene Godfrey, Mary Jo Slick Godfrey, Joseph Manulik, Alan Lindsay, Jeffrey Lindsay, Ysidore Martinez, Donald Richter, Robert Richter, Masato Nakagawa, and Harold Young. (From bmcproject.org).


Fuller holding a model of his Standard of Living Package, aka Autonomous Dwelling Unit, next to his Sky Break model, Black Mountain College, summer 1949. From Stylepark.

 

Fuller had previously assigned the design project to develop the “Standard of Living Package,” aka “Autonomous Dwelling Unit” (see above right and below) to students at the Institute of Design in Chicago in 1948: To make the complete furnishings for a household of six people that could be packed into a container and transported with a trailer. The students developed a box that was eight yards long and two yards high and wide, with collapsible walls that were fastened by hinges. When folded down, the walls also served as the floor for the furniture and household items, as well as for the corresponding zones of the floor plan: bedroom, living room, two baths. The overall useable area was ninety square yards. The exercise was influenced by the technique developed during the war for transporting delicate airplane parts in trucks that were packed full. This exercise was also related to the design for the “Sky Break” (see above left), an easily constructed house whose climatic skin is a geodesic cover, designed according to the necklace principle, that stretches over the unfolded – in this case two-story – living space and storage compartments. (Note: The Sky Break model presages a similar project assigned by Calvin Straub to an architectural class at USC in 1957 in which Bernard Judge participated which provided the inspiration for his “Bubble” House. See L.A. Times article and discussion later herein).

The plan for the summer was to continue development work on the Autonomous Dwelling Unit and geodesic structure which Fuller and his students, including Jeffrey Lindsay, had also designed at the Institute of Design. He brought with him a small model showing the dome and enclosed house. (See above). The dome, which could be collapsed and moved, provided a controlled environment; the house could also be collapsed into a trailer-like form and transported. The project for the summer was to make and test a double-walled plastic cover for the dome. (See below).

 ”Necklace Dome” with outer plastic skin. Black Mountain College, summer 1949. From “Your Private Sky,” pp. 328-9).

Buckminster Fuller’s students at the 1949 Summer Institute, Black Mountain College, demonstrate the lightness of the “Necklace Dome.” Pictured: Jeffery Lindsay (sunglasses), Louis Caviani (far right). From North Carolina Digital Collections.

 

Fuller and his class succeeded in re-erecting the “Necklace Dome.” (See above). This dome, a thirty-one great circle structure, was made of aircraft tubing laced with cable which ran from the tubes through connectors at the joints. When the cable was tightened, the dome was erect; when relaxed, it collapsed into an easily-transported compact form similar to a necklace. The prototype for the dome which Fuller brought with him, had originally been constructed for a demonstration at the Pentagon in the winter. Assuming it would be erected indoors – it was actually erected in the Pentagon courtyard (see later below) – Fuller had reduced the size to fourteen feet in diameter to accommodate an indoor space.

Fuller and class testing strength of dome, Black Mountain College, summer 1949. Photographs Masato Nakagawa, courtesy Black Mountain College Project.

 

The students erected the dome on a terrace at the end of the Studies Building. They demonstrated its strength by hanging by their hands from the structure and from a suspended platform on which a number of people could sit. Its light-weight was demonstrated by having three students lift it above their heads. (See two above).


Necklace Dome being unraveled during erection.

  
Necklace Geodesic Structure (14 ft., 50 lbs.), on exhibit in the Pentagon Garden, February 1950. (From “Buckminster Fuller: Ideas and Integreties,” p. 192).

 

After the late 1940s Chicago Institute of Design and Black Mountain summer sessions, Fuller’s dome work rapidly evolved with the continuing help of Black Mountain disciples Snelson and Lindsay whom he recruited as Fellows and Trustee in his Fuller Research Foundation along with Charles Eames, George Nelson, Knud Lonberg-Holm and others. He wrote of the first practical dome development experiments with Jeffrey Lindsay in Montreal in 1950 which would eventually end up as the actual framework for the Judge “Bubble” House in Beachwood Canyon,

“In December 1949 a 14-ft. necklace Geodesic was assembled at 6 Kinzie St., Chicago, at the request of the Air Force, and in February 1950 it was installed in the Pentagon Building garden at Washington, D.C. (See above). In December of 1950 the prototype of a specialized geodesic structure 49 feet in diameter was built in Montreal. (See below). I designed it to be an Arctic installation. The components of the structure were tubular aluminum struts weighing about one pound each. The structure was so light that we did not need a mast to lift it. Instead it was lifted locally in order to add more struts to the bottom. When the structure was completed we looked up at the blue sky through this thing and began to realize that something very pleasantly exciting was happening to us. We knew that it was light, knew that it was strong, but we did not know that it was going to do just that to a blue sky. Those are the very typical sensations we get when we tend to solve only the scientific side of the problem. The qualities of economy that are synergetically resultant in the end do something to us in the way of challenging our sensibility to new sensorial limits. Looking over against the birch trees, the slenderness ratios of these very high strength trees and of the Geodesic struts seemed to be very much akin.” (See below). (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 334).

Geodesic dome, Montreal, December 1950, Fuller Research Foundation, Canadian Division, Jeffrey Lindsay, Director. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 334).

Before the textile skin was installed: the metal rods form the pressure-subjected dome vaulting, the tautly strung wires form the tension-subjected outer shell. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 335).


Dome after weatherproofing skin installation, Montreal, 1950. From “Geodesic Dome: Bucky Fuller’s spidery new framing system,” Architectural Forum, August 1951, p. 144-151).

 

The 1950 Montreal dome experiments and findings were published as a cover story in the August 1951 issue of Architectural Forum which also included a profile of Fuller and an illustrated summary of his earlier Dymaxion work. (See above and below). The article also described the Fuller Research Foundation’s plans for marketing and development of geodesic domes and their potential uses, most of which soon became realities.

 

Bucky Fuller starts “the one architectural revolution,” (From “Geodesic Dome: Bucky Fuller’s spidery new framing system…,” Architectural Forum, August 1951, cover, p. 144-151).

Dome erection progress photos, Montreal 1950. (From “Geodesic Dome: Bucky Fuller’s spidery new framing system…,” Architectural Forum, August 1951, cover, p. 144-151).

 

 Fuller shortly thereafter presciently applied for a patent on the dome concept in December 1951. (See below). Patent licensing fees would within the next few years make Fuller a wealthy man. Although Fuller held dozens of patents on his inventions over the years, this is the only one that made him any significant money as he licensed to numerous other companies the rights to use his technology in future dome shelter production.

 UNITED STATES PATENT OFFICE

2,682,235

BUILDING CONSTRUCTION

Richard Buckminster Fuller, Forest Hills, N. Y.

Application December 12, 1951, Serial No. 261,168, p. 1.

 

Fuller’s patent application summary describes the elemental specifications of what would become the outer framework of Bernard Judge’s 49 ft. diameter Hollywood Hills house.

“A good index to the performance of any building frame is the structural weight required to shelter a square foot of floor from the weather. In conventional wall and roof designs the figure is often 50 lbs, to the sq. ft. I have discovered how to do the job at around 0.78 lb. per sq. ft. by constructing a frame of generally spherical form in which the main structural elements are interconnected in a geodesic pattern of approximate great circle arcs intersecting to form a three-way grid, and covering or lining this frame with a skin of plastic material.

My “three-way grid” of structural members results in substantially uniform stressing of all members, and the framework itself acts almost as a membrane in absorbing and distributing loads. The resultant structure is a spidery framework of many light pieces, such as aluminum rods, tubes, sheets, or extruded sections, which so complement one another in the particular pattern of the finished assembly as to give an extremely favorable weight-strength ratio, and withstand high stresses. For example, the “8C270 Weatherbreak” constructed in accordance with my invention will support 7 lbs. with each ounce of structure and is able to withstand wind velocities up to 150 miles per hour. It is a dome 49 ft. in diameter, enclosing 20,815 cu. ft. of space, yet the frame is made of light short struts which pack into a bundle 2 ft. by 4 ft. by 5 ft., weighing only 1000 lbs. The plastic skin weighs 140 lbs., making the total weight of this “weatherbreak” a mere 1140 lbs.” (Patent No. 2, 682,235, p. 7).


Geodesic Dome for the Ford Rotunda, Dearborn, Michigan, 1952. “Tape, Plastic and Aluminum: Ford Builds a “Geodesic Dome,” Life, June 8, 1953, p. 67.

The first commercial application of the dome was at the iconic Ford Rotunda in Dearborn, Michigan. The Ford Rotunda was originally built as an exhibit building for the 1933 Chicago World’s Fair. After the close of the Fair, the building was taken apart and shipped to Dearborn, and reassembled and reopened in 1936. The Rotunda underwent extensive remodeling in 1952-3, at which time the center courtyard section was enclosed by the addition of a geodesic dome roof section weighing only 18,000 pounds. The Rotunda reopened to the public on June 16, 1953, as part of Ford’s 50th Anniversary Celebration. The above four-page spread in Life Magazine gave an immediate boost to Fuller’s marketing efforts.
 
Geodesic Radome prototype atop Mt. Washington, New Hampshire where it withstood 182 mph winds without interior icing during two-year DEW Line testing, 1954-5. (From “Buckminster Fuller: Ideas and Integreties,” p. 192).

Fuller’s constant lobbying of the Pentagon to extoll the virtues of the dome for a variety of military applications was beginning to pay off in a big way in 1954 as the Department of Defense began testing the feasibility of using domes for Arctic radar system protection use in the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line. The DEW Line was being set up to detect incoming Soviet bombers during the Cold War and provide early warning of a land based invasion. Bucky’s Radome passed all wind and weather testing and was incorporated into the system by 1956. (See above and below). (“Sprouting Domes on DEW Line,” Life, pp. 133-136).

DEW Line Station at Point Lay, Alaska. From Wikipedia.

Clark Children’s Theater, San Diego Zoo, designed by Jeffrey Lindsay, 1955. Photo by Sam Rosenberg. (From the Esther McCoy Papers, Archives of American Art).

Jeffrey Lindsay, recently relocated to Southern California to proselytize on Fuller’s geodesic technology, designed the above dome for a children’s theater at the San Diego Zoo which was completed in 1955. This was possibly the first geodesic dome built on the West Coast. Judge, by then an architectural student at USC following his four-year stint with the Navy Seabeesduring the Korean War, met Lindsay a year or two later, and through him, met Fuller himself at a party hosted by Lindsay. Judge quickly became fascinated by Fuller and his theories and soon convinced USC Architecture School Dean Arthur Gallion to bring him to the campus for a lecture.

“SC Architectural Students Complete Models of Homes,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1957, p. VI-15.

About the same time, in the spring of 1957, Judge and his classmates in Calvin Straub’s and Conrad Buff’s architectural design class at USC, were building models incorporating elements of Fuller’s Geodesic Dome and “Autonomous Dwelling Unit” concepts. (See article above). Fuller was then widely lecturing at college campuses around the country and similar class exercises were all the rage in the architectural schools. The visionary class project was completed in conjunction with the following summer’s Construction Industries Exposition and Home Show at which one of Fuller’s full-scale domes was to be on display. (See below).

“A dome house that really works,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, June 8, 1958, p. 20. (From ProQuest).


Felix Candela: Shell Forms exhibition catalog fron cover, May 1957, text by Esther McCoy. From Archives of American Art Esther McCoy Papers.

The Spring 1957 semester on the USC School of Architecture campus were heady times for Judge and his classmates as noted Mexican architect-engineer Felix Candela also visited the campus for a May exhibition shortly after they had finished their dome projects. (See above and below catalog covers). The hosting committee and sponsors for the show were a veritable ”Who’s Who” of the Los Angeles architectural community. (For more on this exhibition see my Selected Publications of Esther McCoy).

 

Felix Candela: Shell Forms exhibition catalog fron cover, May 1957, text by Esther McCoy. From Archives of American Art Esther McCoy Papers.

 

After 15 working hours about two-thirds of the dome is completed. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 383).

At the same time the USC class was building their dome residence models, Kaiser Aluminum was erecting the first aluminum dome at Henry Kaiser’s Hilton Hawaiian Village in Honolulu. (See above). Kaiser was one of Fuller’s earliest dome patent licensees and hired Fuller protege and former Lindsay classmate and Fuller Research Foundation colleague, Don Richter, to head it’s dome design and product development unit.  The Honolulu project was a 145-ft. diameter auditorium that could seat 2,000 people and, once the foundation was laid, was erected in 20 hours by a crew of 38 men. (See Kaiser Aluminum ad “Revolutionary New Building…The First of Its Kind: The Kaiser Aluminum Dome,” Life Magazine, March 18, 1957, pp. 20-21). Always one to capitalize on publicity stunts, Henry Kaiser arranged for an opening night concert the same evening the dome was completed. (See below).

Grand opening of the Kaiser Dome with an evening symphony concert, February 1957, the same day the structure was completed within 24 hours after arrival of the components. (From “Your Private Sky,” p. 384-5).


Model for a campus arts workshop designed by Jeffrey Lindsay. Inside is acoustics expert and Dean of the Graduate Division, Vern O. Knudsen, testing the dome’s sound absorbency. (See “Art Rides High at a Great University,” Life, May 20, 1957, pp. 92-93)

 

A couple months later a Life Magazine feature article on the UCLA arts programs led off with a model for a proposed domed arts workshop building for the campus designed by seminar teacher Jeffrey Lindsay. (See above). The article also included a photo of a kite Lindsay frequently used to demonstrate the inherent lightness of dome components. (See below). (See “Art Rides High at a Great University,” Life, May 20, 1957, pp. 92-103). A Buckminster Fuller exhibition was organized by Pomona College the following December and January and Fuller was often in town for lectures over the next few years.

Jeffrey Lindsay and industrial design students preparing to fly a kite which demonstrates the lightness of dome building materials. Despite its 48 sq. ft. area the kite only weighed three pounds and easily took flight. (See “Art Rides High at a Great University,” Life, May 20, 1957, pp. 93).

1989 House from “Here’s Your House of Tomorrow,” Mechanix Illustrated, June 1957, cover, 72-75. From David Zondy.

Domes in all their forms had captured the nation’s fancy by this time evidenced by the above Mechanix Illustrated cover story. Lindsay continued to spread the gospel of the dome in Southern California with his 1958 design for a utility building at Newport Dunes Park in Newport Beach. (See below).

Recently married and intrigued with the idea of building a dome house for himself and his new wife, despite almost everyone at USC skeptical of his chances for success, Judge decided to take on the challenge. He planned to build the residence along the lines of the Case Study House Program using mostly donated materials and student labor. With much encouragement from Lindsay and the gift of the dome he had erected in Montreal in 1950, Judge purchased a difficult to build on, thus inexpensive, lot in Beachwood Canyon in 1958. Lindsay had the components for the dome framework shipped to Judge from Montreal in a 3ft. x 4ft. by 6ft. shipping crate and design conceptualization began.

Judge decided to build upon Fuller’s highly theoretical “Autonomous Dwelling Unit” idea which included a portable, Gypsy-like “living package” enclosed by an easily collapsible dome. Whereas Fuller’s ADU concept envisioned off-the-grid living, Judge’s concept was a more pragmatic, somewhat rooted and prefabricatable, three-component living system he labelled, a la Fuller, ”Triponent.” His triponents consisted of what he called the envelope, the utility core, and free space.

Like Fuller, Judge envisioned his “Triponent” proposal as housing system that could be standardized for the most part, to keep future construction costs down. The envelope, in this case the dome, would protect the living spaces from the elements and could be a somewhat standardized design using materials based upon the needs presented by regional climate conditions. He imagined the utility core, i.e., bathroom(s), kitchen, laundry room and HVAC, as being a totally prefabricated element that could be standardized for all future units no matter where the location might be. That left the “free space” for customization to suit the needs of each individual homeowner. Judge’s thinking was that this “Triponent” approach would appeal to a broader cross-section of potential home-buyers than Fuller’s completely rigid, standardized designs.

 

Emmet Wemple, Conrad Buff, Don Hensman, Calvin Straub and Randell Makinson in the USC School of Architecture courtyard ca. 1955. Photographer unknown. From Buff & Hensman by Donald C. Hensman and edited by James Steeles, USC Guild press, 2004, p. 11. (For much more on Buff, Straub & Hensman see my A Case Study in the Mechanics of Fame and Buff & Hensman: An Annotated an Illustrated Bibliography).

During this period, Judge recollected receiving inspiration from instructors Conrad BuffCalvin StraubGregory Ain, and Emmet Wemple and guest lecturers Konrad Wachsman and especially Fuller. Despite encouragement from his instructors (see above) most of classmates remained highly skeptical of his chances for success. With the “Triponent” House, Judge was charting new territory, not only by adapting the first large-size experimental geodesic dome for residential use, something the resourceful Lindsay had not even dared to attempt, but by getting the dome itself and the myriad of space-age materials he was using for his envelope approved by the City of L.A.’s Department of Building and Safety. This process added at least two years to the four-and-a-half-year construction time.

Union Tank Car Maintenance Shop, Baton Rouge, LA, designed by Fuller’s Synergetics Corp. and completed in October 1958. From Wikipedia. 


 In the meantime Fuller’s 1957-8 technological advances resulted in the largest clear-span enclosure ever built anywhere in the world, i.e., a steel-skinned geodesic structure designed by Fuller’s own Synergetics, Inc. in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. (See above). The 384 foot diameter, 184 foot high building, designed as a maintenance shop for the Union Tank Car Company, was completed in October 1958. Fuller’s rapidly growing list of licensees (over 100 by 1959) resulted in accelerating demand for his services as private corporations and the Armed Services began deluging him with construction projects. To keep pace, Fuller organized several corporations owned solely by him to channel the licenses for the use of his by then dozens of patents. Geodesics, Inc. handled all government and military contracts; Synergetics, Inc. took care of all private industrial work; and Plydome, Inc. was one of many research and development subsidiaries.

Cover images reflect Fuller’s influence on close friend George Nelson’s designs. George Nelson: The Design of Modern Design by Stanley Abercrombie.

 Late 1958 and early 1959 found Fuller in collaboration with his former Fuller Research Foundation Trustees George Nelson and Charles Eames, and Welton Becket & Associates and Kaiser Aluminum on the installation of the dome to house the American National Exhibition in Moscow, site of the famous “Kitchen Debate” between Soviet Premier Nikita Krushchev and Vice-President Richard Nixon, held during the summer of 1959. Nelson was named by the U.S. government to lead the overall design effort for the exhibition and when he was presented with an almost impossible-to-meet design and construction schedule immediately called his old friend Fuller and Becket knowing they could get the job done with a quickly erected geodesic dome.

Buckminster Fuller in front of the exhibition dome at the American National Exhibition, Moscow, 1959. (From Britannica).
Inside Fuller’s dome, the seven screens for the Eameses’ film, Moscow, 1959. From George Nelson: The Design of Modern Design by Stanley Abercrombie, p. 174..


Exhibition Poster for “Three Structures by Buckminster Fuller,” Museum of Modern Art, September 1959. (From Copy Stand Weblog).

Fuller’s growing world-wide renown was recognized with a September 1959 solo exhibition in the courtyard garden of New York’s Museum of Modern Art immediately following the Moscow exhibition. (See above exhibition poster). MoMA exhibited three structures designed by Fuller including a cantilevered space frame “Octet Truss” of 2,380 gold-anodized aluminum tubes, a green plastic Radome such as used to protect radar equipment on the DEW Line and a black and white aluminum tubing and monel rod “tensegrity” mast (see below) built for the exhibition by Fuller protege Shoji Sadao. (MoMA Press Release, August 28, 1959).

Fuller at the opening of ”Three Structures by Buckminster Fuller,” Museum of Modern Art, September 1959. (From RWGrayProjects). 

 
R. Buckminster Fuller Dome Home, Carbondale, IL, 1960. (From Fuller Dome Home.org).

Coincidentally, about the same time Judge was obtaining approvals to advance the construction of his “Triponent” dome house, Fuller was building his own personal “Dome Home” in Carbondale where he was then teaching at Southern Illinois University. It is the only home the Fullers ever owned, and it served as a model for all dome homes built since 1960. His stream of consciousness discourse on the importance and origins of “domes” in his 1963 “Ideas and Intregrities” read,

“So important have domes been throughout man’s total experience that the roots of the word for God, home and dome are the same-domus, domicile and dome. In the language of the sailors of Denmark and Iceland, the word is dom. Because of the agelong interactions of mysticism, with religions of hope and fear, in the daily lives of men, always centering in the home, the dome, ages ago, became symbolic of all the cosmic thoughts, hopes, supplications and glorious conceptions. From its comprehensive pre-eminence, the dome conception gave root to the words dominate and dominion. As a result of the slow process of communication casualties in the hearing and mimicking of sounds, prior to the written word, a great interchangeability of the consonants prefixing the syllable om took place. The D was interchanged with the T in designation of the dome as a mortuary shrine and with a W as the gestation or pre-nativity shrine. Thus man went from W-OM-B to T -O-M-B via the H-OM-E. Even the B-OM-B is a derivative of dome as the super-accelerated explosive nativity container. The Bikini bomb was dome-like in shape.

In ecological patterning, early man was the hunter and fisher, operating at extreme radius from his domicile center. His mate operated at the domicile. She became the dome-man, the homeman, the w-om-man; also, she was the man with the dome inside, the w-om-b man. Greater and lesser ecological circles, characterizing male and female peregrinations respectively, are still the ecological domains of the swift running wild mammalian life. Later the thought-hunting and recollection-researching male, hibernating in his domicile center, became H-OM-O sapiens, domo sapiens.” (Buckminster Fuller, “Ideas and Integreties: A Spontaneous Autobiographical Disclosure” edited by Robert W. Marks, Prentice-Hall, 1963, p. 148).

In addition to having drunk the Fuller Kool-Aid after listening to him lecture at USC and befriending his local disciple Lindsay, Judge’s inspiration to make his 1957 USC class dome house study a reality came from,

“…having spent many years in underdeveloped countries, and the problem of human shelter- shelter in its most basic form – seemed to him paramount. He saw two thirds of humanity housed in shacks and slums; and on the other side he saw the technical and industrial potential to produce wholesome housing for every living soul. To exploit this potential, to make human habitation an experience of lasting enjoyment, seemed to him the top task of coming generations of architects. It was to be above all his own first task. He finished his studies at the University of Southern California and set out to do a house without precedent, a house that could become a point of orientation for our age.” (“Beautiful Homes and Gardens in California” by Herbert Weisskamp, pp. 146-149).

Judge and USC classmates assembling dome at a test site in California City. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.

Upon receiving shipment of the dome from Lindsay, Judge and some of his USC classmates erected it on a site in California City (see above) to take more precise measurements to design the layout of the foundation piers and began experimenting with protective skin materials and methods to attach same to the framework. Judge recollected of the time,

“I erected the dome in California city in order to test various skinning materials. It was a lot easier there as I didn’t have to lug every thing up the hill and I did not have to have any permits. I got permission from he developer to use the site as a USC student project. About 20 of my fellow students put it up in a day. We tested glass, plexyglass, Mylar and some other materials but they all failed after several months. It was only later during the load testing that I realized what the problem was, i.e., the movement due to temperature change.” (Bernard Judge e-mail to the author, August 22, 2011). 

The next step was to pour the foundation piers on the Beachwood Canyon site and relocate the dome there.
Foundation piers framing the front door with cement sheets filling the voids between the ground and bottom of dome frame. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.


Foundations were kept to a minimum on the steep grade. The lightweight structure required few foundation piers and the spaces in between were filled with single sheets of asbestos cement. (See above). Years were to pass, however, until this open dome structure became a reality as Judge had to get his design approved by the building authorities who found that it did not meet the letter of the building code in numerous areas. Judge “educated” the plan checkers and building inspectors and managed to obtain variances on seven decisive items. But he lost valuable time, construction could not proceed for long periods, and costs exceeded his shoestring budget. Another student Hendrik de Kanter finally advanced 10,000 dollars, to become, in the end, owner of the finished house. A deal was worked out that allowed Judge and his wife to live in the completed house for a year before turning it over to the de Kanters.

Water bags used by the Seabees during Judge’s tour of duty made for a more convenient test than using sand bags. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.


Once the frame was erected, the Department of Building and Safety needed to be convinced that the dome “envelope” had the necessary strength to withstand the required horizontal and vertical loads. Since Fuller and Lindsay were never able to calculate the loads in a fashion that would satisfy a plan checker, Judge had to devise an ingenious way to empirically load-test the framework. Plastic water bags Judge borrowed from a local Marine base were suspended from the dome skeleton, proving its structural stability and creating the fascinating construction photograph of bright sun light playing in the clear plastic bags. (See above).

Bernard Judge atop his dome, “Los Angeles in a New Image,” Life, June 20, 1960, pp. 74-75. Photo by Ralph Crane. 


In the spring of 1960 a staff reporter for Life magazine and photographer Ralph Crane were driving through Hollywood Hills to interview Aldous Huxley. It was by chance that they discovered a metallic dome structure far up on a slope. An old Ford engine was hoisting building material from the street. Standing on the thin metal cage, working with his own hands, was the young designer Bernard Judge and a group of his USC architectural school classmates. (See above). Life published the above double-page color spread, illustrating the filigree of the dome skeleton above the glittering lights of Los Angeles, bringing the work of three obscure years went into the pages of America’s most famous publication.

Framework for lower living platform, 1960. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.


Judge next planted a garden and was finally able to construct the living platforms which were not connected in any way to the dome itself. (See above and cross-section later below). Having seen the Lifephoto, Bucky Fuller visited the site to congratulate Judge about the time of the above photo. Judge recalls explaining the decks to Fuller and him liking the idea that they were not attached to the dome.Before the finish work could be completed, the skin had to be installed. During the load-testing Judge learned that thermal expansion and contraction of the dome’s metal rods caused the structure to sag up to one full inch at night. Thus, a system of attaching the skin to the framework had to be able to account for this. Judge developed a flexible wooden framework akin to an archer’s bow made up of 15 diamond-shaped panels  which he connected to the dome framework at every fourth joint. To that he stapled the cut-to-fit Mylar sheets seen under fabrication below. This allowed the skin to move independently of the dome framework as the dome contracted and expanded. (See two below). Any one of the dome’s 15 panels can be replaced in a few hours. However, the plastic is surprisingly strong. It has a 15,000-lb. tensile strength and is classed as fire-retardant.
Mylar skin shop fabrication. Photo courtesy of Bernard Judge.

View of  the wooden framework and Mylar skin from the upper living platform. Photo by Julius Shulman from “Beautiful Homes and Gardens in California” by Herbert Weisskamp, p. 148.


Mylar skin with attachment detail. Photo courtesy Bernard Judge.

The transparent skin was finally applied to the inside of the dome structure using the details above. Judge chose Mylar, 5 mils thick, the most durable clear polyester foil then available. Time had, for once, worked in favor of the young innovator, the price of the Mylar foil having gone down from 1 dollar a square foot to 9 cents in three years. Huge defense orders had reduced Du Pont’s production costs to a fraction. In this fact Judge found concrete proof of Fuller’s and his theory that today, for the first time in history, inventions are made before the need arises. The entire Mylar skin cost 300 dollars and had a projected design life of about eight years.

Cross-section showing both levels.

Heat control was a primary concern in the design. To provide natural ventilation, Judge installed a 12 feet diameter opening at the top of the dome while close to the ground he provided a narrow ventilation strip screened with nylon gauze. This established an upward air flow pattern illustrated in the above cross-section. The hill blocked the sun from the west. A fixed sunshade consisting of a spherical section of white glass-reinforced neoprene was also added to provide shade and protect the top opening. It had a silvery coating on the outside to reflect the sun’s rays. (See below). Judge recalled seeing information on the material used originally in the Project Echo communications satellite testing program conducted by NASA.

Photo by Julius Shulman from Weisskamp, p. .

Living room on upper living platform screened by a spherical cap of neoprene. Julius Shulman photo from “Modernism Rediscovered” by Pierluigi Serraino and Julius Shulman, p. 336.

The living room and his-and-hers design and artist studios occupy the upper deck. (See above). Room transitions are lightly accented by heating panels. Views from the upper deck overlook the lower living area and the wide range of hills outside. A spiral staircase connects the two levels. To live with grasses, shrubs, and trees under one light-filled dome, man and nature sharing one shelter, seems to Judge a trend of future forms of habitation. “Gardens will allow us to live as individuals in the mass-fabricated houses of tomorrow.”

 

View of the kitchen from the upper level. Julius Shulman photo from Weisskamp, p. 148.


In the core of the house is a prefabricated bathroom of fiberglass and plastic material with walls and ceilings of fireproof polyester and epoxy flooring. Electrical radiating panels heat the house and, as screens, mark spatial divisions. Bundles of light steel pipes, each consisting of four struts, carry living platforms on two levels. Judge has skillfully superimposed the hexagonal decks and created a subtle interplay of changing room heights. The entire height of the dome unfolds above the entrance section of the lower, larger platform, while the bath and bedroom have level ceilings at a cozy height of 7 feet.

Spiral staircase from the first to second floor with plants growing in the ungraded hillside. Photo by Julius Shulman from Weisskamp, p. 149.


Anchored to the foundations, made with eleven concrete piers, steel “quadrupeds” supported wood platforms exposing the a hexagonal shape. Entry, kitchen, dining room and master bedroom were on the lower deck, the living room and two studios on the upper deck. Both were connected to a pre-fabricated mechanical core and mutually accessible through a spiral staircase. (See above and floor plans below).

 

Floor plans.


Side view highlighting the dome’s structural sprits and tension wires. Photo by Julius Shulman from “Modernism Rediscovered,” p. 333.

The wires, radiating from short poles (sprits) on the aluminum ribs, carried loads in tension. (See above).

Judge described what it was like living in the dome,

“Living there was unique in that we were conscious of the outside weather at all times, day and night, yet shielded from it. It made for a comforting awareness. The fact that we had a closable curtain from the upper deck enclosing the bedroom on the lower deck meant that we could have privacy (both from the weather or the feeling of being exposed) when we wanted it. Ultimately, my idea was to plant trees around the house, as later I did in around the ‘tree house’ which gives it a sense of privacy. The fact that we had no gate at the street level (see entrance below) made it possible for people to come up the stairs to see the house. This was annoying at times – but I got my first client that way.” (Judge to author e-mail, August 17, 2011).

 


Entrance stairway from Durand Avenue. Photo by Julius Shulman from Weisskamp, p. 146.


The “Triponent” House was located on Durand Ave. off of Beachwood Drive in the Hollywood Hills with it’s dome “envelope” and sheltering a prefabricated “utility core” and “free space” which included a garden and two customized living platforms designed to meet the needs of Judge and his artist wife.

Poster for “Smog” from Movie Poster Shop.


Shortly after its completion, the house caught the attention of location scouts for the Italian movie ”Smog.” In it a man on a plane flight is unexpectedly held over in Los Angeles. At first he finds it exhilarating to do as he pleases, free of life-long inhibitions. But then he begins to fall prey to emotions and fears, to disintegrate. The crisis comes when he is left alone one evening at the Judge house. ”No, no-the stars are too close!” he cries. “I feel too near to my Maker here. There’s no place to retreat but my own soul.” Apparently this is too formidable, and so be goes back to the·reassuring stone and concrete of Italy.

Upon seeing the Ralph Crane photo in Life magazine, Julius Shulman visited the job site, befriended Judge and began taking photos for what he knew would eventually become a cover spread in the Los Angeles Times Home Magazine edited by his long-time friend Dan MacMasters. Once that happened, on July 1, 1961, the below photo became one of Shulman’s most iconic images, published numerous times over the years. (See also opening photo of this article above).

 

Bernard Judge Residence, Durand Dr., Hollywood, 1960-1, Julius Shulman: Modernism Rediscovered, Taschen, 2010. Julius Shulman Job No. 3378, 4-30 and 5-1-1961.

After graduating from USC and turning the dome over to De Kanter, Judge and his ceramicist wife, Dora De Larios, spent a year traveling the globe gathering inspiration for future work. Upon there return to Los Angeles in 1963, Judge advertised for living space for a young architect which was answered by none other than Pauline Schindler. He recalled, ”I advertised that I wanted to live in a garden atmosphere in the middle of the city.” Mrs. Schindler said, “I have what you want if I like your work.” .. He paused. “She did.” (From Ryon, Ruth, “Group Saves House Designed as Social Experiment,” Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1980, pp. VIII-1-2).
  
Bernard and Dora moved into the guest studio at Kings Road and soon were joined by new daughter Sabrina. Also renting space in R. M. S.’s old studio were architects David Ming-Li Lowe and Frederick Lyman and long-time Esther McCoy friend and collaborator and early Irving Gill historian, John Reed.

North Las Vegas City Hall, 1965, William Allen (and Bernard Judge). From North Las Vegas website.


Judge found employment with William Allen on Canon Drive in Beverly Hills. He recalled that while working on the new North Las Vegas City Hall (see above) staring out the window toward the Hollywood Hills looking for a likely building site for a new home. He remembers seeing all the grading going on for Trousdale Estates in Beverly Hills and the adjacent Bird Streets in Los Angeles following the subdivision of the old Doheny Ranch. He approached the developers of the Bird Streets subdivision and made an offer on their “unbuildable” greenbelt on the precipice above the development which they were only too willing to accept. (See below). His next challenge was to get the Department of Building & Safety to accept his proposal for a little tree house with a very small footprint.

Hollywood Hills with grading for Trousdale Estates and Bird Streets at the upper left. Judge “Tree” House site on Crescent Drive at the top of the “green belt” above the Bird Streets and abutting the Trousdaale Estates boundary. 1961 Dick Whittington photo from USC Digital Archive.


Following employment with Allen and several other local firms, he started his own office as space began to open up at Kings Road. He also concurrently worked for Jeffrey Lindsay in Los Angeles and Vancouver on several large span structures, most notably the 1967 Central Mall Space Frame at Simon Fraser University also in collaboration with Arthur Erickson. (See below).

Central Mall Space Frame, Simon Fraser University, 1967, Vancouver, British Columbia, Arthur Erickson, Geoffrey Massey and Jeffrey Lindsay. Plans and Specifications by Bernard Judge. Photo from The Bridge Studio.

 

Judge’s meticulous preparation of the plans and specifications for this project saved Lindsay from a major lawsuit. The space frame suffered snow damage due to connecting rod failure. Judge remembered from his Seabee experience to specify “upset” rods as so that their required cross-sectional area wouldn’t be compromised when the they were threaded. The rods delivered and installed were not “upset” which resulted in a structural failure after a heavy snowfall. The only people involved with this project who ended up not being “upset” were Judge and Lindsay.

 

Above drawing shows seven houses clustered and connected by walkways. They might be a hunting lodge in Kenya, condominiums, apartments or even commercial offices. This system would be useful on a flat site only if land cost was very high and several units could be developed. (From MacMasters, Dan, “A Tree House for the Hills,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, April 10, 1977, p. 15.

 

Sometime in the late 1960s, Lindsay asked Judge to design a tree house that could be used for a hunting lodge in Kenya (See above). It was to use local materials and be so simple that native workmen, with a little instruction, could put it together by traditional methods. The hunting lodge never got built but the idea was too good to give up. Why not use it for putting houses on those “unbuildable lots” scattered through the hills around Los Angeles? And for developing steep slopes without massive earth-moving? When Judge failed to interest local builders, he decided to build a tree house for himself. The concept worked perfectly for his precipitous 35 degree Crescent Drive site which he broke ground upon with the help of partner Ron Smart in 1968.

This model in wood was developed in 1967 for the hunting lodge that was to be built in Kenya. Photo by the author.

From his Kings Road base around the same time, Judge formed Environmental Systems Group, a team of architects and professionals who work independently, but come together to execute larger projects. The primary members who worked with Judge off-and-on over a 15-year period included Milica Dedijer, architect; Ron Smart, production; Tim Liu, structural engineer; Chris Davis, economist; and, until his death, Boris Lemos, mechanical engineer.

Tahiti Safari Club, Moorea, 1970, designed by Bernard Judge. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 68.


From 1970-1974, Judge was heavily involved with resort developments for Marlon Brando on his private Tahitian atoll, Tetiaroa, and the Tahiti Safari Club on Moorea. Judge met Brando through his contractor Jack Bellin whom he met by chance just before vacationing with his family at the Club Med Moorea in 1970. Bellin suggested that Judge visit Brando’s Tetiaroa while in Tahiti. Bellin and Judge quickly hit it off and collaborated on the design and construction of the Tahiti Safari Club. (See above). Judge’s design was inspired by hotels he had admired in Kenya while researching the above-mentioned hunting lodge for Lindsay. While working on this project, Judge, and his family, whenever possible, stayed at Marlon Brando’s house in Papaeete. Brando was keenly interested in monitoring the Safari Club’s progress as he had similar plans for Tetiaroa. One thing led to another and after trust was built, Brando hired Judge to design a landing strip and resort on his atoll.

Sabrina and Bernard Judge, ca. 1972. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 168.

uring this period, Judge spent almost all his time in Tahiti planning and overseeing construction of these projects with partner Ron Smart handling all of the production details from the Kings Road office. Wife Dora and daughter Sabrina spent significant time in Tahiti as well. (See above).

Design sketches for Tetiaroa, 1972, Bernard Judge. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 121.


 Tertiaroa airstrip under construction. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 187.

Judge incorporated the ideas for the Kenyan resort he developed for Lindsay into Brando’s resort. i. e., to  “live lightly” on the fragile atoll using sustainable indigenous materials and to be so simple that native workmen, with a little instruction, could put it together by traditional methods. The coconut tree trunks and leaves seen above were all stockpiled for use in constructing the resort’s structures and roofs. Judge imported a sawmill to cut planks from the tree trunks. (See below).

Judge and helpers cutting planks from stockpiled coconut tree trunks. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 170.


Dora De Larios greeting Brando and pilot shortly after completion of the airstrip. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 192.

Starting construction on one of the bungalows for what was to be called Hotel Tetiaroa Village. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 207.

Dining room of the communal hut. From “Waltzing with Brando,” p. 279.
 
I highly recommend reading the entire saga of overcoming the seemingly insurmountable challenges of bringing the eco-friendly development of Tetiaroa to fruition in Judge’s fascinating “Waltzing with Brando: Planning a Paradise in Tahiti.” (See below). I also recommend “Trouble in Paradise,” by Matthew Heller which appeared in the Los Angeles Times Home Section in 2005. A final recommendation is an article William Hall wrote for the Los Angeles Times after an unauthorized [by Brando] visit to Tetiaroa about a year before it was ready to open in which Judge is quoted. (Hall, William, “And Brando as a Tourist Attraction: Last Tango in Tahiti,” Los Angeles Times Calendar Section, March 11, 1973, pp. 1, 18, 20).

 
“Waltzing with Brando: Planning a Paradise in Tahiti,” by Bernard Judge, ORO Editions, Berkeley, 2011.

Bernard Judge “Tree” House, Hollywood Hills, 1977. From “Is this also tomorrow?” Sunset, November, 1978, cover, pp. 108-9. Glenn Christiansen cover photo.

Upon completion of Tetiaroa, Judge could again focus more time towards the completion of his “Tree” House. Finally completed in 1977, the house soon won an AIA-Sunset Western Home Award. (See above). The jury applauded a residence that literally could be built on any site. The house was soon thereafter featured on the cover on an issue dedicated to exploring the potential of factory-built housing.

Judge “Tree” house on a lot that slopes at a 35-degree angle down from the street. The view is to the southwest. Photo by Julius Shulman. (From MacMasters, Dan, “A Tree House for the Hills,” Los Angeles Times Home Magazine, April 10, 1977, p. 12). 


 
Plans above show two versions of the tree house shown. The living area of the Judge house is 1,100 sq. ft. with another 500 in decks and garage. The area of each level can vary f’rom 700 to 1000 square feet.

The house has two levels of 700 square feet each, including decks. (See above). It can be built larger, smaller, or as one of a cluster. Judge used a structural system based on four 10 by 10-inch steel columns set on 8-foot centers that run from the roof down to bedrock (in this case, 50 feet). Encased in concrete above ground and beneath the house, the columns form an 8 by 8-foot pedestal that houses all the mechanical systems – water heater, forced air furnace, sump pump (because the bathroom in the house is below street level), and storage. (See below).

Bernard Judge “Tree” House on a 35 degree lot above the Bird Streets adjacent to Trousdale Estates in the Hollywood Hills. Julius Shulman photo. (From Sunset, p. 108). 


The house was built on a shoestring budget using mostly his and partner Ron Smart’s labor. A number of ideas Judge incorporated into this house helped minimize costs: none of the wood is finished; all structure is exposed; floors are sub-flooring, sanded and sealed; the ceiling on the lower level is the underside of the upper level floor, with 2 by 8 floor joists seen as beams from below. The 10×10-inch steel columns seen below were set in place in 1969, just before the earlier-mentioned Tahitian work began. These had been fabricated in a shop, then trucked to the site and set in place by a crane. Judge recalls that while he was in Tahiti, Julius Shulman visited the site to capture the amazing construction photo below.

 

Steel columns set on 8-foot centers form the basic core of the house. Wood framework of house attached to the steel plates welded on before the columns were set.  Photo by Julius Shulman. (From MacMasters, p. 13).  Photo by Julius Shulman. (From MacMasters, p. 13).


This is how the Judge tree house is put together. Four caissons are sunk on the hillside and are filled with concrete. They are set in an 8-foot square and are quick and relatively cheap to install. On them are placed by crane the steel columns which are 50 feet tall; these the architect refers to as flagpoles. (See above). Trusses are fixed to the columns to support the structure of the house. These columns can be of timber or glue-laminated wood as well as of steel. Once the basic frame is in place you can use whatever materials you like for walls, roof, floors and other parts. And the interior can be arranged in many ways, for none of the walls is load-bearing. (MacMasters, p. 108).

Cross-section showing frame. Trusses are attached to the central columns and support the lower floor and the roof. The upper floor is suspended between them. From “Is this also tomorrow?” Sunset, November 1978, p. 108.

The upper floor is one big room divided according to use. Photo taken from above the central stairwell, lighted by a clerestory. Edge of circular stairway rail is seen at bottom. Stairway was relocated from Judge’s “Triponent” House when it was demolished in 1971. From MacMasters, p. 13. Photo by Julius Shulman.

Painted steel posts contrast with dark stained timbers. Spiral stair goes down center. Kitchen is defined by low white walls at right that also hide the counter clutter. From Sunset, p. 109.

Kitchen partly screened in by display cases. Julius Shulman photo from MacMasters, p. 1.3

Another view of the living area, with the kitchen at the back. Interior walls are gypsum board. Julius Shulman photo from MacMasters, p. 13.

Dramatic and extremely informal, the house is as easy-going as a summer cabin, with little furniture needed besides the built-ins. The entire upper level (see above images) has an open ceiling with living room, dining room, and kitchen all within conversational range. The spiral staircase at the center of the house helps define areas of use. (Sunset, p. 109). Two bedrooms and a bath occupy the lower level, plus a library-study at the foot of the stairs. Each bedroom has its own private deck. A 5 by 26-foot deck serves the upper floor on the view side. The house performs very well in earthquakes with only minor swaying and has sustained no damage since Judge moved in 35 years ago.

United States Patent No. 4,173,102 granted to Bernard Judge, November 6, 1979, p. 1 of 6.



Liking the potential for prefabrication of his “Tree” House and its use on difficult sites, Judge applied for a patent soon after completion on June 28, 1977. The patent was approved November 6, 1979, but unlike his hero Bucky Fuller, Judge did not pursue marketing the idea as he was by then deeply involved with the restoration of Schindler’s Kings Road House purchased by the non-profit Friends of the Schindler Housefrom the Schindler family upon the death of Pauline.Judge was named project director for development and implementation of the Schindler House Restoration Plan in 1979 by the FOSH of which he was also vice-president. He prepared the voluminous plans and specifications in September 1980 which included an exhaustive “room by room, surface by surface, verbal and pictorial work description.” (“Restoration of the R. M. Schindler House: Adaptive Use of the Kings Road House as a Center for the Study of 20th Century Architecture in Los Angeles,” Friends of the Schindler House, September, 1980, 362 pp.). (“Grant Will Help in Restoring Schindler House,” Los Angeles Times, November 25, 1979, p. VII-1).

  
In a 1983 article on the Friends of the Schindler House, Ruth Ryon quoted Friends president Michael Bobrow,

“Judge lived there for awhile, too. He maintained a studio in Schindler’s old studio. He introduced me to Mrs. Schindler about 1966. He embodies the spirit of the place.”
Judge is in charge of restoring the house, a project expected to cost $150,000 to $200,000. The National Endowment for the Arts has awarded FOSH a matching grant of $15,393 for restoration work, and this grant has been matched by several professionals.
“So many people have contributed their time,” Bobrow said. “For Instance, Kathryn Smith organized the house tour and lecture series lest year-fund raisers to help pay some of the operational expenses. She also was a part-time curator, getting the grant applications ready to send in.
“Then there is the firm of Latham & Watkins, attorneys, who have contributed several hundred hours of their time. We would have been in bad shape without them.
“The Redwood Assn. has indicated it will provide all the redwood to restore the house, and we are looking for contributions from the construction industry.
“Donations of time have been made by FOSH’s historians-Smith, Esther McCoy, David Gebhard and Stefanos Polyzoides, who is secretary of FOSH and is in charge of the educational program-an ambitious proposal involving competitions, archives, research, a library, exhibitions, publications, lectures and seminars that ultimately would tum the Schindler House into the Los Angeles Architectural Center.
Restoration work must be done first, and the historians have prepared the way.
“They have researched the house,” Judge said, “to see what it looked like at different periods.”
As a result, FOSH will restore the place to the time of Schindler’s death.
“We’re doing drawings for the restoration and designing a plan for remedial work to be done immediately,” Judge said, “work like fixing the leaky roof and some broken windows.
“Then we will have to raise money to do the rest-removing wood that is termite Infested, rotted or in bad shape; taking off the floor material to set down to the concrete slab, taking off the paint from the concrete walls.
“When Schindler had it, there were only five materials in the house-redwood, glass, canvas, concrete and Celotex-a board made out of sugar cane -which was also unpainted. Half the house had been painted since Schindler died.” There is also some fire damage from the 1930 that he said needs repair.
That fire happened long before Judge knew the house so well. He moved into it about 15 years ago after Mrs. Schindler answered an ad.
“I advertised that I wanted to live in a garden atmosphere In the middle of the city,” Judge recalled.   “Mrs. Schindler said, ‘I have what you want if I like your work.’ .. He paused. “She did.”
Later, Judge moved his famlly out but kept his office there. “About half of the house was used as Schindler’s office,” he said, “and after his death, that was passed on from architect to architect. I was the last in a series.”
After restoration “about half of the house still will be used as offices,” he said, “and we have made arrangements with the Friends of the Schindler House, the group representing Watts Towers and the new museum for architects. So this will be a headquarters for the architectural profession in Los Angeles. It will be open to the public, and there will be a docent service.”
(Ryon, Ruth, “Group Saves House Designed as Social Experiment,” Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1980, pp. VIII-1-2).

Judge further recalled,

“I got involved in the saving of the Schinder house because I lived and worked there for so many years, that I knew Pauline until her death, and promised her that I would be sure to save the house after her demise. Because of that, I became involved in other “preservation projects.” The Watts Towers Restoration Committee, the Frank Lloyd Wright Ennis House, The Master plan for El Pueblo State Historic Park, and member of the LA City Cultural Heritage Commission (1980-86). Those activities led to actual paying jobs as an architect, like saving the Subway Terminal Building downtown, (1970) The Clark Hotel, LA, Restoration Plan, (1991), the Original Broadway Department Store, downtown, (1991),  the Hollywood Professional Building, (1994), and the Max Factor Building (1996). One thing leads to another- as it did in the South Pacific, i.e., Site analysis in Fiji and Western Samoa.” (Bernard Judge e-mail to the author, 08-31-2011).

Based upon his involvement in helping save the Watts Towers in the late 1970s, Judge was appointed by Mayor Tom Bradley to the City of Los Angeles Cultural Heritage Commission in 1981 where he served for 6 years. He has also lectured at UCLA on histrorical preservation issues.

In researching this article I have gained the sense that Bernard Judge, like his idol and inspiration Buckminster Fuller before him, is a totally ‘free-spirited” and adventurous architect who is unafraid to tackle projects in uncharted territory. Whether using indigenous materials on the nearly inaccessible, coral reef-enclosed Tetiaroa or new space age materials to economically solve seemingly insurmountable design problems on his “Triponent” House in Beachwood Canyon, he was able to achieve his life-long goal of creating an architecture that “lives lightly on the land.” He continues to live that dream in his “Tree” House aerie in the Hollywood Hills. His work on the restoration plan for the Schindler House, arguably the most important icon of modern architecture in Los Angeles, or the world for that matter, is terribly under-recognized and noteworthy.

I highly recommend as a follow-up to this story the upcoming exhibition at the Schindler Kings Road House

Sympathetic Seeing: Esther McCoy and the Heart of American Modernist Architecture and Design 

Also stay tuned for a possible book-signing event for Judge’s “Waltzing with Brando” in conjunction with the exhibition.

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Edward Weston Remembers Tina Modotti, January 1942

I have recently been doing much research in Edward Weston’s Daybooks due to their amazing content chronicling the intertwined lives of the L.A.’s early Bohemian, avant-garde artists, architects and intelligentsia. Today while trying to track down where the original unexpurgated manuscripts might reside I ran across the below Edward Weston reminiscence written on the occasion of learning of the January 5, 1942 death of his former lover Tina Modotti with whom he traveled to Mexico with between 1923 and 1926. (See below).
Tina and Edward on the boat to Mexico, 1923. Photo likely by Chandler Weston. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 70.

 

I have illustrated the article with Weston’s photos from various sources based on his textual descriptions. Weston indicates in the article that the last two photos are the only ones that exist of the two together. The last entry in Weston’s published Daybooks is dated April 22, 1944 after a gap of almost 10 years since the previous entry. The last entry covers a brief recap of his major life events over that period including the deaths of those closest to him including Tina but omits this extremely poignant piece. Thank god for his neighbor Dewitt Hughes for resurrecting this from Weston’s Wildcat Hill trash can.


The Lost Entry:  from the daybooks of Edward Weston


Editor’s note:
The following manuscript was discovered by a certain Dewitt Hughes, a neighbor of the great photographer during his years in his beloved Point Lobos, Calif., who was in the habit of perusing the great man’s refuse in search of discarded photographic prints. Instead, he came across the following entry, which clearly bears the scars of its removal from Mr. Weston’s daybook. The missing entry is quite obvious in the original manuscript and has perplexed scholars for years, as to its contents and the reasons for its expurgation. The entry is reproduced in its entirety, and its content has not been altered in any way, except for a few technical adaptations that were made for the convenience of the contemporary reader.



This morning I received post from Mexico informing me of the death of Tina Modotti. I had been dreaming of Tina and those heady days back in Mexico throughout the night, and awoke bolt upright at the crack of dawn. Forgoing my morning oblations, I headed straight for the cellar, where the negatives from those years had been lying dormant since my first return from Mexico. Ironically, I had been printing a portrait of Robo when the postman rang. It was a shot I remembered as soon as I saw the negative in its sleeve. I could picture clearly in my mind everything surrounding the taking of that photograph: the smell of Robo’s hair tonic commingling with the daffodils Tina had purchased from a local florist, and which Robo had been busy painting the entire morning. I remembered Robo’s protest when I suggested he clean himself up a bit before I photographed him, and the look Tina shot in my direction as I peered into the ground glass. There we were, Robo and I, connected all too intimately in the brief moment of the shutter’s release. And there was Tina, the objective observer, watching her husband’s soul be stolen by her lover. (See below).

Edward Weston, Robo de Richey, ca. 1920. From Weston’s Westons: Portraits and Nudes by Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr. Bulfinch, 1989, p. 14.

Tina Modotti and Robo de Richey at work in their studio, Hollywood, 1921. Photographer unknown. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 36. Originally published in California Southland.

 

So, you can imagine the eerie feeling I had when I received the news. Sure enough, Robo’s ghost had returned to haunt me. The tables had been turned: the first time we had been in Mexico, Tina and I, hearing the news of Robo’s death in California, and now here we were, myself and Robo’s Likeness in California, receiving news of Tina’s death in Mexico. The cruel symmetry of Fate. There was nothing I could do but return to the darkroom and watch the images of those days materialize under the ripples of developer, pose by pose, frame by frame, and summon Tina from them like a necromancer.

Edward Weston, Tina El Buen Retiro, Tacubaya, 1923. From  Edward Weston, 1886-1958, edited by Manfred Heiting, Taschen, 1999, p. 59.

 

Tina is wearing a translucent silk blouse that is heavily embroidered over the breast. Her hair is pulled straight back and shiny. She sits on the steps of the hacienda, where the late afternoon sun is shining. There are trees directly outside the window, from which the sun is entering. They act like a negative, the handiwork of the supreme photographer, subduing the light, filtering part of it, redirecting the rest onto the light sensitive paper that is Tina. On the ground glass she seems to glow.

Tonight is our first night together in weeks. She has been off photographing a convent in a neighboring village. How ironic! And yet, here is Tina, as true as an angel, telling me about the night with her lover.

 

 

Edward Weston, Tina Reciting, 1924. From  Edward Weston, 1886-1958, edited by Manfred Heiting, Taschen, 1999, p. 63.

 

Tina is reciting poetry. She believes that, being an artist, I appreciate the arts in general, and being a Romantic, that I enjoy poetry in particular. She is mistaken. Tina is driven by impulse and I am old and weary and all too happy to escape into her naivete. She recites a poem in Italian about her two lovers, one a strident revolutionary she met on her travels in the countryside, and the other a married man with three children living in sin with a foreign woman in a foreign country. And that is the beauty of it. The poetry of her honesty. Yet, it is still such a crushing blow.

I photograph what I cannot possess. I inscribe in silver what eludes me in reality. Tina is sunbathing on the azotea of the hacienda. I have been writing correspondences to the art world in the United States, to remind them that I am still alive and photographing. I take leave of my study for a breath of fresh air, and steal upon Tina sunbathing on the worn stone tiles. I quickly head back for the Graflex, quietly set the tripod in place, align the camera to the most advantageous position, all without interrupting the silence of Tina ‘s repose.

 

Edward Weston, Tina on the Azotea, 1924. From Weston’s Westons, p. 124.

 

There she is, hand covering her eyes from the sun, her dark brown nipples standing erect, nearly matching the hue of the blanket beneath her. I peer through the glass. My hand reaches for the cable release. Tina is angelic, an angel drifting in the realm of angels. Ecstatically, I squeeze the release.


“Are you finished now,” Tina says.
“You pretender. I thought you were asleep,” I say.
“I was, until you came along with all your racket. Did you really think I could still be asleep?”
“Come now, I wasn’t as bad as all that.”
She sits up, still covering her eyes. Her breasts fall like fruit onto her belly. “Do you want to take anymore? How should I sit?”‘
“What’s the point now?” I say, trying to outdo her. “You’ve ruined the mood. I think I’ll even have to destroy the negative.”
“You must be mad. Why?”
“It would be dishonest not to.”
“Nobody will ever know the difference,” she says as she leans back onto her elbows, supine and seductive.
“No, I suppose they never will.”


Edward Weston, Tina on the Azotea, 1924. From Weston’s Westons, back cover.

Tina is a conundrum, but she is never cunning. She is always Tina. No matter that she offers a different self for every photographic plate I load into the camera, she remains herself. I can see so clearly now, with the passage of time, that it is I who saw her differently.

Here is Tina in the flower of her youth. She is dressed in black, surrounded by a black background, her profile emerging from the darkness. Her hair is off her face. Having just been released from a pin that held it back in place, it hangs precariously over her shoulders, on the verge of submitting to nature. Her eyes are fixed on something far away and contain a sadness that seems beyond her years. She is twenty five years old. I am forty one. She and Robo have been together for six years, and married for four. In this photograph I have captured something too private and true and yet she is little more than a stranger to me. I immediately fell in love with her.

 

Edward Weston, The White Iris, 1921. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 49.


The same photograph has reached me today, from Mexico. I have not seen it for twenty years. Actually, what I have before me is a photograph of Tina’s bier, in which is mounted this same photograph surrounded by a wreath of flowers. Here lies Tina Modotti, a firm and delicate being. And from under the black focusing cloth it was I who created her death mask, her travel companion throughout her life’s journey from Mexico to Germany to Russia to Spain and then back to Mexico again. Tina never asked for another one of my prints. It is as if she were aware of the significance of its final destination.


Edward Weston, Tina Modotti with tear, 1924. From Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexico, p. 43.



We are on our way to a party. Tina has been crying. There she stands, defiant, a swelling tear in her eye that gives her away. She gives me a cold, steely stare that looks right through me. Here eyes seem to see more than what is given to them. It’s this eye that would see through other people and other places when she later turned the camera from herself onto the world.


“You are a such a selfish man,” she says, turning to me.
“And how is that?”
“How is that? You only care about yourself, that’s how. You and that camera,” she says, turning away again.
“You know that’s not true. You’re the one who is being selfish.”
“Oh, so I guess I’m being selfish when I say that it’s only fair for me to fuck once in a while too, is that it? What do you expect me to do? act like we ‘re married?”
“Isn’t that what you want?”
“You’re impossible.”


When we arrive at the party Tina greets Diego with a kiss on the lips. It is a costume party and Tina is dressed as Edward Weston, mustache and all, and I am dressed as Tina Modotti, skirt, high heels, lipstick. Diego is our host, and is dressed, characteristically enough, as himself. Diego accepts the kiss, giving me a wink, and then walks into the living room arm in arm with Tina.


“May I present to you, ladies and gentleman, the great American photographer, Edward Weston,” he says, introducing Tina.


Everyone bows and greets her cordially, shaking her hand very gentleman-like. It is all very ridiculous, but Tina plays the part rather well, looking a bit obtuse, sternly shaking the men’s hands, chivalrously kissing the ladies’. I try my best to do play my part, but fumble around terribly in the heels. Martin, seeing my distress, comes and takes me by the arm and helps me along into the kitchen behind Diego and Tina.


Edward Weston, Diego Rivera, 1924. From Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexico, p. 43.

 

Recently, Tina has begun modeling for Diego once again. As everyone knows, Diego is a monstrous womanizer. But Tina assures me that their relationship is entirely platonic. Still, it seems to me that he is now holding her rather closely, while pretending, for the delectation of those who swarmed into the kitchen behind us, to treat her like another man.

As we enter the kitchen, Diego calls out to Guadalupe, “Look, Lupe, Edward is here. Look how his hair is thickening.” He runs his obese hand over her head as if he were petting a supine cat. Guadalupe, in turn, gives him a stern look, confirming my suspicions.

“And who is this?” she says, pointing to me with one hand while she wipes the other on her apron. “His friend’s whore?”


Edward Weston, Guadalupe Marin de Rivera, 1924. From Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexico, p. 11.

 

Guadalupe storms out of the room. Diego follows her upstairs, were they proceed to scream at one another. Tina looks at me, as Tina now, entirely herself. She unties the ribbon at the back of her hair and lets it down, the grease still holding it in place while the length of it shoots down her back. She comes to me and places a hand on my stomach. I reach for the wig on my head, but decide it’s best not to bother.

Detail of Tina in Diego Rivera mural, Chapingo, 1926. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 116.



When we arrive home I ask her why she has lied to me. She tells me that she hasn’t, that deep inside I knew, and that it was unnecessary to make matters worse. And she is correct. She stands there as strong and as delicate as her image on one of Diego’s frescoes. (See above). This is the Tina I have never been able to capture. This is the Tina that hands out arms and munitions to the people in order to fight for the cause; this is the Tina that will live without fear during the Spanish Civil War, braving bullets, mortar shells, death itself. This is not my Tina. This is not Tina, Edward’s protege, best student, budding photographer in the tradition of the American photo-succession. No, this is Diego’s Tina, the Tina of the Communist party, of the people’s cause; this is Tina the martyr.


Tina’s corpse, January 1942. From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 266.

 

Today, however, I received news that she died not as a martyr but as an aging, beautiful fallen woman. The Mexican dailies ran the story as the “untimely death of a world class beauty and odalisque.” The telegram said that she died of a heart attack in a Mexican taxicab. Of course, there are rumors to the contrary, probably spread by those in the Party who do not wish to see her memory die. I wonder if anyone will ever remember Tina Modotti. If they do, will they remember her beauty or her strength? I for my part can only remember her with regret. For me, she is a symbol of my utter defeat.



After going through my negatives it occurred to me that there wasn’t a single one of Tina and I together. At first I began to despair, to wonder if it were all a dream. But then I remembered the photographs we had taken on a lark in a portrait studio in Mexico City. We had spent the rest of what little money we had strolling through the various marketplaces in Mexico City. There was music everywhere, singing and dancing on every dusty street. The hucksters were hawking there wares: chickens in makeshift coops, their legs secured to a post to prevent escape, fruit of every color imaginable–piles upon piles of pineapples, mangoes, oranges, watermelons–porcelain figurines, called animales de barro, brilliantly colored sarapes, straw mats, tapestry.


As if by accident we stumbled upon one of those portraitists you find in places like Mexico City, photographs of their work displaying what they believe to be the latest trends in their spotty showcases. There were a few different studios clustered in one area, so we studied the various displays and decided on one which we thought best–that is, the one that seemed the most ridiculous.

The photographer turned out to be quite a sight himself. He wore bifocals that made his eyes look disproportionately large. He wore an old suit that was covered with small holes and stains. He greeted us cordially and asked, “In what way may I be of service to the Senor and Senorita?”


“Senor,” Tina said. “We have just been married today.”



Tina interrupted him mid-phrase, “El Senor is very religious, perhaps you can make it with a church in the background.”The gentleman’s face lit up like a gaslight. He began suggesting various poses and backdrops that were appropriate for such an occasion, that no less than a series of three photographs was befitting of a new couple of our apparent rank. And so on and so on.

Tina Modotti and Edward Weston, “Anniversary”, Mexico, 1924. Photographer unknown. From Edward Weston, 1886-1958, edited by Manfred Heiting, Taschen, 1999, p. 246).

Sure enough, a church background was put into place, the photographer all the while assuring the Senora of the great artistry of his methods. And soon, we stood in front of the hilarious sets, trying our best to play the newlywed bourgeois couple, holding our poses as stiff as we could, as if the exposure required us to remain fixed for long periods of time.

Is it possible to find tenderness in our mockery of this genre, of the institution of marriage itself? Can one find in our stiff embrace any hint of our mutual passion? Did that preposterous photographer know more than he let on? Maybe he was actually sly as a fox, and had captured us more truly than we had thought possible. Perhaps he was indeed a great artist after all. It may be that it was he who had managed, after all, to capture the thing itself.” (Lost Edward Weston Daybook entry).

 

I happened upon the below “anniversary” photo taken at the same sitting in the highly recommended Frida Kahlo: Her Photos edited by and seemingly related postcard later below on the back cover of The Letters From Tina Modotti to Edward Weston by Amy Stark.

 

Tina Modotti and Edward Weston, “Anniversary”, Mexico, 1924. Photographer unknown. From Frida Kahlo: Her Photos, edited by Pablo Ortiz Monasterio, Editorial RM, 2010, p. 403).

 

Margaret Hooks wrote of the event in her excellent Modotti biography,

“On the anniversary of their first year in Mexico, at Tina’s suggestion she and Edward went to a professional photographer to have a joke ‘wedding anniversary’ portrait made. Tina coyly holds a dusty bunsh of plastic flowers against her cheek as the happy couple poses against a romantic backdrop, both trying desparately to control their mirth.” (From Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 92).

Postcard, n.d., inscribed in Tina Modotti’s handwriting, “Tina – wristwatch and ring. Edward – Sunday suit.” from the back cover of “The Letters from Tina Modotti to Edward Weston,” The Archive, Number 22, January 1986. (Original postcard in the Edward Weston Archive, Center for Creative photography, University of Arizona).

The couple also possibly sent postcards inscribed by Tina (see above) to accompany the above photo announce their “wedding anniversary” to friends with such as Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera. (The first photo above was from Frida Kahlo’s papers).

 

For much more on the Weston’s and their interactions with the Schindler Kings Road circle see my

Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism, 1927-1936, and

The Sands of Time: The Oceano Dunes and the Westons

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R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s “Kindergarten Chats”

Portrait of Louis H. Sullivan, from Kindergarten Chats on Architecture, Education and Democracy by Sullivan and edited by Claude F. Bragdon, Scarab Fraternity Press, 1934, frontispiece. From my collection.

Louis Henry Sullivan is the taproot of the genealogical tree of modern architects in Southern California.  His apprentices Irving Gill and Frank Lloyd Wright had a profound influence on the evolution of modern architecture in the Southland which in turn attracted Frank’s son Lloyd, Viennese emigres R. M. Schindler and Richard Neutra and their eventual apostles Harwell Hamilton Harris, Gregory Ain and Raphael Soriano. (See below).

Genealogy of Los Angeles Modern Architecture from American Architects and the Mechanics of Fame by Roxanne Kuter Williamson, p. 32.

R. M. Schindler and Richard Neutra became aware of Louis Sullivan and his work through the teachings and work of  Otto Wagner and Adolf Loos and their fascination with Sullivan apprentice Frank Lloyd Wright’s Wasmuth Portfolio first published in Berlin, Germany in 1910 by Ernst Wasmuth. Schindler discovered Wasmuth in 1911 and Neutra first saw it in 1914, the year Schindler left Vienna for the U.S. They both studied under Loos, with Neutra beginning in 1912, the year he met Schindler. Loos had visited the U.S. between 1893-96 and became enthralled with Chicago and it’s Adler & Sullivan-designed skyscrapers and later regaled his students with tales of Chicago and Sullivan’s work.

Thus the previous genealogical diagram should be amended to include a dashed line connecting Sullivan to Loos and extending to Schindler and Neutra. The table below also places Wagner, Sullivan, Loos, Wright,  Schindler, and Neutra in historical context with their published doctrines. (See also the Pauline Schindler discussion on architectural lineages near the end of this article.)

Schindler-Neutra Genealogy in a Trans-Atlantic Context from “The Wagnerschule and Adolf Loos,” by August J. Sarnitz in RM Schindler: Composition and Construction edited by Lionel March and Judith Sheine, Academy Editions, 1993, p. 32.

 


Louis Sullivan, Transportation Building, World’s Columbian Exposotion, Chicago, 1893.

Ironically, Gill and Wright were still working side-by-side in Sullivan’s office about the time Loos arrived to view the 1893 Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition which included Sullivan’s massive Transportation Building, the most modernist-leaning building in the exposition. (See above). Sullivan wrote of the deleterious impact of the Exposition’s architecture on his hard-fought battle for the acceptance of a more modern architectural language,

“Meanwhile the virus of the World’s Fair, after a period of incubation … began to show unmistakable signs of the nature of the contagion. There came a violent outbreak of the Classic and the Renaissance in the East, which slowly spread Westward, contaminating all that it touched, both at its source and outward…. By the time the market had been saturated, all sense of reality was gone. In its place, had come deep seated illusions, hallucinations, absence of pupillary reaction to light, absence of knee-reaction-symptoms all of progressive cerebral meningitis; the blanketing of the brain. Thus Architecture died in the land of the free and the home of the brave…. The damage wrought by the World’s Fair will last for half a century from its date, if not longer.” (The Autobiography of an Idea by Louis Sullivan).

I do not wish to delve into the text of Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats with this article but only to give the reader a sense of the impact Sullivan had on both Neutra and Schindler through their relationships with him. A close reading of the Chats however, will provide numerous hints that Sullivan’s writings profoundly influenced Schindler’s philosophical articles on ”Space Architecture” and Neutra’s development of his theories on “Biorealism” which he expounded upon in his Survival Through DesignNature Near and other published work. (See for example below and Nuetra’s 1935 review of the Chats further below. Also see my Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism, 1927-1936 for more on the publication of Schindler’s Space Architecture in the February 1934 issue of Dune Forum edited by Pauline Schindler.).

Realismo biologico: Un neuvo Renacimiento humanistico en arquitectura by Richard Neutra, Editorial Nueva Vision, Buenos Aires, 1973. Serulnic House living room, Julius Shulman Job No. 2092, November 2, 1955, courtesy Getty Research Institute. (From my collection).

Schindler moved to Chicago in 1914 with the ultimate goal of working with Wright. His first Chicago employment was with the firm of Ottenheimer, Stern & Reichert between 1914 and 1918. Schindler met Wright in December, 1914 and finally began working for him on February 5, 1918. In December, 1918 Schindler, then living at Wright’s Oak Park studio, invited Sullivan for a visit where they met for the only time. See Sullivan’s acceptance letter below.

 

Louis Sullivan to R. M. Schindler letter, 12-12-1918. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

A by then destitute Sullivan was unsuccessfully trying to find a publisher for his Kindergarten Chats which he had recently spent five months revising and editing into book format. The “Chats” was originally conceived as fifty-two separate articles that appeared weekly in the Interstate Architect and Builderfrom February 16, 1901 to February 8, 1902. (See review below). It was an extended dialogue between a student and the master who leads him through a kind of spiritual and psychological confrontation with nature before introducing him to social and building analysis – Sullivan’s preferred method of architectural instruction.

Schindler offered to ask Loos’s help in finding an Austrian or German publisher. Sullivan, desperately short on funds, entrusted Schindler with a copy of the manuscript. After taking a while to get back in contact with Loos, the manuscript was sent off to Vienna on March 11, 1920. (Vienna to Los Angeles: Two Journeys by Esther McCoy, Arts + Architecture Press, Santa Monica, CA, 1979, p. 44-5).

Adolf Loos, photographer and date unknown. (From Wikipedia).

 

Schindler did not hear from Loos for a period of months and wrote Neutra, then working at the American Friends’ (Quakers) Relief Mission in Vienna, to go see him and find out about the status of the manuscript. Neutra’s July 15, 1920 reply was without any news of the manuscript but instead mentioned that Loos was thinking about moving his school to Paris and had asked if he could find out if Sullivan might be interested in heading it up. Schindler relayed the inquiry to Sullivan in a fascinating August 26, 1920 letter (see below) in which he described Loos’s love of America and publications on same, him being the only serious opponent against the architectural atrocities of the “Secession,” and his controversial, ornament free work. He closed with, ”Although not having any direct news about the manuscript, I hear that Loos said that he would try to publish one of your books, and the above offer convinces me that he is in possession of the manuscript and has read it.” (RMS letter to Louis Sullivan, August 26, 1920). (See below).

RMS letter to Louis Sullivan, August 26, 1920. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Sullivan replied  in an August 31st letter that he might be interested in lecturing in Paris but, at his age, he had no interest in becoming the head of a school. He was much more interested in the status of his manuscript.

About this same time Neutra wrote to the American Red Cross attempting to find a way to enter the United States to join Schindler. Neutra opened his plea with, ”I am an architect and am hoping to go to America to study the Middle Western Architecture, the work of Richardson, Sullivan and Frank Lloyd Wright who in our opinion is the worlds first architect today.” (Richard Neutra to Miss Elsa von Elst, Foreign Language Bureau, American Red Cross, August 14, 1920, courtesy R. M. Schindler Papers, UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum).

 

R. M. and Pauline Gibling Schindler, Sophie and Edmund Gibling, Dorothy Gibling and Mark Schindler at Kings Road, summer 1923. (Sweeney, p. 93). Schindler Family Collection, Courtesy Friends of the Schindler House.

 

Schindler and wife Pauline moved to Los Angeles in late December 1920 to work on Wright’s Olive Hill Aline Barnsdall compound. Unbeknownst to Schindler, the manuscript was now in Neutra’s hands. He was trying to interest the Quakers in publishing it without success. Finally, in July 1921, a year before completing work and moving into his new house on Kings Road in West Hollywood (see above), Schindler received confirmation from Neutra that he indeed was in possession of the manuscript and was trying to find a publisher himself. Esther McCoy, in her Vienna to Los Angeles: Two Journeys, illuminates through the correspondence of Schindler and Neutra and letters from Sullivan to Schindler, the efforts Sullivan and Schindler made over the next two years to get the manuscript back from Neutra. The letters from Sullivan to Schindler also portray his dire financial straits and that Wright had authorized Schindler to disburse to him a much-needed $200. (Sullivan to Schindler letter, Chicago, September 8, 1921, McCoy, p. 147).

Neutra apparently was still trying to find a publisher, an exercize that would serve him well when looking for a German publisher for his own first book, Wie Baut Amerika? in 1926-7. He also likely practiced his English by poring over the “Chats” while absorbing Sullivan’s teachings and fantasizing about returning the manuscript to him in person, a dream that was not to be realized until 1924.

 

Chicago Tribune Tower Competition entry, Adolf Loos, 1922.

In the fall of 1922 Loos submitted an unsuccessful but well-publicized Chicago Tribune Tower competition entry after Schindler left Chicago for Los Angeles in 1920 and before Neutra arrived in 1924. (See above). Loos’s entry, a seemingly serious attempt to win the $50,000 first prize, also appears to indicate that he read Sullivan’s Chats before handing the manuscript over to Neutra the previous year. His design makes an obvious wink at Sullivan’s chapter, “A Doric Column,” which derided in great detail its winning selection in a design competition for a memorial for the 200th anniversary of the discovery and founding of the City of Detroit. Sullivan ended his hyperbolic Doric Column chapter chastising the unnamed architect and the selection process with,

“So much for decay, so much for cynicism, for pessimism, for the downfall of the sturdy American pioneer, the hunter, the trapper, the woodsman, the riverman, the greaatest in the world, the hardiest, the truest and the best – and their memory to consummate in what? A “Doric” Column! In any other land, in any other time, this would seem a fairy tale, so faithless sounds the story – so inhuman a response.” (Kindergarten Chats by Louis Sullivan, Scarab Press, p. 62). (Note: Sullivan disparaged the Doric Column throughout the Chats).

How Loos’s entry would look today had it been built, presaging the Post-Modern era by a full 60 years. (From archiV).


Without benefit of knowing that Loos had likely read Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats, Katherine Solomonson wrote of the Loos entry in her exhaustively researched book on the competition,

Adolf Loos, like Bruno Taut, was particularly concerned with the Tribune building’s representational qualities. His column of gleaming granite (see above) - one of several immense columns submitted to the Tribune became one of the competition’s best-known but most ambiguous entries. Seen variously as a joke, a caustic critique, and a sophisticated essay rich in metaphorical allusions, Loos’s column has triggered wide-ranging interpretations: it expresses the Tribune’s growth and power, as it did that of the Roman Empire; it playfully alludes to a newspaper’s printed columns; it suggests that the Tribune is a pillar of society; it refers to the columnar metaphor describing the skyscraper’s tripartite elevation; it takes a critical stand against the American city; it is Dada; it is ironic; it is utterly empty of meaning.” (The Chicago Tribune Tower Competition: Skyscraper Design and Cultural Change in the 1920s” by Katerine Solomonson, p. 118). 

Loos must have been quite pleased with the triple entendre his entry presented and must have had great fun with it’s design, obviously knowing that his hero Sullivan would likely see it and realize his inside joke.

From Postcards and Poster Stamps of the Bugra.

 

(From Christie’s).

Loos is also likely to have recalled seeing the Doric Column that was part of the 1913 International Building Trade Fair in Leipzig (see above) as he was preparing his Tribune Tower entry and may have shared his heroes’ feelings about same.

Left, second prize, Eliel Saarinen, Helsingfors, Finland. Right, first prize, John Mead Howells and Raymond Hood, New York. (Sullivan, Louis H., “The Chicago Tribune Competition,” Architectural Record, February, 1923, pp. 154-155).

Sullivan’s review of the competition in the February 1923 issue of the Architectural Record was also silent on Loos’s “Column” entry but instead focused upon a comparison between the first prize entry of John Mead Howells and Raymond Hood and that of second place winner Eliel Saarinen. (See above). Sullivan’s scathing critique of the Tribune’s selection jury choice bemoaned of a lost opportunity in the advancement of modern architecture,

“It’s act has deprived the world of a shining mark, denied it a monument to beauty, to faith, to courage and to hope. Deprived an expectant world of that Romance for which it hungers, and had hoped to receive.” Sullivan ended by repeating the stated goal of the Tribune, “It cannot be reitterated too emphatically that the primary objective of The Chicago Tribune in instituting this Competition is to secure the design for a structure distinctive and imposing – the most beautiful office building in the world.” (Sullivan, Louis H., “The Chicago Tribune Competition,” Architectural Record, February, 1923, pp. 151-157).

Sullivan’s remarks on Saarinen’s design prophesied “A time to come, and not so far away, when the wretched and the yearning, the sordid and the fierce, shall escape the bondage and the mania of fixed ideas.”

“Awards in Architects’ Competition for New Tribune Building,” Chicago Tribune, December 3, 1922, p. I-3. Courtesy of the UC Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection. 

 

Schindler had actually been following the competition closely and kept a file of clippings sent to him by friends in Chicago. (See example above). He also read Sullivan’s critique and sent him a letter expressing his agreement evidenced by Sullivan’s March 6, 1923 reply from The Cliff Dwellers Club.

“Dear Schindler,
Your interesting letter of Feb. 28th at hand, thanks for Frank Wright’s address: its receipt has enabled me to write him a couple of important letters.
Glad you like the Tribune ‘Critique.’ It has produced a sensation: and the issue has sold out.
You ask me why I don’t write more? from which I take it you have not been following my ‘Autobiography of an Idea’ – ten chapters of which have already appeared serially in ‘The Journal of the Am. Inst. of Architects,’ which issues monthly. I have also written something on the Imperial Hotel. Good luck to you in spite of difficulties. Kindest to the Missus.
Sincerely,
Louis H. Sullivan” (From McCoy’s “Two Journeys,” p. 149).

I have not yet been able to find any writings stating what Neutra and/or Schindler actually thought of their mentor Loos’s tongue-in-cheek Tribune Tower Competition entry. They certainly would have gotten the intended joke immediately upon seeing his entry rendering as they both “cut their teeth” on the “Chats” and would have undoubtedly agreed with his critique of the winning entry in the Architectural Record. Neutra incorporated references to his idol Sullivan’s work and writings and his thoughts on the Tribune Tower winning design into his lectures on modern architecture as did Schindler. For example in a Pauline Schindler review of Neutra’s November 28, 1928 lecture in Carmel she wrote,

“He cited the principle which is the alpha and the omega of modern architecture, “Form Follows Function,” and distinguished between the functional architecture of the true modern, as compared with the formalist architecture of the earlier pseudo-classicists in the United States who took the Greek Doric column and thought they could make an American architecture with it. It is not the architect who now makes architecture said Mr. Neutra, but the situation out of which it arises. He clarified this by criticizing adversely several typically false buildings including the Chicago Tribune Building…” (Schindler, Pauline, “Neutra Renders Modern Architecture Intelligible,” The Carmelite, December 5, 1928, p. 4).

Neutra also followed the competition and witnessed much of the construction firsthand while working for Holabird & Roche before moving to Taliesin in the fall and Los Angeles in February 1925. He also had an article published in Europe in which he which discussed the Tribune Tower structural system and expresses his admiration for H. I. Burt’s role in bringing to fruition the technology of the skyscraper. (Neutra, Richard, “Die altesten Hochhauser und der jungste Turm,” Die Baugilde, 6 (1924): 495-97, 505-7 and  cited in Solomonson, p. 256).

Due to having to serve in World War I and lack of funds due to the collapse of the European economy thereafter, Neutra was unable to fulfill his dream of coming to America until 1923. After a brief stay in New York, Neutra followed in Schindler’s footsteps to Chicago where his goal was also to work with Wright. Shortly after arriving Neutra visited all of Sullivan’s Chicago buildings of which he opined in his autobiography, “Here in the middle of North America, I thought was work which could be compared with what Otto Wagner had been doing in Vienna of Central Europe. And that was the very highest accolade I was capable of giving to anything built.” (Life and Shape by Richard Neutra, p. 181). Neutra further wrote that while still trying to find a publisher for Kindergarten Chats shortly after his move to Chicago,

“I also talked to a few people in Chicago about it, and they all laughed at me. Sullivan? they asked, – isn’t he that old drunkard? He’s a pauper now, and is being supported by his friends; each one pitches in five dollars a month.” (Life and Shape, p. 182).

About this time in the spring of 1924 Schindler had a brief stopover in Chicago on his way to New York to do some work for Helena Rubenstein enabling a renewal of his friendship with Neutra, by then working for Holabird & Roche), on very friendly terms after their 10-year separation. This reunion most certainly heightened Neutra’s eagerness to finally make the fateful move to Los Angeles. (From R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 65). 

The Japanese Print: An Interpretation by Frank Lloyd Wright, Ralph Fletcher Seymour, 1912. (From Christie’s).

 

While researching Wright’s and Sullivan’s buildings and working for his new employer Holabird & Roche on the Palmer House Hotel project, Neutra met a mutual friend of theirs and Schindler, the noted publisher, artist and Cliff Dweller Club officer Ralph Fletcher Seymour, one of the people providing support to Sullivan. Seymour, whose office was in the Fine Arts Building where Wright had also previously held court, had published in 1912 The Japanese Print: An Interpretation by Frank Lloyd Wright. (See above). Schindler and Seymour were friends from Schindler’s time in Chicago and had been corresponding regarding Schindler designing a cottage for Seymour in Carmel. It was likely through Seymour that Neutra finally met Sullivan. (Author’s note: Seymour’s Carmel cottage was eventually built and both Pauline and RMS visited after their estrangement. Schindler, Neutra and Seymour would all lecture at Carmel’s Denny-Watrous Gallery between late 1928 and 1931).

 

Neutra soon found a broken-spirited Sullivan living in loneliness and poverty at the shabby Warner Hotel. (Richard Neutra and the Search for Modern Architecture by Thomas S. Hines, University of California Press, 1994, p. 51). After sending flowers up to his room Sullivan came down a while later and invited him to dinner at the Cliff Dwellers’ Club. (See below). Sullivan spoke of being forgotten and his ill health and Neutra tried to reassure him of his influence upon European architects. It was at this meeting that Neutra finally returned Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats manuscript. (Life & Shape, p. 182).

Louis Sullivan, ca. 1923. From “Louis H. Sullivan (1856-1924,” Architectural Record, June, 1924, p. 587.

  

Orchestra Hall, 220 S. Michigan Ave., Chicago, 1904 by Daniel Burnham with Cliff Dwellers’ Club on top floor.

Many of Louis Henry Sullivan’s last days were spent atop Orchestra Hall on Michigan Avenue where the Cliff Dwellers’ Club let him have a writing desk for free. He survived his last years largely on the handouts of friends. Besides Seymour, architects Sidney K. Adler (former partner Dankmar’s son), Max Dunning, George Nimmons, and Frank Lloyd Wright, plus associates at the American and Northwestern Terra Cotta companies, paid his bills, loaned him money, and often bought his meals. When Louis Henry Sullivan died on April 14, 1924, of kidney disease and inflammation of the cardiac muscles, they covered his funeral expenses and cleared up his financial obligations. The $189 in his bank account, which had also come from them, was almost all Sullivan owned. (“Sullivan, Louis H.,” Encyclopedia of Architecture edited by Joseph A. Wilkes and Robert T. Packard, Wiley, 1989, p. 714).

 

Louis Sullivan, ca. 1923. From “Louis H. Sullivan (1856-1924,” Architectural Record, June, 1924, p. 587. 

 

Ralph Fletcher Seymour letter to R. M. Schindler, April 17, 1924. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

 

Seymour notified Schindler of Sullivan’s death in a letter stating that Wallace Rice was to deliver the eulogy at the funeral and that Frank Lloyd Wright was to be an honorary pall-bearer. (See above). A bereaved Neutra took off work from his new-found job at Holabird & Roche to attend the funeral. He wrote to Dione of the event,

“Poor Sullivan is dead. I wrote to you two weeks ago that I had the good fortune to visit him “at home.” Oh my, Graceland Cemetery is a more suitable place than the Warner Hotel. I am sure it is not boasting when I tell you that I am probably the only person in Chicago who daily enjoys his buildings. He was not an achiever, never became as radical as the old Otto Wagner, but surely was one of the most significant Americans. Correspondingly, his funeral was sad. He told me, trying to get his breath and quite desolate, “What is left of my endeavors? Nothing. What are the young people doing? Oh my!” (Richard to Dione letter, Highland Park, May 1924. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 122).

Seymour and erstwhile Sullivan apprentice, George Elmslie, formerly of the noted Prairie School team of Purcell & Elmslie, collected Sullivan’s possessions after his death for safekeeping, including the manuscript for Kindergarten Chats that Neutra had recently returned. It was at the funeral that Neutra finally got to meet Wright and tell him of his profound influence. A flattered Wright invited him to dinner and even though he had no work, to visit Taliesin.

Ralph Fletcher Seymour letter to R. M. Schindler, ca. May 1924. Courtesy UC-Santa Barbara Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Papers.

Not long after Sullivan’s funeral, Schindler wrote Seymour that he was planning a stopover in Chicago on his way to New York to do some work for Helena Rubenstein. Seymour replied saying that he could stay with him while in Chicago and that Neutra wanted to see him while he was passing through. (See above). The layover enabled a renewal of his friendship with Neutra, by then working at Holabird & Roche, on very friendly terms after their 10-year separation. This reunion most certainly heightened Neutra’s eagerness to finally make the fateful move to Los Angeles. (From R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 65).

Like Schindler, Neutra also undoubtedly followed the Tribune Tower competition and witnessed much of its construction firsthand before moving to Taliesin in the late fall and Los Angeles in February 1925. He also had an article published in Europe in which he discussed the Tribune Tower structural system and expressed his admiration for H. J. Burt’s role in bringing to fruition the technology of the skyscraper. He characterized Tribune Tower’s structural system as “extraordinary” notwithstanding its Gothic cladding, and he expressed his admiration for Burt’s role in bringing to fruition the technology of the skyscraper. (Neutra, Richard, “Die altesten Hochhauser und der jungste Turm,”Die Baugilde, 6 (1924): 495-97, 505-7 and cited in Solomonson, p. 256).

Tribune Tower under construction from the southwest. Photograph by Eugene Cour, July 5, 1924. Scanned from Solomonson, p. 256. Original image courtesy of Chicago Tribune Company.

The above and below construction photos illustrate Burt’s structural design and indicate how rapidly the structure rose. It seems likely that Schindler and Neutra visited the site and discussed the building’s structural aspects during RMS’s late May visit on his way to New York. Ironically, Neutra would not include any images of the Tribune Tower in either of his first two books, the 1926 Wie Baut Amerika? and the 1930 Amerika: Neues Bauen in der Welt, probablyout of respect for Sullivan’s opinions on the design competition which they likely discussed during their meeting shortly before his death.  He did, however, include an extensive illustrated construction chronology featuring the structural skeleton of the Palmer House project in his second book.

Tribune Tower under construction from the north. Photograph by Eugene Cour, July 5, 1924. Scanned from Solomonson, p. 258. Original image courtesy of Chicago Tribune Company.

Frank Lloyd Wright’s six-page tribute to “The Master” was published in the July issue of Architectural Record. Wright wrote at length of Sullivan’s genius and the importance of his four masterpieces,

“Only the Chicago Auditorium, the Transportation Building, the Getty Tomb and the Wainwright Building are necessary to show the great reach of creative activity that was Louis Sullivan’s genius. … When he brought in the board with the motive for the Wainwright Building outlined in profile and in scheme upon it and threw it down on the table, I was perfectly aware of what had happened. This was Louis Sullivan’s greatest moment – his greatest effort. The “skyscraper,” as a new thing beneath the sun, an entity with virtue, individuality and beauty all its own, was born.” (Wright, Frank Lloyd, “Louis H. Sullivan – His Work,” Architectural Record, July, 1924, pp. 28-33).

Wainwright Building, Adler & Sullivan, 1891.

Future (1928-1933) Neutra apprentice Harwell Hamilton Harris was also deeply influenced by Sullivan’s writings even before he had decided to become an architect as he recollected in his oral history about his art student days at Otis Art Institute,

“I had never heard of Sullivan, although I’m sure I had seen something of his, because it looked familiar to me when I did see his work later. It was not until, as a student at Otis, [I] went into the office of the director on some matter or other, that Karl Howenstein shoved over a typewritten sheet for me to read. It was something he had written for a magazine, and the occasion for the writing was the death of Louis Sullivan. I read it and didn’t forget it, and, less than a year afterward, [Sullivan's] The Autobiography of an Idea was published. Howenstein spoke in his piece about the influence of Sullivan. He had worked for a short time for Sullivan, but in Sullivan’s much later years. He talked, I remember, in this piece for publication about the influence that Sullivan had on draftsmen in various offices. … I did read The Autobiography of an Idea, in 1926 I guess. I was very much taken with it and became a great admirer of Sullivan.” (Organic View of Design, p. 89 and Richard Neutra and the California Art Club for more on Howenstein).

Thanksgiving at Kings Road, 1923. Herman Sachs, far left, others at table clockwise from Sachs include Karl Howenstein and Edith Gutterson, Anton Martin Feller, E. Clare Schooler (lover of Dorothy Gibling), person partially obscured at right (unidentified), Betty Katz, Alexander R. Brandner, unidentified, and Max Pons (obscured to Sachs’ right). Another photo exists from the opposite side of the table which includes Dorothy Gibling (frequent long-term guest at Kings Road) to Betty Katz’s right. Photo by R. M. Schindler. From the UCSB Art Museum R. M. Schindler Papers and “Life at Kings Road: As It Was 1920-1940″ by Robert Sweeney in The Architecture of R. M. Schindlerp. 97. (I am indebted to architectural historian William Scott Blair, steward of the Feller Archive, for identifying Feller and sharing his tragic story with me and help identifying the others in the photo.)

Howenstein’s Sullivan tribute was written about the time Neutra met Wright at Sullivan’s funeral and shortly thereafter moved to Taliesin with wife Dione to work for Wright. Friends of the Schindlers in Chicago, Karl Howenstein and Edith Gutterson (center back above) had also met while working at the Art Institute of Chicago. Edith fondly reminisced years later about her and Karl’s evenings spent in Sullivan’s company,

During the years 1915- 17 I was working at the Art Institute in Chicago and met Karl Howenstein, who eventually I married. He was an architect (really more interested in men ‘s souls than their dwellings, and a great admirer of  Sullivan ‘s ideas and of the man himself. I saw Sullivan possibly six times In this manner. Karl and I would meet him and take him to the Tip-Top Inn [Pullman Building at Michigan Ave. and Adams St.], where we would get a table by the window where we would look down on the lights of the city, and off to the darkness of the lake. We would sit there for several hours, eating cheese sandwiches and drinking beer, while Sullivan talked. Karl always felt that his words, spoken, were more fraught with meaning and carried overtones of meaning not possible in the written word, and now I know what he meant. His mind would range from one point to another, from one subject to another, but not rambling. Each thought and point grew organically out of the preceding. I wish I could remember the actual contents of the talks, but it is no use pretending that I recall them, except that I do recall hearing the name of a great number of philosophers mentioned, among them Rudolph Steiner. (It was only later that I personally met Anthroposophy myself). I think that thing I remember best is the impact of his real concern for men, the human being, and his spiritual and emotional needs. There was no patronizing, or feeling that he in any way knew  the answer, only a deep desire to share whatever he comprehended. There was nothing of the ’Master’ about him, as there was about Wright or Neutra. Of course. Wright called him ‘Master’, but I have the feeling Sullivan would have accepted this half humorously. I remember his eyes, gentle at times, but when really, roused, fire would flash from them. He was an essentially kind man, in the way I feel Dr. Steiner was.” (Prairie School Review, Vol. 10, 1972, pp. 1-20)

It was Edith who introduced Pauline Gibling to R. M. Schindler in early 1919. Howenstein and Gutterson  moved to Los Angeles in 1921and lived for two years in the Schindler’s Kings Road House. Herman Sachs (far left above) also established the Chicago Industrial Arts Studio at  Jane Addams‘ Hull House in 1920 before the Schindlers moved to Los Angeles(Note: Neutra also briefly lived and worked at Hull-House just after arriving in Chicago in 1923).

The Viennese Feller (to Edith’s left above) and Romanian Brandner (across the table in the light shirt) were fellow architects that Schindler helped enter the U.S. and were then staying at Kings Road. Feller’s wife had given birth to a baby girl about a month prior to this picture and tragically committed suicide two weeks later, likely accounting for Feller’s depressed demeanor. (“Identified in Death Leap,” Los Angeles Times, November 9, 1923, p. II-1). Feller was then working in Frank Lloyd Wright’s Los Angeles office on nearby Harper Ave. with Swiss architect Werner Moser, another Kings Road visitor with wife Sylva, and Kameki and Nobu Tsuchiura who had also worked on Wright’s Imperial Hotel in Tokyo. They all moved to Taliesin the following February where the Neutra’s met and worked beside them later in the year. (See below).

From left to right, Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, Sylva Moser, and new baby, Kameki Tsuchiura, Nobu Tsuchiura, Werner Moser on the violin and Dione Neutra on the cello in the living room at Taliesin, 1924. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 52).

 

Neutra moved to Taliesin with wife Dione and new son Frank in September 1924 before relocating to California in February 1925 to finally achieve his dream of joining Schindler.

The Neutras at Taliesin, 1924. From left, Dione, Richard, FLW’s namesake baby Frank, and Dione’s mother Lilly Niedermann. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 51.

FLW having a Kindergarten Chat with baby Frank Neutra at Taliesin, 1924. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 51.

While working at Taliesin, and sitting at lunch opposite Wright, Neutra,

“… opened a letter [from Ralph Fletcher Seymour], and inside was a topaz stickpin, sent to me with an appreciative and hopeful letter. It told me that I was worthy to have the pin which Sullivan had worn in better days and which his friends had now redeemed from the pawn shop. They thought I deserved it for my enthusiasm and friendliness to the old master. Glowing, I, who was nobody, rushed around the table to Mr. Wright. “Do you recognize it?” He shook his head, and I gave him the letter. It was a mistake. He read and silently gave me back these tokens. He seemed sad. The necktie pin I have never worn. It is in a bank safe.” (Life & Shape, p. 185).

FLW and Richard Neutra at Taliesin, 1924.

 The event was so meaningful to Neutra that he wrote about it years later in a letter to Seymour,

“Your considering me a worthy heir of something that Sullivan owned has immensely encouraged me through the many dark hours of being derided and seeming to fail to reach any goal in this difficult profession. … Always when I had a tough time, I used to look at the pin and read your letter. …I wonder whether you guessed what you contributed to my effort and career when you wrote me suddenly that I, an unknown young man, was worthy to have that token and would live up to it.” (Hines, p. 54).

The pin is now the proud stewardship of Neutra biographer Thomas S. Hines. Per Raymond Neutra, “My mother gave it to Tom Hines because she thought he would treasure it and see that it found an ultimate home.” (e-mail to the author, 06-24-2011). Sullivan’s pin could not be in better hands.

The Neutras left Taliesin in February 1925 and traveled to Los Angeles and moved the Schindler’s Kings Road House in early March. (See below). There they would remain until May 1930 when Neutra began his fateful world tour. (See The Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism for more details on this period).

 

Richard, Dione and Frank Neutra and RMS at Kings Road, 1925. Photo by Jean Murray Bangs, later wife of later Neutra disciple Harwell Hamilton Harris. (McCoy Papers, Archives of American Art)

Pauline Schindler wrote of Neutra in late 1928 in The Carmelite, a newspaper in Carmel-by-the-Sea she was editing after leaving her husband,

“‘Form Follows Function’ said Louis Sullivan. ‘This is the basis for the new architecture.’ Richard Neutra, who lectures in Carmel at the studio of Denny and Watrous next Sunday evening, is what we might call a direct architectural descendant of Louis Sullivan. Every profession and every art which has great teachers has its lineages. The greatest of those who called Sullivan “Master” was Frank Lloyd Wright. … Louis Sullivan became a great influence upon American architecture because he could not only understand consciously what he was driving at; he could not only build buildings which illustrated the principle that form follows function; but he could make his meaning clear to the rest of the world. Richard Neutra is one of the two or three true descendants of the lineage of Sullivan and Wright, to whom architecture is not merely an expression of a civilization but a conditioning agent of future cultures.” (Schindler, Pauline, “The Architecture of the Future,” The Carmelite, November 28, 1928, p. 11). (Also see my Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Modernism, 1927-1936 for more details).

 

Kindergarten Chats by Louis Sullivan, Scarab Fraternity Press, 1934. (From my collection).

It would not be until 1934, ten years after Sullivan’s death, that Kindergarten Chats would finally be published in book form. (See above). It was through the foresight of George Elmslie’s saving of Sullivan’s papers that ten years after his death, SCARAB, the professional intercollegiate architectural fraternity, published Kindergarten Chats on the occasion of it’s Silver Anniversary. Editor Claude F. Bragdon states in his introduction that,

“Several attempts were made, both before and after Sullivan’s death in 1924, to have the essays issued in book form, but all proved abortive. Though no names were mentioned, the Chats contained strictures on then-living architects which might be construed as libelous; and intemperate language, the slang of the day, bad puns, tiresome jokes, so marred the facade of this masterpiece that for publication in book form emendations and excisions were imperative. Sullivan refused to perform this task himself, nor would he submit to anyone else’s editorship. His literary executor and long-time associate, Mr. George G. Elmslie, and other interested parties, having now placed this delicate and difficult matter in my hands, I have done the best I could with it.”


Book design by Sullivan pupil Eugene Voita.

Back cover with Neutra blurb.

Neutra’s blurb on the back cover read, “In America: A New Building in the World,’ I have endeavored to set a monument to Louis H. Sullivan, a fine and great man.” (See above). Indeed, Neutra included numerous Sullivan projects in his second book published in 1930. California Arts & Architecture published Neutra’s review of the Chats shortly after publication. (See below). Neutra wrote,

“[Sullivan] in his lalks to the young designer had fundamentally shaken the arbitrariness and stylistic eclecticism of a transitory period and found new bearings for a contemporary architecture, preparing its consistent growth to something comparable with what architecture loyal to its time had meant in periods of the past. The Darwinian theory on an unavoidable relation of organic development to its influential surroundings, a theory which in the nineteenth century impressed the minds and spread fom biology to other fields of application, is reflected in Sullivan’s functional philosophy.” (See below).

Kindergarten for Infant Architects,” by Richard Neutra, California Arts & Architecture, June 1935, p. 25.

Louis H. Sullivan: Kindergarten Chats and Other Writings by Louis H. Sullivan, edited by Elizabeth Athey, Wittenborn, 1947.

Long out of print, a second edition of the Chats was published by George Wittenborn in 1947 featuring cover design and typography by Paul Rand as part of the highly collected Documents of Modern Art series. (See above). This edition restored the manuscript from the Bragdon edition back to the way Sullivan had originally revised it in 1918 and added other selected writings by Sullivan to add context and perspective. The publisher’s comments reflected,

From June to October 1918, Sullivan worked over the manuscript and produced the text which follows, and which therefore represents its definitive form. The actual manuscript gives the impression that Sullivan revised in the exact meaning of the word, that he gave attention to every sentence and paragraph, that his alterations of word and phrase, his cutting and rewriting, were the product of genuine reconsideration and a desire for greater clarity. The redundant or unprecise adjective was discarded, the specific term was substituted for the more general or the vague one repetitive passages were deleted. Throughout this revision and the text here published was prepared directly from the original manuscript it may be said that the secondary has been sacrificed to the primary.”

Kindergarten Chats and Other Writings by Louis H. Sullivan, Dover, 1979.


The Chats are still easily findable via the 1979 Dover reprint of the Wittenborn edition. (See above). Both Neutra and Schindler’s stays in Chicago profoundly influenced their subsequent development. Meeting Sullivan while there and attempting to help cement his legacy with the publication of his Kindergarten Chats must have nostalgically taken them back to their days in Vienna and their very similar chats with their like-minded Sullivan admirer and mentor Adolf Loos.

 

Recommended Further Reading and Sullivan Resources:

 

For an in-depth discourse on the Chats I recommend the excellent Louis Sullivan’s Kindergarten Chats [or] Form really does follow Function by Samantha Krukowski.

For a brilliant scholarly study of the interrelationships between Sullivan and Loos and the little-known H. P. Berlage – Louis Sullivan interactions I highly recommend An Exchange on the Surface: Sullivan, Berlage and Loos by Wim de Wit who generously provided his article for this linkage. This unpublished paper, made available here for the first time, was presented as part of the Louis Sullivan at 150 International Symposium in Chicago, one of Wim’s stops along his remarkably similar journey to Los Angeles as R. M. Schindler and Richard Neutra which I hope to write about in the future. You can also listen to Wim’s lecture live at Louis Sullivan at 150 along with all the other presentations and the keynote address by one of my favorite historians, Jean-Louis Cohen, whose Scenes of the World to Come is truly a masterpiece of architectural research.

For additional reading on Sullivan and the 1893 Chicago World’s Far I recommend:

Louis Sullivan: The Function of Ornament by Wim de Wit

Grand Illusions: Chicago’s World’s Fair of 1893 by Wim de Wit

Other books by de Wit



 

 

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Richard Neutra and the California Art Club: A Pathway to the von Sternberg and Murphy Commissions


Josef von Sternberg from The Films of Josef von Sternberg by Andrew Sarris, Museum of Modern Art, 1966, frontispiece.

This is the interwoven story of  two of Richard Neutra’s more important commissions, i.e., movie director Josef von Sternberg’s house in Northridge and fellow movie director Dudley Murphy’s Holiday House Motel in Malibu. (See above and below). Neutra and his circle’s involvement with the California Art Club also played a significant role in eventually landing these plum projects. Neutra’s dynamic energy and focus, penchant for global self-promotion, and resoluteness in the search for clients to survive the Great Depression and to begin to build his legacy resulted in an ever-growing orbit of important friends, acquaintances, contacts and colleagues. Former partner and landlord R. M. Schindler and his wife Pauline were most important to the development of Neutra’s personal network as Richard, Dione and baby Frank were welcomed as tenants at Kings Road on March 7, 1925. They remained until May 1930 when Neutra embarked on his all-important career-building world tour.

Dudley Murphy, Hollywood Wild Card by Susan Delson, University of Minnesota Press, 2006.

The Schindler’s coterie of intelligentsia and California Art Club-affiliated avant-garde artists automatically became the Neutras’ as anyone who has visited the intimate surroundings at Kings Road will understand. Dione wrote her mother in September 1925, “We are slowly drawn into the whirl of social activities, although we are only starting to make acquaintances…” (From Richard Neutra: Promise & Fulfillment, 1919-1932 by Dione Neutra, p. 144). (For much more detail on this see my “Pauline Gibling Schindler: Vagabond Agent for Moderinism” hereinafter referred to as PGS).

The Schindlers’ relationship with Aline Barnsdall, Pauline as one of Aline’s kindergarten teachers (with her husband’s future client Leah Lovell) and R. M. as her post-Frank Lloyd Wright architect, also plays an important part in this story. (See also PGS). Aline donated her Frank Lloyd Wright-designed and R. M. Schindler-supervised Hollyhock House and surrounding compound to the City of Los Angeles in 1926 with the provision that the California Art Club be granted a 15-year lease to use Hollyhock as a clubhouse and gallery space. (See below).


Conrad Buff self-portrait froThe Art & Life of Conrad Buff, by Will South, George Stern Fine Arts, 2000, p. 45, hereinafter Buff.


Shortly after moving into Kings Road the Neutra’s met artists Conrad and Mary Buff (see above and below) through the Schindler salons. The Buff’s had met the Schindlers soon after their Kings Road house was completed in 1922, likely through salon attendee Edward Westonwho had a studio in Tropico near their home in Eagle Rock and for whom Mary modeled the same year. (See below). Weston’s sons Neil and Cole also attended Aline Barnsdall’s kindergarten class where Pauline Schindler and future Schindler and Neutra client Leah Lovell taught.

Mary Marsh Buff by Edward Weston, 1922. (From The Art & Life of Conrad Buff, by Will South, George Stern Fine Arts, 2000, p. 45 hereinafter Buff).


The Buffs then quickly became friends with Schindler tenants Karl and Edith Howenstein. One of RMS’s first friends after he moved to Chicago in 1914, Karl Howenstein was employed at the Art Institute of Chicago after a brief stint working for Louis Sullivan. (See my R. M. Schindler, Richard Neutra and Louis Sullivan’s “Kindergarten Chats” for more details). After the Schindlers moved to Los Angeles in 1920 to work on Frank Lloyd Wright’s Hollyhock House for Aline Barnsdall, the Howensteins followed in 1922 where Karl took a position at the Otis Art Institute. They moved into the Schindler’s Kings Road House for about two years between 1922 and 1924.

 

Thanksgiving at Kings Road, 1923. Clockwise around the table from left, Dorothy Gibling (Pauline’s sister), Betty and A. R. Brandner, obscured, Max Pons, Herman Sachs (back center), Karl Howenstein (far right), Edith Howenstein, Anton Martin Feller, E. Clare Schooler, and unidentified. Not shown, the Schindlers Photo by R. M. Schindler. From ”Life at Kings Road: As It Was 1920-1940″ by Robert Sweeney in The Architecture of R. M. Schindler, p. 97

 

Buff spoke of the Howensteins (see above far right)  in his Oral History,

“One of the friends that we got acquainted with was a man by the name of [Karl] Howenstein. He came from Chicago, and he and his wife were quite progressive minded, he was all for modem art and at the same time he was a Freudian. He was interested in psychoanalysis, and together with modern art and talks on psychoanalysis he captivated us, and we became quite good friends.” (Conrad Buff Oral History Transcript, p. 122, hereafter CB)

Howenstein would go on to become Managing Director of the Otis Art Institute which was housed in the Los Angeles Museum of History, Science and Art building and which also had numerous California Art Club members on the faculty. The 1923-24 Otis Catalogue seen below lists both Mary Marsh Buff and William Wendt, a founding member and early president of the California Art Club, on the Advisory Committee. The president of the California Art Club, E. Roscoe Shrader was also Dean of Faculty at Otis between 1922 and 1949. (For more on Howenstein’s background and his indirect influence on Harwell Hamilton Harris’s career choice see Mod).

The Otis Art Institute of the Los Angeles Museum of History Science and Art 1923-1924 Catalogue. From Otis College Online.

Mary and Conrad met in 1920 at the Los Angeles Museum [of History, Science and Art] where Mary worked as assistant curator and married in 1922. Conrad exhibited with the California Art Club as early as 1920. Quickly realizing the CAC’s considerable power concerning local exhibition opportunities, he joined the Club despite its conservative tendencies because it gave him another source of expanding contacts and alliances and a way to promote the acceptance of more progressive styles such as his. (Buff, p. 45).


Buff stated in his oral history,

“About 1922, I joined the California Art Club. The California Art Club in those days was practically the only club in Los Angeles that represented the artists. They had a yearly show at the Los Angeles Museum [of History, Science and Art], that was a privilege they had, and it was quite the show of the year, although there was another exhibition that took place in the fall where everybody was eligible to submit their works to a jury. In those days, the museum was really a place where the artists were treated royally, not like now where everybody has to send pictures in and submit them to a jury and be perhaps in competition with ten thousand others. In those days, the museum would come to your house, pick up the pictures, and submit them to the jury. Practically everybody that had half-way decent work would be accepted. After the show was over, the museum would bring the pictures back. So it was a golden age for the artists.

In the middle ’20′s or the later ’20s, the club had a wonderful opportunity. Miss Barnsdall of Barnsdall Hill gave her residence to the club, to be solely used by the club. I don’t know why Miss Barnsdall didn’t like her house, although at this time it was considered the most beautiful building In Los Angeles. It was, of course designed by Frank Lloyd Wright and the supervising architect was Rudolph Schindler; as I said, it was quite a remarkable building and everybody liked it except the other architects. The architects were down on Frank Lloyd Wright. We were very fortunate in having this privilege of using the building for fifteen years. She gave us a fifteen-year lease on the building.”

Aerial view of Olive Hill-Barnsdall Park with Aline Barnsdall’s Frank Lloyd Wright and R. M. Schindler designed Hollyhock House compound. From the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

Interior view of Aline Barnsdall’s recently donated Hollyhock House from the February 1927 issue of the California Art Club Bulletin.

Los Angeles Times Art Critic, etcher and California Art Club member Arthur Millier. Photo by Johan Hagemeyer, life-long friend of Edward Weston. (Weston rented Hagemeyer’s Carmel studio when he first moved there in 1929). Image courtesy Museams and the Online Archive of California.

Schindler and Neutra friend Kem Weber led a team of CAC members including Frederick Monhoff, Edouard Vysekal, Los Angeles Times art critic Arthur Millier (see above) and others in “designing and providing the special requisites for conversion of [Hollyhock House's] future uses in the cause of art.” (“Art Magazines in East Hear of Clubhouse Here,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1927, p. I-5). The Club held its formal opening and inaugural exhibition on Olive Hill beginning on August 31, 1927 featuring 225 works by many “ecstatic artists” in the Schindler-Neutra circle including Edward, Brett and Chandler Weston, Conrad Buff, Annita Delano and undoubtedly many others. (“Art Club Takes Over New Home,” Los Angeles Times, September 1, 1927, p. I-1). Weston wrote in his Daybooks of the opening,

“[Margrethe Mather] came to choose prints for the photographic exhibition in connection with the formal opening of the new Calif. Art Club house, Olive Hill, Hollywood. Three of Brett’s photographs will be hung, four of mine, and one of Chandler’s.” (The Daybooks of Edward Weston, Vol. II, California, p. 38). (For more on the Westons and Buff see PGS and for more on Delano see “Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism: Richard Neutra’s Mod Squad” hereinafter referred to as Mod).)

Catalog for the inaugural California Art Club exhibition at their new clubhouse at Barnsdall Park, August 1927. From the Annita Delano Papers, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian, microfilm roll 3000).

Aline Barnsdall European Poster Exhibition, Barnsdall Park, September 1927 designed by R. M. Schindler. From The Oilman’s Daughter by Norman M. Karasick & Dorothy K. Karasick.

Los Angeles Times, August 27, 1927, p. I-11. From ProQuest.

One of the features of the month-long opening exhibitions was a showing of 64 European travel and advertising posters collected by Barnsdall in her latest travels. (See above). She commissioned Schindler to design the distinctive outdoor display panels seen in the above photo and in two photos in a review in the Times a few days later. (“Barnsdall Park – A City Cultural Center,” Los Angeles Times, September 4, 1927, p. I-6). Schindler was likely working on the installation about the time Pauline packed up son Mark and left Kings Road sometime in August after some protracted marital difficulties likely related to R. M.’s philandering ways. Conrad Buff recalled Schindler’s infidelity,

“Schindler had built a house on Kings Road. Schlndler, besides being a disciple of Frank Lloyd Wright, was a very handsome fellow. He was quite a ladles’ man, and part of his business was to make love to all the ladles he could. He had a very interesting wife, but that didn’t bother him. There was quite a group of people that used to meet down at Schlndler’s house.” (Buff, p. 123).

This was also the same month Philip Lovell commissioned Neutra to begin design on his Health House near Griffith Park. In the spring of 1928 Lovell also chose Neutra over Schindler to design his Physical Culture Center at 154 W. 12th St. in downtown Los Angeles which entailed remodeling over 5,000 sq. ft. of industrial space. (“Four Leases Completed by Company Here,” Los Angeles Times, February 5, 1928, p. V-6). (For much more detail see PGS).

Lovell Physical Culture Center, Los Angeles, 1928, Richard Neutra, architect. From Picnic de Pioneros by Ruben Alcolea, p. 178.

Lovell Pysical Culture Center, Los Angeles, 1928, Richard Neutra, architect. From Richard Neutra and the Search for Modern Architecture by Thomas S. Hines, p. 78.

Lovell ad which ran in the Los Angeles Times throughout 1928.



Shortly after the CAC inaugural festivities Conrad Buff also commissioned Neutra to design his garage and studio entrance at 1225 Linda Rosa in Eagle Rock. (See below and Buff, p. 124-5). The building permit for same was issued on  January 30, 1928 thus this was quite a busy period for Neutra with three concurrent projects on the boards.

Entrance, Studio of Conrad Buff, Los Angels, R. J. Neutra, Architect. Photos by Willard D. Morgan. From Picnic de Pioneros by Ruben Alcolea, p. 184.

Entrance, Studio of Conrad Buff, Los Angels, R. J. Neutra, Architect. Photos by Willard D. Morgan. Architectural Record, November, 1930, p. 438. (From my collection).

Neutra spent all of 1928 working feverishly on the Lovell Health House design and all of 1929 overseeing its construction. Neutra’s name is first mentioned in association with the CAC in the September 1928 issue of the CAC Bulletin announcing his inclusion along with Kings Road salon habitues and CAC members R. M. Schindler, Jock Peters, Kem Weber, Edward Weston, Annita Delano, Henrietta Shore, Edouard Vysekal, George Stanley, and Frederick Monhoff in the December exhibition “Decorative and Fine Arts of Today” at Bullock’s Department Store curated by Delano. (This period is covered in much detail in both my PGS and Mod). Many of this group were also working on the interiors of the new Bullock’s Wilshire store then under construction. Of the trend towards modernism in design L. A. Times art critic Arthur Millier wrote,

“Following the lead of similar exhibitions in New York and other large cities, this is in the nature of an experiment in which the local public’s pulse will be felt. … [including] fine art, craft work and architectural exhibits from those artists of Southern California who are working in the modern spirit of simple, sensitive design.” (Millier, Arthur, “Decorative Art of Today,” L.A. Times, December 9, 1928, p. III-13).
Exhibition announcement, L.A. Times, December 9, 1928, p. III-23. From ProQuest.

Delano included in the exhibition: 15 Edward Weston photographs, paintings, drawings and sculpture from Peter Krasnow, two or her own watercolors, eight lithographs and paintings from Henrietta Shore, Kem Weber designs for an entrance hall, dining room, bedroom and bathroom, sculpture by George Stanley, R. M. Schindler’s Wolfe House on Catalina Island, Lovell Beach House in Newport Beach, and 3 other projects, five interiors designed by Jock Peters, drawings and watercolors by Edouard Vysekal, architectural designs by Fred Monhoff, Richard Neutra’s Rush City railroad terminal, office and store building and Metropolitan Business District and more by others.

A follow-up “Modern Arts” exhibition sponsored by the Los Angeles Architectural Club, likely also curated by Delano, featured many of the same CAC members such as Kem Weber, Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler, Conrad Buff, George Stanley, Feil & Paradise and J. R. Davidson and took place at the Architect’s Building at 5th and Figueroa. (“Modern Design to be Architect’s Subject,” Los Angeles Times, March 18, 1929).

Neutra was concurrently teaching his “Practical Course in Modern Building Art” at F. K. Ferenz’s Academy of Modern Art and compiling his second book Amerika: Die Stilbildung des Neuen Bauens in den Vereinigten Staaten which was published in 1930. The students in Neutra’s class were nearly all members of the California Art Club as were a large number of his and Schindler’s social circle prompting both him and Ferenz to also join the organization in February 1929. (See class picture at the beginning of my Mod and “Welcome!” California Art Club Bulletin, February 1929, p. 6).

California Art Club guest book entries, May 4-9, 1928 courtesy of Eric Merrell, current CAC historian. I highly recommend his Siqueiros in Los Angeles and His Collaborations with the California Art Club for more detailed information.

 

Like his friend Conrad Buff, Neutra presciently viewed CAC membership as a possible entree to potential clients. Ferenz likely joined to make similar contacts for future gallery exhibitions and attract more students to his Academy. Ferenz, already a frequent CAC visitor, had previously viewed the Vysekal’s exhibition at the CAC on May 6, 1928, likely prompted by Millier’s same day review. (See above and Millier, A., “Vysekals in Full Showing,” Los Angeles Times, May 6, p. IV-30).

Neutra and Schindler participated in a debate “Modern versus Classical Style” at the Club on February 18, 1929 against the team of Vincent Palmer and Vernon McClurg. (“Architects to Debate Styles This Evening,” Los Angeles Times, February 18, p. I-5). A month after Neutra joined the CAC, he and friend Buff were elected officers. Neutra was elected second vice-president while Buff became recording secretary for the year beginning April 1st. (“Art Club Names New Officers and Director,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1929, p. IV-8 and letterhead below). Ferenz lectured at the Club shortly after signing up on the topic “What is Modern Art?” and again in June as part of a panel discussion on, “Does Thrift Cripple the Imagination?” (“Ferenz Will Lecture at Art Club’s Forum,” Los Angeles Times, March 25, 1929, p. I-18 and “Symposium Arranged,” Los Angeles Times, June 17, 1929, p. I-3).

The Aristocracy of Art by Merle Armitage, Jake Zeitlin, 1929. From my collection.

Neutra and Schindler participated in a debate “Modern versus Classical Style” at the Club on February 18, 1929 against the team of Vincent Palmer and Vernon McClurg. (“Architects to Debate Styles This Evening,” Los Angeles Times, February 18, p. I-5). A month after Neutra joined the CAC, he and friend Buff were elected officers. Neutra was elected second vice-president while Buff became recording secretary for the year beginning April 1st. (“Art Club Names New Officers and Director,” Los Angeles Times, March 24, 1929, p. IV-8 and letterhead below). Jake Zeitlin crony, Schindler salon regular and Weston patron Merle Armitage lectured at the Club on “The Aristocracy of Art” on March 4, 1929. (See above and below). Ferenz lectured at the Club shortly after signing up on the topic “What is Modern Art?” and again in June as part of a panel discussion on, “Does Thrift Cripple the Imagination?” (“Ferenz Will Lecture at Art Club’s Forum,” Los Angeles Times, March 25, 1929, p. I-18 and “Symposium Arranged,” Los Angeles Times, June 17, 1929, p. I-3).

Will Connell portrait of early Weston supporters Merle Armitage and Jake Zeitlin, ca. 1930. (From L.A.’s Early Moderns, p. 45).

California Art Club letterhead, 1929. From the Annita Delano Papers, Archives of American Art. (For more on the Delano-Neutra relationship, see Mod).

Neutra was quickly accepted as a member of importance evidenced by his selection, along with Club President E. Roscoe Shrader, Kem Weber, and L.A. Times art critic Arthur Millier, to a jury to choose a winner from a design competition for a mural decoration to be installed in the south alcove of California Art Club living room and west wall ofthe music room. (California Art Club Bulletin, February 1929, cover).

Galka Scheyer at Kings Road, circa 1931. (From“Life at Kings Road: As It Was 1920-1940″ by Robert Sweeney, p. 108 in the 2001 MOCA exhibition catalog The Architecture of R. M. Schindler).

Galka Scheyer, (see above) promoter of The Blue Four, was a fellow Kings Road tenant with the Neutras during the summer of 1927 witnessing Pauline’s departure and helping broker the Lovell Health House commission for Neutra. She also played an important indirect role in Neutra’s von Sternberg commission. Academy of Modern Art founder, F. K. Ferenz, UCLA art professor and CAC member Annita Delano and Mexican muralists Jose Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros were also key figures linked to Neutra’s von Sternberg and Dudley Murphy commissions. (For much more on Ferenz, Delano and Scheyer see Mod and for more on Siqueiros see PGS).

Von Sternberg became a large blip on Galka Scheyer’s radar screen sometime in 1929 when she learned of his purchase of 18 pieces from the Braxton Gallery during the Archipenko exhibit of May 1929 possibly through her close friend and traveling companion Gela Archipenko(“Archipenko Takes Here,” Los Angeles Times, May 26, 1929, p. 16). In an April 26 letter to Kandinsky in Dessau Scheyer wrote,

“…[Alexander] Archipenko, who we wanted to exhibit while waiting for the modern museum, has meanwhile sold 16 works via an art dealer in hollywood to a von Sternberg, a movie person. I contacted him (Henry Braxton) immediately; he is coming here and is interested in the Blue Four. If something comes of that…I will telegram.” (Galka E. Scheyer and the Blue Four Correspondence, 1924-1945 edited by isabel Wunche, p. 163-4).

Von Sternberg, sufficiently wealthy by now to buy whatever he pleased, patronized the art dealers who serviced the Hollywood community such as Henry Braxton and also attended local shows and meetings of the California Art Club as did Kings Road habitue and fellow movie director and art collector Dudley Murphy. Since the artwork he was interested in was often controversial, many of the shows took place in private homes such as the Schindler’s Kings Road House and fellow circle members Sam and Harriet Freeman’s Frank Lloyd Wright-designed house and the home of Walter and Louise Arensberg or in bookshops, in particular those of Jake Zeitlin and Stanley Rose.


An agent without a gallery, the shrewd Scheyer was eager to associate with Braxton’s establishment, as she had with the Oakland Art Gallery in the Bay Area, to both mount exhibitions of the Blue Four and other avant-garde artists and to gain entree into Hollywood’s elite emigre circle, especially von Sternberg. Scheyer and Braxton hammered out the details for a long-term collaboration in May in San Francisco right after his Archipenko show and she convinced him to move to a more desirable location. (Galka E. Scheyer and the Blue Four Correspondence, 1924-1945 edited by isabel Wunche, p. 115 hereinafter Scheyer).

In a June 4th collective letter to the Blue Four Scheyer excitedly wrote of the Braxton events,

I will explain in telegraphic shorthand because I have absolutely no time to write in detail. My telegraphic style will be so mathematically clear that you will drink a bottle of champagne in honor of the “Blue Four”

Hollywood … an art dealer . . . rich film people … Archipcnko sold 18 works before the opening … Name of art dealer Braxton … has been in Hollywood for 6 month, (from New York), was here on the 25th of May (with wife) … Both wildly enthusiastic … and appreciative. Result: September 1- 15, Jawlensky exhibition … September 15 – October 1, Kandinsky, October 1- 15, Feininger, October I5 – November 1, Klee.
Engaged for 4 lectures at $100 each. Big contract with the notary, Mr. Clapp, director of the Oakland Museum, mme. Scheyer, and Mr. Braxton.

Farewell San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley. Hello Hollywood (Will I end up a movie star after all?). I am just about to pack up and move south.” (Scheyer, p. 166).

Scheyer moved in with Pauline Schindler at Frank Lloyd Wright’s Storer House at 8161 Hollywood Blvd. upon her return to Hollywood. Pauline had also recently moved back to Los Angeles after a few years in Carmel as editor and publisher of the Carmelite after leaving Kings Road. As was her penchant, she was continuing to promote modernism in all its facets including allowing Brett Weston to open his first professional photography studio on the second floor. (See PGS for more details).


Scheyer probably became acquainted with Braxton through Archipenko’s wife Gela and/or her Schindler salon connection with CAC member and Times art critic Arthur Millier. Galka and Gela were frequent traveling companions. They came to Los Angeles together in 1925 where they first met Schindler, Neutra and Herman Sachs(For more on this see Mod). They also traveled throughout Bali together collecting art during 1931. Scheyer recommended Schindler to Braxton for the design of his new gallery (see below) and a year earlier also recommended him to Director William H. Clapp for the design of a new Oakland Art Gallery which was never built.

Brown Derby Restaurant Building, 1620-28 N. Vine St., Hollywood, Carl Jules Weyl, architect, 1928. Note the Brown Derby space at the left and the Braxton Gallery space just to the right of the center car. (From flicker).

Braxton and Scheyer wanted a high-profile location and found it in a brand new commercial building (see above) designed and constructed as a 2-story shop, studio and restaurant building for Cecile B. Demille‘s Vine Street Holding Company. DeMille’s original restaurant lease was signed with the Brown Derby Restaurant Company which immediately created a watering hole for Hollywood’s elite. (“Store, Studio and Restaurant Building, Hollywood,” Southwest Builder & Contractor, June 29, 1928, p. 57). The above photo looking east across Vine Street is how the building appeared before the restaurant opened on Valentine’s Day, 1929 and the Braxton Gallery the following September.


Braxton Gallery presentation drawing, front elevation. (From ”Braxton Gallery, 1928-1929, Hollywood” by Naomi Sawelson-Gorse in The Furniture of R. M. Schindler, UCSB, p. 87).

Braxton Gallery presentation drawing, floor plan. (From ”Braxton Gallery, 1928-1929, Hollywood” by Naomi Sawelson-Gorse in The Furniture of R. M. Schindler, UCSB, p. 86).



Galka collaborated on Braxton’s gallery design (see above illustrations) and helped plan the initial exhibitions in the new space. (See “Braxton Gallery, 1928-1929, Hollywood” by Naomi Sawelson-Gorse in The Furniture of R. M. Schindler, UCSB, p. 88). Schindler completed the “ultra-modern” gallery in time for a September 1929 opening.

 

Harry Braxton Gallery, 1624 N. Vine, Hollywood, R. M. Schindler, 1929. Viroque Baker photos. (From Sheine, p. 144). Note the Schindler-designed Braxton Chair in the right photo.


Arthur Millier gave the avant-garde space a rave review with a September 15, 1929 article “‘Ultra’ Gallery Arrives: Hollywood Sees ‘Modern’ Spaces and Angles as Background for Art.”Braxton and Scheyer had originally planned to open the new space with the “Blue Four” but their most important prospective client, movie director Josef von Sternberg, had already scheduled a trip to Europe to direct the filming of The Blue Angel, his first effort with Marlene Dietrich and Germany’s first “talkie.” By mid-February of 1930 the film was complete and von Sternberg returned to Los Angeles as soon as he was satisfied with the final cut. The film premiered in Berlin on March 30th and New York in mid-April. (“UFA Film Wins Plaudits; Von Sternberg On Return Contrasts Problems of Producing ‘The Blue Angel’ in Germany,” Los Angeles Times, April 6, 1930, p. II-9 and The Blue Angel: The Life and Films of Marlene Dietrich, by David Stuart Ryan, p. 44).


Bronze bust of Josef von Sternberg by Rudolf Belling, 1930. From ProQuest.

Von Sternberg previewed and purchased some of the Blue Four’s work from Scheyer before leaving for Europe the previous fall prompting Scheyer to write her clients to coordinate the pricing of their work in case the ravenous collector von Sternberg approached them directly. The highly egotistical von Sternberg often commissioned likenesses of himself for his collection and modeled on the set of “The Blue Angel” for German avant-garde sculptor Rudolf Belling who had a large one-man show in Berlin during filming. Belling’s abstract bronze bust (see above) was shipped to von Sternberg about the time the Braxton Gallery “Blue Four” shows were wrapping up. (Screen director’s Metal Bust Unique,” Los Angeles Times, April 21, 1930, p. I-2).


Braxton and Scheyer substituted CAC member and Schindler salon regular Peter Krasnow, whom von Sternberg had also collected, for the inaugural September 1929 show which included seven of his carved wood reliefs. (Scheyer, pp. 170-174). Schindler and Neutra had recently collaborated with Krasnow on the design of a major commission for a ceremonial cabinet for Temple Emmanuel-El San Francisco described in a July 28, 1929 L.A. Times article “Krasnow’s Work Shown” as “an unusual thing of wood and glass which houses vestments and religious objects.” Krasnow carved the panels which were applied to the sides of the chest. Close friend Edward Weston was shown the chest in December 1928 after which he wrote in his Daybook, “I take my hat off to you Peter, for a superb piece of work both in conception and technical execution. Tears came to my eyes,…” (Weston, p. 98).


Scheyer also likely encouraged Schindler to approach von Sternberg directly in an attempt to interest him in a commission for a new house knowing they would meet at the opening of the Blue Four exhibitions at the new Braxton Gallery. While Neutra was preoccupied with overseeing construction of the Lovell Health House and he was designing the new Braxton Gallery space, Schindler wrote to von Sternberg,

“The movie director who wants to create thorobreds can do nothing but wait until the public grows eyes. The architect who is limited by economic considerations, might thru some chance find a client who already has eyes. I, a pupil of Otto Wagner, of Vienna, have been trying to develop contemporary building in Los Angeles for the last eight years, without finding anyone whose imagination could follow me to the end. Miss Barnsdall who has appreciated my schemes for translucent space architecture, has so far used me to build half-breeds. You are reputed to be a contemporary artist of imagination and achievement. May I present to you a new conception of architecture, which transcends the childish freaks of the fashionable modernique decorator?” (R. M. Schindler to Josef von Sternberg, June 10, 1929, Architecture and Design Collection, UC Santa Barbara).

Schindler’s attempt at self-promotion proved unsuccessful in the von Sternberg case. Little did he know at the time that five years later, the famed director would commission instead his erstwhile partner Neutra to design the modern country house which would become recognized as one of his best works.

Lovell Health House, ca. December 1929. Willard D. Morgan photo from Styleture web site.

Neutra finally completed the Lovell Health House (see above and below) in December 1929 to much fanfare in the Los Angeles Times. Dr. Lovell’s weekly column described the “Home Built for Health” in much detail including directions to 4616 Dundee Dr. in Los Feliz near Griffith Park for two successive weekends of open house tours to be conducted by Neutra himself. (Lovell, Philip M., “Care of the Body,” Los Angeles Times, December 15, 1929, pp. VI-26-27). Neutra soon thereafter began planning his world tour and CIAM conference attendance. He feverishly sent off Art Club member Willard D. Morgan photos of his masterpiece and previous work to a legion of New York and overseas editors and authors of books on modern architecture in shrewdly planning that publication would precede his visitations, CIAM conference attendance and hoped for lectures. (For more on this see Mod).

Neutra and his pride and joy. From the Los Angeles Public Library photo collection.

Neutra’s strategy was successful for the most part as articles appeared in Architectural Record (7 pp. with 7 Morgan photos and floor plans), Das Neue Frankfurt, Die Form, Stavba, Cahiers d’Art, and others and in influential books such as Herbert Hoffmann’s Die Neue Raumkunst in Europa und Amerika, Sheldon Cheney’s The New World Architecture, and Bruno Taut’s Modern Architecture, not to mention his own book Amerika: Die Stilbildung des Neuen Bauens in den Verienigtento add to his well-received 1927 pre-Lovell effort Wie Baut Amerika?

 

Exhibition Poster for “Contemporary Creative Architecture of California”, UCLA April 21-29. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

In early 1930 Pauline Schindler organized and curated a traveling exhibition of Contemporary Creative Architects of California featuring the work of Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, R. M. SchindlerJock D. Peters, John Weber, Kem Weber and J. R. Davidson. (See announcement above). The exhibition was on display at UCLA from April 21-29, 1930 and the related Symposium featuring CAC members Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler and Kem Weber took place on April 27th. CAC member and UCLA art department faculty member Annita Delano likely had much to do with arranging the opening venue for the exhibition. The same show minus Wright, who objected to his erstwhile disciples piggybacking on his fame, also traveled to the CAC clubhouse at Barnsdall Park after Neutra’s departure in June (see announcement below) before traveling the Western Art Museum circuit to the Honolulu Academy of Fine Arts, the Henry Art Gallery at the University of Washington in Seattle, The Portland Art Association and the San Diego Fine Arts Gallery. (R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 256). (See PGS for much more on this exhibition).

“Contemporary Creative Architecture of California” Exhibition announcement designed by Pauline Schindler, 1930. Courtesy of the UC-Santa Barbara, University Art Museum, Architecture and Design Collections, R. M. Schindler Collection.

Ad for Weston Exhibition at the Braxton Gallery, Los Angeles Times, February 2, 1930, p. II-18.

Braxton and Scheyer’s second show in the new Vine Street gallery was an exhibition of Edward Weston photographs of which Millier wrote, “At Braxton’s we see Weston sharpening the single eye of his camera to exact from nature the minutest details barely visible to the human eye. His approach to art is by way of absolute realism, realism such as should commend itself to the most hide-bound academician.” (Millier, Arthur, “Realism or Abstraction,” Los Angeles Times, February 9, 1930, p. II-17). Weston had a concurrent show open February 8th at the Denny-Watrous Gallery in Carmel.

 

The Blue Four Exhibition Catalogue, Braxton Gallery, Hollywood, March-May, 1930. Courtesy of the Getty Research Institute, Peg Weiss Papers.

Scheyer’s “Blue Four” series of individual shows soon followed in March and April 1930 (see above) after von Sternberg’s return from Europe in late February. Scheyer was able to enlist von Sternberg to co-sponsor the exhibitions (see below), which were all favorably reviewed by Millier.

Preface to the above catalog highlights Von Sternberg’s Scheyer-induced sponsorship.

It is highly likely that Neutra attended the March and April 1930 Braxton Gallery openings for the Blue Four exhibitions seems almost a certainty that he met von Sternberg at same. He also likely learned of von Sternberg’s soon to be released movie The Blue Angel about this time.


During Lyonel Feininger’s April Braxton Gallery exhibition, the California Art Club honored Mexican muralist Jose Clemente Orozco, his Pomona College mural assistant Jorge Juan Crespo de la Serna and art critic and historian, Professor Jose Pijoan at their monthly dinner meeting on April 17th. (“Notable Company to Meet,” Los Angeles Times, April 16, 1930, p. I-8). Club Second Vice-President Neutra most likely attended this meeting and met Orozco since he was slated to be the following month’s honoree shortly before his world tour departure. (See below).

Los Angeles Times, May 15, 1930, p. I-8. From ProQuest.

In late May, knowing they would never return to Kings Road, Richard and Dione packed their meager belongings and archives and moved out to begin their long journey. The Buff’s allowed them to store their boxes in the previously-mentioned garage Neutra designed for their house in Eagle Rock for the duration of the trip. Dione headed directly to Europe with young Frank and Dion in tow to stay with relatives while Richard set sail for Japan to reconnect with his Japanese architect friends he met during his brief apprenticeship at Wright’s Taliesin.

In early 1930 Pauline Schindler organized and curated a traveling exhibition of Contemporary Creative Architects (Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler, Jock D. Peters, John Weber, Kem Weber and J. R. Davidson). The “Contemporary Creative Architecture in California” Exhibition (original show minus Wright) was on display at UCLA from April 21-29, 1930 and the related Symposium featuring CAC members Richard Neutra, R. M. Schindler and Kem Weber took place on April 27th. CAC member and UCLA art department faculty member Annita Delano likely had much to do with arranging the opening venue for the exhibition. The same show also traveled to the CAC clubhouse at Barnsdall Park in June before traveling the Western Art Museum circuit to the Honolulu Academy of Fine Arts, the Henry Art Gallery at the University of Washington in Seattle, The Portland Art Association and the San Diego Fine Arts Gallery. (R. M. Schindler by Judith Sheine, Phaidon, 2001, p. 256). (See PGS for much more on this exhibition).

Edward Weston had befriended Orozco and Diego Rivera during his three-year sojourn to Mexico with Tina Modotti and wrote of them frequently in his Daybooks. He undoubtedly shared photos of his Mexican work with Neutra during various get togethers at Kings Road. For example Weston wrote in his January 3, 1929 Daybook entry,
“To Richard Neutra’s [Kings Road] for supper: other guests were Mr. and Mrs. J. R. Davidson, and [future Schindler client] Dr. Alexander Kaun and wife. Dr. Kaun I met years ago at Margrethe’s, but only casually. I like Richard so much, and found Kaun and the others stimulating, so the evening was a rare gathering I do not regret. Even the showing of my work was not the usual boresome task. I felt such a genuine attitude. Neutra is always keenly responsive, and knows whereof he speaks. Representing in America an important exhibit of photography [Film und Foto] to be held in Germany this summer, he has given me complete charge of collecting the exhibit, choosing the ones whose work I consider worthy of showing, and of writing the catalogue forward to the American group. … I have busy days ahead.” (Weston, pp. 102-3 and for more on Alexander Kaun and Film und Foto see PGS).

Orozco had arrived in Los Angeles on March 22, 1930 to execute a mural at Pomona College’s new Frary Dining Hall through a commission arranged by Professor Jose Pijoan, then teaching at Pomona, and fellow Mexican artist Jorge Juan Crespo de la Serna, then teaching at Chouinard Art Institute. In a dialogue with Frary Hall architect Sumner Spaulding, Pijoan convinced him that a mural would be a fitting decoration and originally wanted Diego Rivera to perform the work. Crespo convinced Pijoan that Orozco would be better for the job. Arrangements were made to bring Orozco to the West Coast from New York to complete the massive Prometheus fresco. (See below).

Prometheus by Jose Clemente Orozco, 1930, Frary Dining Hall, Pomona College. Image from Claremont Heritage. See the following link for a photograph of Orozco at a gathering in the Dining Hall after completion of the mural from the Harold Mudd Library Special Collections.

Weston first became favorably aware of Orozco and his work in late 1925. On May 2, 1926 mutual friend Anita Brenner brought Weston to Orozco’s studio in Coyoacan to introduce the photographer to the man and his work. The next day Brenner took Orozco to Weston’s studio to return the favor. Weston wrote of the meetings,

“Sunday, Anita and I went to Coyoacan for a visit with Orozco the painter. I had hardly known his work before, which I found fine and strong. His cartoons - splendid drawings, in which he spared no one, neither capitalist nor revolutionary leader-were scathing satires, quite as helpful in destroying a “cause,” heroes and villains alike, as a machine gun. I would place Orozco among the first four or five painters in Mexico, perhaps higher. Monday eve he came to see my work. I have no complaint over his response. I wish I had known him sooner, – now it is almost too late.” (The Daybooks of Edward Weston, I. Mexicohttp://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=southernc0e-20&l=btl&camp=213689&creative=392969&o=1&a=B000WWA0IS, p. 158).

Brett Weston photo of Prometheus by Jose Clemente Orozco. (Millier, Arthur, “Orozco’s Fresco Complete,” Los Angeles Times, July 6, 1930, pp. II-7, 12.

Brett Weston, who was in Mexico with Edward during the Orozco studio visit, photographed Prometheus upon its completion with the above image illustrating Arthur Millier’s highly favorable review of the work. At the time Brett’s studio was on the second floor of Frank Lloyd Wright’s Storer House which he was subletting from Pauline Schindler and also sharing rooms with fellow tenant Galka Scheyer, recently relocated from the Bay Area to hopefully develop a client base around the Braxton Gallery shows. Orozco was scheduled for an exhibition at the Braxton Gallery in September and Pauline also conducted private viewings of Brett’s work there for prospective collectors. (“Orozco to Put Murals in College,” Los Angeles Times, March 21, 1930, p. I-9).After completing Prometheus Orozco spent the summer months in San Francisco where he painted a number of canvasses in preparation for a large touring exhibition, Mexican Arts, which opened at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York later that year. While in San Francisco, he and his dealer Alma Reed paid a visit to Weston in Carmel. Of this Edward wrote,

“July 21. The coming of Clemente Orozco and Alma Reed will go down as an important day in my personal history. I am to open the season with a one-man exhibit in Alma Reed’s New York Gallery: but more important she is to keep my work, feature it along with Orozco’s, to the exclusion of all other artists.’ … Around the grate fire Saturday night I showed my work. Orozco had not seen it since Mexico. … Alma Reed asked “When could you be ready to exhibit in New York?” ”Tomorrow.,” I answered. So she told me: ” I had decided to discontinue the work of handling, showing, all other artists except Clemente,- the gallery was really started to ‘put him over,’  - because of my belief in his greatness. Now I have seen your work. It complements his-there is no conflict – you both are striving toward the same end. Clemente and I have discussed it,-we want you to be the only other artist the gallery will show and promote.” (Weston, p. 177).

Jose Clemente Orozco portrait by Edward Weston, Carmel, July 20, 1930.

While in Carmel, Orozco consigned a portfolio of his lithographs to the Denny-Watrous Gallery for shows beginning in late July and early September. The above portrait of Orozco was also displayed alongside other Weston studies of contemporary Mexican artists including Diego Rivera, Miguel CovarrubiasDoctor AtlTina Modotti and Jean Charlot. Weston wrote a profile on Orozco for The Carmelite in which he stated,

“Comparisons are unnecessary. Orozco stands alone, with the uniqueness of a great artist. His pencil or brush is capable of vitriolic satire or tender compassion, his presentation is direct: stark beauty, free from all frosting, all sugar coating. There is no compromise in Orozco, the quintessence of his subject is revealed stripped to the very bones. He has structural solidity plus emotional fire –  a rare combination in contemporary artists – usually either cold from theorizing or lukewarm from weak heart or evasion. Oroszco is the visionary sweeping aside all minor issues, seeing life majestically its heights or depths, with a gesture beyond good and evil.” (Weston, Edward, “Orozco in Carmel,” The Carmelite, July 31, 1930, p. 3).

In October Time Magazine wrote of the events leading up to Orozco’s Prometheus commission,

“The West’s view of Orozco, a view of one of the finest things he has done, was made possible by the removal of some scaffolding from the dining hall of Pomona College, 40 mi. south of Los Angeles. Last winter, head of Pomona’s art department was Professor Jose Pijoan, authority on Latin American art, avid Orozcoan. So long, so vigorously did he preach Orozco to the sons and daughters of Pomona that on their own initiative they invited Orozco to come west, decorate their dining hall. “We have no money,” said Prof. Pijoan when Orozco arrived, “at present only $500.” Artist Orozco glowered through his glasses. “Never mind about that,” he said. “Have you got a wall?” When Artist Orozco returned to New York he left behind a huge ogival Michel-angelican fresco, 25 x 35 ft. representing a giant Prometheus bearing the fire of truth, in pulsating Mexican color. Wrote Critic Arthur Millier of the Los Angeles Times: “The wall has been energized by the genius of Orozco until it lives as probably no wall in the United States today.” Long-legged Arnold Ronnebeck of the Denver Times was even more enthusiastic. Added Sumner Spaulding (see below), architect of Pomona’s dining hall: ”I feel as though the building would fall down if the fresco were removed.” (From “Wall Man,” Time, October 13, 1930).

Sumner Spaulding, Architect ca. 1928. Photo by Boye Studios from the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

Orozco, “Ruined House,” lithograph, 1928. From Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934, p. 82.

The same month the Time article was published Orozco was featured in two exhibitions of his lithographs in Los Angeles at the Los Angeles Museum and Jake Zeitlin‘s Book Shop. Arthur Millier’s review favorably described Orozco’s  ”Ruined House” (see above), “Grief,” “Mexican Pueblo” (see below) and others and ended with the statement, “The appreciation of Orozco in this country is only beginning.” (“Art Season is Under Way,” Los Angeles Times, October 12, 1930, p. II-16).

Orozco, “Grief,” lithograph, 1928. From Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934, p. 82.

Orozco, “Mexican Pueblo,” lithograph, 1928. From Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934, p. 84.

The Blue Angel movie poster.
The Neutra’s enjoyed von Sternberg’s “The Blue Angel“ in Vienna while visiting relatives during the world tour in the summer of 1930. He also secured the commission to design a house for the Viennese Werkbund Siedlung project likely around the time Ludwig Mies van der Rohe hired him to teach a fall class at the Bauhaus during his tour. This house was designed after returning to Los Angeles in 1931 and was completed in 1932. (See Richard Neutra and the Search for Modern Architecture, by Thomas S. Hines, p. 94)(Hereinafter Hines). Neutra is also likely to have seen Edward and Brett Weston’s photographs on display in Das Lichtbild, a follow-up European exhibition to 1929′s seminal avant-garde Film und Foto show which through Neutra’s European connections and largess Edward and Brett and friend Imogen Cunningham were included. (For more see PGS and the Daybooks of Edward Weston, Volume II, California, p. 156).

Neutra’s 1930 book Amerika: Die Stilbildung des Neuen Bauens in den Verienigten featuring the El-Lisstzky-designed Brett Weston photo-montage on the cover and additional work by Edward and Brett was also likely in the European bookstores during his tour. (For much more on this see my PGS). Released only three years after his well-received first book Wie Baut Amerika?, the timing of this publication and his previously-mentioned self-promotional groundwork couldn’t have been better to enhance his prestige while lecturing in Vienna, Zurich, Prague, Hamburg, Berlin, Cologne, Amsterdam and Rotterdam. (Hines, pp. 93-96).

After leaving Europe for Los Angeles in late November 1930, Neutra took over a month stopover in New York trying to find a publisher for a book on the Lovell Health House. The book was to feature the photos of CAC member Willard D. Morgan which documented construction during Neutra’s “Practical Course in Modern Building Art.” (For much more on this see Mod). Despite not finding a publisher, Neutra was assuredly pleased to see his previously-mentioned Willard Morgan-illustrated Conrad Buff project featured in the November issue of the Architectural Record and likely knew by then that his Lovell Health House with Morgan photos had also been published by the Record‘s modernist managing editor A. Lawrence Kocher in the May 1930 issue.

 

These important appearances in the East Coast-based Record likely occurred through the coordination efforts of Pauline Schindler who was acting as publicity agent for a modernist circle of Los Angeles architects and designers. She, along with Morgan’s independent submittals and recent friendship with Architectural Record assistant editor Douglas Haskell, was able to strategically place 15 articles featuring work by Neutra, Schindler, Lloyd Wright, J. R. Davidson, Kem Weber, Jock Peters and others with Kocher (and Haskell) between late 1929 and 1931. (PGS and Mod).


Grand Central Palace, New York,  circa 1930.

Through his aggressive self-promotion while in New York Neutra made some very important connections that would bode well for his career including, besides Kocher, Philip Johnson and his father Homer, corporate attorney for ALCOA, Henry-Russell HitchcockJoseph UrbanEly Jacques KahnLewis MumfordRaymond HoodBuckminster FullerBruno PaulRalph Walker, and many others. Through Urban’s connections, Neutra and the rest of Pauline Schindler’s clients were included in the April, 1931 Architectural League of New York’s 50th anniversary exhibition which was held in conjunction with the Allied Arts and Building Products Exhibition in New York’s Grand Central Palace. (See above). (Note: The exhibition also had the distinction of including soon-to-be Southern California modernist Albert Frey’s (in partnership with Kocher) full-scale “Aluminaire: A House for Contemporary Life” ). Neutra and R. M. Schindler corresponded regarding details of the show during Neutra’s stay in New York. (Hines, p. 99 and note 24., p. 327 and Sheine, p. 256 and note 6., p. 284).

 

The majority of the Los Angeles work shown in the League’s show was likely a reprise of Pauline Schindler’s “Creative Contemporary Architecture” exhibition which had just completed its circuit of West Coast museums. (PGS). Weber, Davidson, Peters and Wright’s work moved on the following month to the Brooklyn Museum’s American Union of Decorative Artists and Craftsmen (AUDAC) exhibition and was published in the organization’s first “Annual of American Design.”


 

Neutra also met Dr. Alvin Johnson, the director of the New School for Social Research whose new building was recently completed by Urban. Through Urban’s help he was also chosen by Johnson to deliver the opening three lectures in the new auditorium (see above) “to test its novel acoustics, as it were.” (Life and Shape by Richard Neutra, p. 258; “R. J. Neutra Lectures Tonight,” New York Times, January 4, 1931 and for much on his self-promotional efforts while in New York see Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, pp. 193-209). Neutra lectured on “The Relation of the New Architecture on the Housing Problem,” “The American Contribution to the New Architecture,” and “The Skyscraper and the New Problem of City Planning.” (Hines, p. 98). Neutra also lectured on “The New Architecture” on January 4 at the Art Center under the auspices of the Art Center, the American Union of Decorative Arts and Crafts (AUDAC), and Contempora and January 7 at the Roehrich Museum (see below) on “New Architecture Shapes a New Human Environment in Europe, Asia and America.” (“R. J. Neutra Lectures Tonight,”and ”What is Going On This Week,” New York Times, January 4, 1931). (Note: Neutra’s Art Center lecture was likely facilitated through Los Angeles colleague  Kem Weber’s AUDAC connections and the critical acclaim from his participation in the 1928 International Exposition of Art in Industry Exposition sponsored by Macy’s in New York. For more details see my Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism).


Roerich Museum and Master Apartment Building, Corbett, Harrison and MacMurray; Sugarman, and Berger, Associated Architects, Architectural Record, December 1929, p. 529. (From my collection).

Jose Clemente Orozco, left, and Jorge Juan Crespo de la Serna, right, at work on “Struggle in the Orient” at the New School for Social Research, January 1931. From Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934, p. 127.

While spending the better part of a week at the New School, Neutra almost certainly made contact with Orozco who was hard at work with his Prometheus assistant Crespo finishing the mural commissions secured through his dealer Alma Reed for the fifth floor lounge and dining room. (See above). (For much more on this important commission see Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934). Neutra is also likely to have seen Weston’s work on display alongside Orozco’s at Reed’s Delphic Studios where his one-man show ran throughout November. Frances D. McMullen’s November 16th review in the New York Times headlined, “Lowly Things that Yield Strange, Stark Beauty; With His Camera Edward Weston Finds Realism in the Sea Shells and the Common Fruits of the Earth; The Prosaic Things Which Reveal New Charm.”

Orozco, “Struggle in the Orient” (top) and Struggle in the Occident” (bottom). From Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934, pp. 124-5.

Time Magazine wrote of Orozco’s return to New York from California to work on the murals,

“The East’s view of Orozco is obtainable this week at the Metropolitan Museum, Manhattan. Two of his huge canvases [completed in San Francisco during the summer] are part of the loan exhibition of Mexican art circulated by the Carnegie Institute and the American Federation of Arts, sponsored by ex-Ambassador Dwight Whitney Morrow and Dr. Frederick A. Keppel. Artist Orozco himself is further downtown squatting on a scaffold in the New School of Social Research, (see above) painting great swirling designs on wet plaster with a very small brush. Beside him his master plasterer and assistant Juan Jorge Crespo, prepares the wall for Orozco to paint, two square yards at a time. “Fresco painting,” explained Artist Orozco, “has much to do with the time of day. If I start one piece at ten in the morning, I must start the next piece at ten the next morning so that the colors will dry the same.” (From “Wall Man,” Time, October 13, 1930).

Party at Alma Reed’s Delphic Studios, 1936. David Alfaro Siqueiros, upper left, Alma Reed, center, and Jose Clemente Orozco, upper right. Unidentified photographer. Enrique Riverón papers, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution.

There is a good chance Neutra may also have hooked up with Los Angeles friends John Weber, Jock Peters, Barbara and Willard Morgan and Annita Delano about this same time. The Morgans had recently moved to New York from Los Angeles into a building also occupied by Architectural Record assistant editor Douglas Haskell whom Neutra may also have met. Weber and Peters were putting the finishing touches on the interiors of the L. P. Hollander Building in collaboration with Eleanor Lemaire after completing the Bullock’s Wilshire interiors the year before. Annita Delano was also in town over the Christmas holidays from her internship at the Barnes Foundation in Philadelphia to visit the Morgans, Lemaire, Peters and Weber and view the Hollander work. At Weber’s 11th hour request, Annita and Barbara rushed a mural onto the walls the night before the store opened. It is thus highly likely that members of this group took in a Neutra lecture or two at The New School for Social Research, the Art Center and/or the recently completed Roerich Museum in early January. (For more details see my Foundations of Los Angeles Modernism).

Neutra’s exhaustive New York networking effort undoubtedly helped secure his place in the Museum of Modern Art’s seminal Modern Architecture International Exhibition the following year and consequently his legacy as well. Correspondence and documents pertaining to the planning of the exhibition indicate that Neutra’s inclusion was decided upon sometime during January, shortly after his return from a Cleveland interlude at White Motors Company where he was designing an aluminum bus in collaboration with the MoMA show curator Philip Johnson’s father Homer’s ALCOA. (Note: Homer Johnson was also a deep pockets patron of the exhibition and was secretary of the supervisory committee. See for example Riley, pp. 30-31, 39 and 214).

 

Arthur Millier’s January 25th “News of the Art World” column reported that a homesick Richard Neutra was on his way home from his world tour after giving a series of lectures at New York’s New School for Social Research. (“Neutra Homeward Bound,” Los Angeles Times, January 25, 1931, p. III-5). The Times also reported on April 15th that Neutra would receive a welcome home at the next evening’s California Art Club monthly meeting. (“California Art Club Banquet Tomorrow,” Los Angeles Times, April 15, 1931, p. 20). A couple of weeks later Neutra lectured at the Club on “Tendencies in Modern Architecture” sharing his findings from his recent globe-trotting tour. (“Art Club Will Hear Lecturer,” Los Angeles Times, May 4, 1931, p. I-2). Dione Neutra accompanied herself on the cello (see below) singing folk songs from India in conjunction with a slide lecture by Joseph Choate on his recent India travel experiences at the CAC’s monthly dinner meeting on November 20th at Barnsdall Park. (“Club to Hear of India,” Los Angeles Times, November 19th, 1931, p. I-2). She must have had great feelings of nostalgia performing in Wright’s Barnsdall House after entertaining at Taliesin seven years earlier. (see two below).


Dione Neutra promotional letterhead designed by Richard Neutra, 1928. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 176).

From left, Frank Lloyd Wright, Richard Neutra, Sylva Moser with baby, Kameki Tsuchiura, Nobu Tsuchiura, Werner Moser on the violin and Dione Neutra with cello in the living room at Taliesin, 1924. From Richard Neutra: Promise and Fulfillment, 1919-1932, p. 52).

During May, 1931 Neutra had a visitation from the industrialist and patron of “International Style” architecture C. H. van der Leeuw with whom he met while lecturing in Basel during his world tour. VDL invited Neutra to Rotterdam to stay at his state-of-the-art modern home, visit his new Van Nelle Factory and lecture. Ironically, Van der Leeuw had also just lectured at the New School for Social Research on April 27th on his new factory designed by J. A. Brinkman and L. C. van der Vlugt and likely viewed Neutra’s work on display at the Architectural League’s concurrent exhibition. (“A Stir is Caused by Secessionists Who Have Put on a ‘Rejected Architects’ Show – ‘International Style’ Compared With Work Exhibited by Architectural League,” New York Times, April 26, 1931, p. X10).

Neutra  provided van der Leeuw a tour of modernist architecture around Los Angeles including his Jardinette Apartments and Lovell Health House and reciprically arranged a speaking engagement for him on “Modern Factory Architecture” at the Electric Club. (“C. H. Van der Leeuw Visitor at Electric Club: Guest from Holland talks on architecture, Los Angeles Times, May 19, 1931, p. I-8). When VDL learned that Neutra as yet had no place of his own he immediately granted him a loan to begin work on what was to become the now iconic VDL Research House in Silver Lake. Neutra put van der Leeuw in contact with Philip Johnson on his way back to New York and Europe who in turn arranged a lunch meeting for him with MoMA Trustee and Treaurer, Mrs. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. (Riley, pp. 38 and 205).

Chouinard School of Art course brochure for Neutra and Schindler’a course “Fundamentals of Modern Architecture,” July-August 1931.

As the Neutras excitedly began searching for a lot for the VDL house during the summer of 1931, Neutra and Schindler co-taught “A Course in the Fundamentals of Modern Architecture” at the Chouinard School of Art which was repeated in the fall. (News of the Art World: Schools and Lecture Courses, Los Angeles Times, October 11, 1931, p. III-8). Among his credentials Neutra listed his class at the Bauhaus, attendance at the CIAM conference in Brussells and his lectures at New York’s New School for Social Research, all from his 1930-1 world tour. (See class brochure above). Also on the Chouinard faculty at the time were Orozco mural sidekick Jorge Juan Crespo, Hans HofmannMillard Sheets, Phil Dike, Arthur Millier and soon-to-be CAC President Robert Merrell Gage. Erstwhile Rivera mural assistant Crespo also lectured at the California Art Club three weeks after Neutra on May 25th on “Mural Painting in Mexico.” (“Painter Will Address Forun,” Los Angeles Times, May 25, 1931, p. II-10).

 

Portrait bust of  Josef von Sternberg by David Edstrom and caricature of Edstrom by von Sternberg. (Millier, A., “Creative Minds Unite as Sculptor and Model,” Los Angeles Times, July 26, 1931, p. III-18

About the time of the Neutra-Schindler Chouinard class Arthur Millier wrote a lengthy and enthusiastic review of California Art Club member and lecturer David Edstrom‘s bust of Josef von Sternberg and the movie director’s extensive art collection. A photo of the Edstrom’s bust and a caricature of Edstrom by von Sternberg accompanied the review. (See above). Millier wrote,

“David Edstrom is one of the finest living portrait sculptors. Josef von Sternberg is unique among motion-picture directors. … The character of the short man who willed to become a director – and became a great one – is expressed entirely in a rythmic interplay of sculptured planes that are not nature at all but a magnificent clear counter-point of forms; curving forms, flat forms, large and small ones. And the sum of these makes something that is at one moment a delightful object in polished brass, the next the sternly willful image of a commanding, yet sensitive man.” (Millier, Arthur, “Creative Minds Unites as Artist and Sculptor,” Los Angeles Times, July 26, 1931, p. III-18). (Author’s note: Edstrom was a habitue of Gertrude Stein’s salons in Paris as early as 1906. See “Sister and Brother: Getrude and Leo Stein” by Brenda Wineapple, pp. 258-9).

 

David Edstrom, Josef Von Sternberg, plaster cast, 1931. From California Arts & Architecture, January 1932, p. 6.

The plaster cast of the bust was exhibited in January 1932 in the French Room at the Hollywood Plaza Hotel, long-time residence of the artist which was directly across the street from the Braxton Gallery. (See above). The bronze made from the cast was concurrently on display at the new Stendahl Galleries on Wilshire Blvd. (See below).


Wilshire Blvd. looking west with new Stendahl Galleries in the Clark Building designed by Morgan, Walls & Clements  at 3306 Wilshire Blvd. under construction just east of Bullock’s Wilshire at lower left. Photo from Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

During this same summer of 1931, F. K. Ferenz and Jorge Juan Crespo were bringing to fruition their scheme to create the Plaza Art Center in the old Italian Hall (see below) at 53-55 Olvera Street. The Center was part of a plan to create an art and tourist center in what had been the long-neglected heart of the original city championed by Christine SterlingFellow Viennese emigre Ferenz commissioned R. M. Schindler to draw up plans for remodeling the building’s arcade shops including a new restaurant which unfortunately was never built. Future Schindler client, CAC member and lecturer and Viennese emigre, Gisela Bennati, also a creative designer of women’s clothing and later instructor at Otis Art Institute, opened an art shop in one of the arcade stores. (See “Plaza Art Center to Open”, August 16, 1931 Los Angeles Times,“Feminine Attire Art Club Topic,” Los Angeles Times, May 18, 1929, I-22; “Embassy Restaurant and Arcade,” 1931 project and “Mountain Cabin for Gisela Bennati, Lake Arrowhead, 1934-7“, in Schindler by David Gebhard, pp. 96, 200). Willy Pogany, a famous Hungarian painter and illustrator recently relocated from New York and then working for United Artists, was mentioned as promising to do a historical fresco on the Olvera Street facade of the building which went unrealized.

Crespo curated the inaugural exhibition on “Contemporary Mexican Art” which opened on September 1st. Due to his solid ties with Orozco and Merle Armitage he was able to secure numerous paintings, drawings and prints from Alma Reed’s Delphic Studios and the Weyhe Gallery in New York respectively. Weston friends Diego Rivera and Jose Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros headlined the exhibition which also included work by another close Weston friend Jean Charlot, Roberto Cueva del Rio, Pablo O’Higgins, Crespo and his son Gilberto and many others. The show was sponsored by the Mexican Consulate and the guests of honor were Christine Sterling, Alma Reed, Willy Pogany and Arthur Millier. In his review of the show Millier wrote,

“Orozco has several superb wash drawings, notably the dramatic “Requiem” (see below) and a small watercolor of peasant women carrying wood past a pink church wall, which is a masterpiece of his art. … By D. A. Siqueiros is a single small picture, “Prisoner’s Wife,” which proclaims this artist one of the masters of Mexico.” (“Mexican Art Seen at Plaza,” Los Angeles Times, September 6, 1931, p. 12).

Orozco, “Requiem,” ink on paper, 1926-28. From Jose Clemente Orozco in the United States, 1927-1934, p. 29.

Crespo lectured at the Plaza Art Center on “Mexican Art and Artists” on September 18th. (“Mexican Artists to Speak,” Los Angeles Times, September 17, 1931, p. II-20).

An expanded version of the Pauline Schindler’s previously-mentioned “Contemporary Creative Architecture in California” exhibition under the new title “Contemporary Architecture, Decoration and Store Design” was the second exhibition at the new Plaza Art Center (see photo below) in October in the building’s newly remodeled second floor gallery space run by the Plaza Art Club. (See “Roundabout the Galleries”, L.A. Times, Oct. 11, 1931 and PGS).


Italian Hall, Plaza Art Center, Olvera Street as it looks today. Note the 1932 David Siqueiros mural “Tropical America” on the side of the building.

Von Sternberg admired work by Peter Ballbusch, a Swiss sculptor and later chief of MGM’s montage department, and Richard Kollorsz, a pupil of Otto Dix who was then painting scenery at Paramount and employed them as assistants on his films. (They both would later assist Siqueiros in creating Tropical America at the Plaza Art Center). In February 1932, soon after they finished work as design assistants on von Sternberg’s Shanghai Express, he sponsored a joint exhibition of paintings by Kollorsz and sculpture by Ballbusch at the Plaza Art Center. (Millier, Arthur, “Brush Strikes,” Los Angeles Times, February 14, 1932, p. II-21 and Von Sternberg by John Baxter, p. 162). Another new friend was Austrian-born architect Richard Neutra whom he wrote in February 1932 regarding a commission for his personal residence. They most likely first met at the Braxton Gallery during the Blue Four exhibitions in 1930. The two would sit up all night discussing art. Their conversations inspired von Sternberg to seek a site in the San Fernando Valley where Neutra could build him a house not far from where he filmed Shanghai Express. (Baxter, p. 172).

 

Diego Rivera and Ione Robinson, National Palace, Mexico City, 1929. From A Wall to Paint On by Ione Robinson, p. 22.

Although von Sternberg never showed much interest in politics, he frequented the John Reed Clubs, a network of Marxist discussion groups supported by the Communist Party. At their shows and auctions, he bought paintings by Diego Rivera and Manuel Orozco. (Baxter, p. 164). Through Kollorsz he met Ione Robinson, (see above) a remarkably precocious artist who at the age of 19 had traveled to Mexico in 1929 to work with Rivera on his National Palace murals(“Girl Artist Back from Paris Study; Talented Los Angeles Miss Plans Work as Mexican Master’s Study,” Los Angeles Times, May 17, 1929, p. II-1, and “Vandals Mar Murals; Los Angeles Woman Will Repair Noted Mexican’s Paintings,” Los Angeles Times, August 30, 1929, p. 2). During the same year she exhibited work at Jake Zeitlin’s Book Shop and the Los Angeles Museum. (“Current Art Exhibitions,” Los Angeles Times, December 1, 1929, p. 21).

 

Ione Robinson, Mexico City, 1929 by Tina Modotti. From IoneRobinson.org.

While in Mexico City Rivera introduced Robinson to former Edward Weston lover and partner Tina Modotti with whom she immediately moved in with. Weston and Modotti had spent most of 1923-26 together in Mexico. (For more on the complex Weston-Modotti relationship see my “Edward Weston Remembers Tina Modotti“). Through Modotti Ione met communist party ideologue and John Reed Club organizer Joseph Freeman, later the founding editor of the Partisan Review, who quickly became infatuated with her. Shortly thereafter she was seduced by Rivera which enraged Freeman. (Tina Modotti: Photographer and Revolutionary by Margaret Hooks, p. 195-6). Ione inscribed the verso of the below photo of herself taken while she was studying in France in 1927-8 “For Diego with all my love.” Ione met and studied with Isamu Noguchi (and likely Marion Greenwood) while in Paris in 1928 and became a life-long friend. (Hooks, p. 44). In 1929 both she and Freeman sat for Tina Modotti and soon began a short-lived, tumultuous marriage. (Hooks, pp. 208-9).

Ione Robinson, France, 1927. Photographer unknown. From Frida Kahlo: Her Photographs edited by Pablo Ortiz Monasterio, p. 271.

Ione Robinson and Sergei Eisenstein, Tetlapayac, June 1931. From A Wall to Paint On by Ione Robinson, p. 88).

Back in Los Angeles in early 1931, Ione had a fling with Edward Weston at a party thrown in his honor at the Palos Verdes Beach Club organized by longtime Weston friends Ramiel McGehee and Mere Armitage. Weston wrote,

“Arriving late, I stepped into an enormous room, – one long table, feast-laden, extended the full length. In front of the fireplace in which the great eucalyptus logs blazed, a regiment of lobsters, in uniforms red, awaited the attack. Old friends greeted me, – Merle [Armitage], Arthur, Jose, Fay, Jake [Zeitlin], and a new one, Ione Robinson. I had but entered the room when someone slipped me a glass of scotch (real) and so the fun began. Ramiel, the perfect host, bustled vigilantly everywhere, hawk-eyed to further every want, to provoke all means to joy.” (Daybooks, p. 205).

A couple months later Robinson again traveled to Mexico for more work on Rivera’s National Palace murals after winning a Guggenheim fellowship, secured largely through a 1930 exhibition of her work curated by Orozco at Alma Reed’s Delphic Studios in New York. (“Guggenheim Fellowship Awarded to Girl Artist,” Los Angeles Times, March 30, 1931, p. II-1). During this period she posed for Lola Alvarez Bravo and met yet another close Weston friend Jean Charlot and Sergei Eisenstein (see above), a Russian movie director with ties to Siqueiros, von Sternberg and Dudley Murphy. (See below). (Mexico Through Russian Eyes, 1806-1940 by William Harrison Richardson, p. 169Dudley Murphy, Hollywood Wild Card by Susan Delson, University of Minnesota Press, 2006, p. 214 and Baxter, various).

 

Sergei Eisenstein, Marlene Dietrich and Josef von Sternberg, Hollywood, 1930. From A Certain Cinema.

Ione Robinson by David Alfaro Siqueiros, Taxco, January 1932.

Robinson had also studied at the Otis Art Institute under CAC member Edouard Vysekal while still in high school and at the age of 17 had also apprenticed with Rockwell Kent and Paul Frankl in New York, traveled throughout Europe and exhibited at the Alma Reed’s Delphic Studios, the Weyhe Galleries, and the New York Art Center. She heard Siqueiros speak on numerous occasions in Mexico City in 1931 and visited him in Taxco in January 1932 at which time he painted her portrait. (See above). She also attended the January 25th opening of Siqueiros’ first one-man show at Mexico City’s Casino Espanol organized through the largess of his friends, the Spanish Ambassador Alvarez del Valle, Anita Brenner, Sergei Eisenstein and others. (Siqueiros: His Life and Works by Philip Stein, p. 72-3 and Harrison, p. 169).

 

Nelbert Chouinard, 1932. Photographer unknown.

Longtime CAC member Nelbert Chouinard (see above) also visited Siqueiros in Taxco about this same time and invited him to teach a class on mural painting at her Chouinard Art Institute. One of Chouinard’s painting instructors and fellow CAC member, Phil Dike, more than likely accompanied her on this visit as he had a piece, “Taxco Plaza” which won first prize in the water colors category at the Los Angeles County Fair in September 1932. (See below). (“Blue-Ribbon Art as Well Housed as Cows and Pigs,” Los Angeles Times, September 18, 1932, p. III-13. See more discussion later below).

Phil Dike, Taxco Plaza, Mexico, 1932. Courtesy John Moran Auctioneers.


“Art Award Winner Returns; Studies in Mexico Bring New Aims,” Los Angeles Times, March 25, 1932, p. A5).

On March 27th Arthur Millier presciently penned a lengthy piece on fresco painting technique as described by artist Sara C. Dobson, recently returned from France to an audience of eager local artists and architects. Mentioned as locals with fresco mural experience were Phil Dike, Jorge Juan Crespo who assisted Orozco with Prometheus, and the recently returned Ione Robinson who had two stints in Mexico with Rivera. (See above). (“True Fresco Held Key to Renaissance in Painting; Process Described by Artist Here from France; Architects and Artists Eager for Revival,” Los Angeles Times, March 27, 1932, p. III-20). The Dobson lecture and Millier review may have provided the impetus to bring Siqueiros to Los Angeles.

Coincidentally Myrna Nye’s Club Notes column the same day announced that the Friday Morning Club meeting on March 29th would feature Willy Pogany, who was designing a mammoth monument for the Olympic Swim Stadium would speak on “Comparative Murals” and William Garnsley would talk on “The Art of Mural Painting” and that CAC guests of honor with extensive mural experience including Conrad Buff, Dean Cornwell, Hugo Ballin, Barse Miller, Alson Clark and Arthur Beaumont and Times art critic Arthur Millier would be introduced. The timing couldn’t have been better for Siqueiros’ grand arrival on the Los Angeles art scene a couple weeks later. (See also Millier, A., “Monument for Games on Display,” Los Angeles Times, February 22, 1932, p. II-5).

After returning to the U.S. in late March 1932, Robinson and fellow John Reed club member Richard Kollorsz, likely emboldened by Millier’s article, soon convinced Josef von Sternberg to help Siqueiros bring his work to Los Angeles from Taxco where he was under house arrest for his subversive political activities. (Von Sternberg by John Baxter, p. 164). Siqueiros arrived in Los Angeles in April 1932, with Uraguyan poet Blanca Luz Brum (see below) and soon took up residence with the his future wife and in-laws, the Arenal family. (Millier, A., “Brush Strokes,” Los Angeles Times, April 17, 1932, p. III-14). About this time Robinson submitted an article, “Fresco Painting in Mexico,” featuring her former lover Rivera and Siqueiros and Orozco with whom she had also worked briefly, to California Arts & Architecture which was published in the June issue, adding to the buzz already begun by Millier.

David Alfaro Siqueiros and Blanca Luz Brum, after arriving in Los Angeles sometime in 1932. Photographer unknown.

David Alfaro Siqueiros, “Plastic Exercise” features voluptuous images of Blanca Luz Brum, Buenos Aires, 1933.

David Alfaro Siqueiros, “Portrait of Moises Saenz,” lithograph on display at Zeitlin’s Book Shop, May 1932. From California Arts & Architecture, May 1932.

Stendahl Galleries ad, Los Angeles Times, May 1932.

The arrival of Siqueiros in Los Angeles quickly energized the art community. His visit was kicked off with a von Sternberg-sponsored exhibition of fifty paintings, lithographs, and mural designs at the Stendahl Ambassador Hotel Galleries where they were on view from May 12th through 31st. A separate exhibition of his lithographs from Taxco, also sponsored by von Sternberg, opened at Jake Zeitlin’s downtown Los Angeles bookshop on May 9th. Arthur Millier’s favorable review of the Stendahl show stated, “Siqueiros creates the most powerful forms that have yet come from the Mexican art revolt. The effect of them as one walks into the Stendahl Galleries is overwhelming.” (“Mexico’s Art Ferment Stirring in Los Angeles,” Los Angeles Times, May 22, 1932, p. III-13).  The Stendahl show moved to the Plaza Art Center from June 1-10.

 

Earl Stendahl and Arthur Millier. (From Los Angeles Painters of the Nineteen-Twenties by Nancy Dustin Wall Moure, introduction by Arthur Millier, Pomona College Gallery, 1972, p. [34]). (For much more on Stendahl see Exhibitionist: Earl Stendahl, Art Dealer as Impresario).

Wood, Beatrice, “Evening at the Arensbergs,” 1932. From Beatrice Wood: Career Woman – Drawings, Paintings, Vessels, and Objects, Santa Monica Museum of Art, 2011, p. 46.

Arguably the most important collectors and patrons of modern art in Los Angeles and longtime friend and supporter of Beatrice Wood and Marcel Duchamp from the New York days, Walter and Louise Arensberg hosted Siqueiros shortly after his arrival. Beatrice Wood captured the event in the above drawing in which she includes, besides herself on the left, future husband Steve Hoag, Walter, Siqueiros and Galka Scheyer.

 Siqueiros caricature by Wolo von Trutzschler, 1932. California Arts & Architecture, June 1932.

German born artist Wolo von Trutzschler, in Los Angeles since 1927, had recently opened his studio in the Plaza Art Center and was friends with Galka Scheyer and also likely with the Center’s director F. K. Ferenz who comfortingly surrounded himself with German-speaking immigrants. (See below). Wolo met Siqueiros in April or May, shortly after his arrival, and drew the above caricature. The drawing was not only published in California Arts & Architecture announcing the Siqueiros Plaza Art Center exhibition in early June but was also exhibited alongside Siqueiros’ work. His close proximity to the excitement surrounding Siqueiros’ upcoming mural America Tropical slated to go on the second-story facade of the Plaza Art Center prompted him to volunteer for that project as well. (See later below).


Galka Scheyer caricature by Wolo von Trutzschler, 1935. (Galka E. Scheyer and the Blue Four Correspondence, 1924-1945 edited by isabel Wunche, p. 312).

 

David Alfaro Siqueiros, Josef Von Sternberg, 1932. Photo courtesy Siqueiros biographer Irene Herner.

At the Stendahl opening, von Sternberg announced that he had commissioned a portrait from Siqueiros. (Baxter, p. 164). The artist sketched him at work in his office at Paramount and delivered a murky, somewhat sinister oil that von Sternberg chose to unveil as part of an exhibition devoted entirely to likenesses of himself. (See above). The show, “Portraits by Artists of Josef von Sternberg, Paramount Director” took place on a soundstage at Paramount during the shooting of Blonde Venus.

The display included the earlier-shown Belling bronze and brass head by David Edstrom, a competent self-portrait by von Sternberg, (see below), “a furious silver sculpture” by Ballbusch (the director’s favorite), a caricature by Xavier Cugat and an oil by Boris Deutsch (who also then worked in the Paramount special effects department). Of Siqueiros’s effort, Millier wrote, “The latest portrait is by Siqueiros, the famous Mexican mural painter now here. It shows von Sternberg at his desk, ugly, intent, commanding – yet, curiously, it is more like him than any of the others.” (“Von Sternberg Dotes On Portraits of Himself,” Los Angeles Times, June 19, 1932, p. II-13 and Baxter, pp. 164-5).


Josef von Sternberg self-portrait, ca. 1932.

While Siqueiros was still acclimating to Los Angeles Arthur Millier continued to spark interest in the local mural scene with a late May article hyping recent work by CAC members as a way to entertain out-of-town Olympic Games guests. He recommended Dean Cornwell’s Los Angeles Public Library murals, Hugo Ballin’s work at the B’nai B’rith Temple and Title Guarantee and Trust Co., Edison Building and Olympic Stadium work, Maynard Dixon at Barker Brothers, Julian Garnsey also at the Library and UCLA, Millard Sheets at the State Mutual Building and Robinsons, Gjura Stojana and Herman Sachs at Bullock’s Wilshire, Conrad Buff at the Guaranty Building and Loan Co., Jorge Juan Crespo at the Plaza Art Center, Orozco’s Prometheus in Pomona and many others. (“Take Your Olympic Guest on a Mural-Paintings Tour,” Los Angeles Times, May 29, 1932, pp. III-9-10) and also see my Mod for much on Bullock’s Wilshire).

Chouinard School of Art ad, Los Angeles Times, June 1932.

Siqueiros began organizing the course on fresco painting at the Chouinard Art Institute during June 1932. He was joined by a prominent group of painters in this effort including CAC members Barse MillerMerrell Gage, Henri de Kruif, Paul SampleMillard SheetsLuis ArenalReuben KadishPhil ParadiseFletcher Martin, Philip Goldstein (later Philip Guston), and others. This “Mural Bloc” as it would be called, began working on Siqueiros’ first mural in the city, Street Meeting, located on one of the school’s exterior walls near downtown Los Angeles. (Nieto, M., “Appreciation: David Alfaro Siqueiros in Los Angeles,” Art Ltd., November, 2010).

Siqueiros with art students at Chouinard. From KCM Group Blog.

“Mural Bloc” artists at work on Street Meeting at Chouinard Art Institute, June 1932. From Mark Vallen’s Art For a Change.

While working on Street Meeting, Siqueiros was the guest of honor and principal speaker at a dinner meeting of the California Art Club on June 17, 1932 at the Hollyhock House the night before von Sternberg’s portrait exhibit at Paramount Studios thus it is likely that both Neutra and von Sternberg were present at this CAC event. (“Art Club Invites Mexican,” Los Angeles Times, June 16, 1932, p. II-3). Also present was Alfredo Ramos Martinez, one of Siqueiros’ earliest teachers who was now living in Los Angeles. Martinez became a CAC member at this meeting. (June Meetings, Welcome New Members, California Art Club Bulletin, July 1932, Vol. VII No. 7, p.1,3 from Merrill, Eric, ”Siqueiros in Los Angeles and his Collaborations with the California Art Club“). Arthur Millier wrote a profile on Martinez and placed one of his recent works on the cover of the Times Sunday Magazine two months later. (See below). (Millier, A., “The Artist Who Drew This Week’s Cover,” Los Angeles Times, August 21, 1932, pp. cover, 15).

 

“Guns” Turn Patio Wall Into Fresco; Fifteen Shirtless Artists Revel in New Adventure in Old-Style Painting, Los Angeles Times, July 3, 1932, p. III-5.


Spray gun applying waterproof cement to the pool at Richard Neutra’s Lovell Health House, fall, 1929. Willard D. Morgan photo. From Richard Neutra: Buildings and Projects by Willy Boesiger, Editions Girsberger, Zurich, 1950, p. 20.



The site posed problems and after consulting with architects Richard Neutra and Sumner Spaulding, Siqueiros decided to experiment for the first time with waterproof cement, stencils and spray guns to apply the pigment. Neutra had much experience with the use of spray guns in the application of waterproof cement (see above) and paint on his Lovell Health House and likely had much advice. (See Mod for much more detail). The mural was completed in only two weeks. The dedication in early July, was sponsored by the “Art Committee for Founding the New School of Social Research in Los Angeles.” The committee was headed by Arthur Millier and also included Richard Neutra, Mexican Consul Joaquin Terrazas, Nelbert Chouinard, Ted Cook, Merrell Gage, Sumner Spaulding and Jake Zeitlin. The idea for forming the committee most likely came from Neutra who had lectured at New York’s New School for Social Research in January 1931 where he was witness to Orozco’s murals in progress. (Arthur Millier, Outdoor Fresco Art Unveiled This Evening, Los Angeles Times, July 7, 1932, A10).


Siqueiros had an exhibition of his work on display the night of the unveiling and also lectured on “The Mexican Renaissance,” in which he attacked “American Imperialism,” “Capitalism” and “snob easel painting” to a crowd of close to 800 people. (Nieto). The mural, depicting a union leader addressing a group of some twenty people drew both tumultuous praise and protests for its social content. (See the brief California Arts & Architecture review below).

California Arts & Architecture, July-August, 1932.

Los Angeles Times, July 24, 1932, p. I-16.

Nuetra was also a very busy individual during this period. His personal residence, the VDL Research House, was under construction and he was deeply involved in arrangements for the “Modern Architecture: International Exhibition” at Bullock’s Wilshire which ran from July 24 through August 30th to coincide with the Xth Olympic Games being held in Los Angeles. (See above and below). (Note: Neutra’s VDL House financier, C. H. van der Leeuw’s Van Nelle Factory and personal residence were also included in the exhibition evidenced by the photos left of and below Neutra’s Lovell Health House in the above article and with Neutra’s Ring Plan School at the bottom). Neutra gave three evening lectures on the exhibition at Chouinard on August 1, 8, and 15, again under the auspices of the “Association for Founding the New School of Social Research in Los Angeles.” (Millier, A., “Brush Strokes: The International Exhibition of Modern Architecture,” Los Angeles Times, July 31, 1932, p. II-19 and see also my California Arts & Architecture: A Steppingstone to Fame: Harwell Hamilton Harris and John Entenza: Two Case Studies for more detail on Neutra’s role in bringing the exhibition to Los Angeles).

Los Angeles Times, July 24, 1932, p. VI-2. (Note Neutra’s Ring Plan School, upper right, Lovell Health House living room, top center, and Neutra’s former mentor Eric Mendelsohn’s Schocken Department Srore in Chemnitz, Germany, bottom center).


Installation view of “Modern Architecture: International Exhibition” at Bullock’s Wilshire. From The International Style: Exhibition 15 and The Museum of Modern Art by Terence Riley, p. 42.


Siqueiros on the right. Los Angeles Times, July 29, 1932, p. I-12.


Siqueiros at the far right and Eliel Saarinen in the light-colored suit, Los Angeles Museum, July 28, 1932. From The Official Report of the Games of the Xth Olympiad, Los Angeles, 1932, p. 754.


Siqueiros was also involved in the Xth Olympiad festivities as a member of the Olympic Art Jury (see above) to select the winners from 1,155 entries on display in the Olympic Games Art Competition and Exhibition at the Los Angeles Museum from August 1st – 14th. (“Art Juries Will Finish Task Today,” Los Angeles Times, July 28, 1932, p. I-1). He helped California Art Club member Ruth Miller win second prize in the paintings category for her “The Struggle” seen below.

Ruth Miller, “The Struggle,” Second Prize, Paintings category, Olympic Games Art Competition, Los Angeles Museum, July-August 1932. From The Official Report of the Games of the Xth Olympiad, Los Angeles, 1932, p. 759.

Olympic Medallion by Hugo Ballin being raised into place on the face of the Coliseum Peristyle, 1932. From The Official Report of the Games of the Xth Olympiad, Los Angeles, 1932, p. 176.

Other CAC members with Games involvement included Donald B. Parkinson, who along with his father John, designed the Coliseum (and Bullock’s Wilshire where the concurrent “Modern Architecture: International Exhibition” was on display), and Hugo Ballin, who designed the Olympics Medallion. (See above). Ballin and the Parkinsons were also on the Games’ Advisory Committee on Preparations.
Siqueiros at the far right, Los Angeles Museum, July 28, 1932.  From The Official Report of the Games of the Xth Olympiad, Los Angeles, 1932, p. 755.


One of 15 galleries displaying the 1,155 international entries in the Olympic Games Art Competition, Los Angeles Museum, July-August 1932. From The Official Report of the Games of the Xth Olympiad, Los Angeles, 1932, p. 752.


Before the Olympic Games were over Siqueiros had a commission to create a much larger mural on the second floor of the Plaza Art Center, part of a plan to create an art and tourist center in what had been the long-neglected heart of the original city. His patrons here were the socialite Mrs. Christine Sterling, who had led the effort to renovate the area, and F. K. Ferenz, the manager of the Italian Hall building in the center of the development and the director of the Plaza Art Center who was also a member of the John Reed Club and a Communist sympathizer. Ferenz and Sterling were in an unlikely alliance to create an ersatz Mexican village to promote better civic relations and better business thus he shrewdly included former Orozco mural assistant Jorge Juan Crespo to assist him as a go between with the Mexican artistic community.

At work on “American Tropical,” Siqueiros, Dean Cornwell and F. K. Ferenz, bottom, third from left to right.

The buzz surroundingStreet Meetingis what led F. K. Ferenz to approach Siqueiros about executing a mural there. The theme, America Tropical, suggested by Sterling was based on a preconception of a work that would fit in with the “pueblo” image of the street itself that, with its cobblestones and “folk art” stalls, resembled a colonized re-invention of a marketplace in “Old Mexico.” Siqueiros began the mural in mid-August assisted by 21 artists from his Mural Bloc, some of whom also participated in Street Meeting at Chouinard. Arthur Millier reported on the mural’s progress, innovative techniques and materials used in it’s creation, listed the participants and reviewed the work in a series of articles in the Times. Mural Bloc workers included Dean Cornwell who had just finished painting the Los Angeles Library murals, Luis Arenal, Jackson Pollock’s brother Sanford, Josef von Sternberg employees Richard Kollorsz and Peter Ballbusch, and sixteen others. (“Huge Fresco for El Paseo,” August 24, “Great Art Work to Be Unveiled,” October 9, “Siqueiros Plaza Art to Be Dedicated,” October 10, and “Power Unadorned Marks Olvera Street Fresco,” October 16).

Siqueiros assistant David Bredeccio in front of America Tropical before it was whitewashed in 1932.

The moment the mural was unveiled on October 9, however, the audience gasped with astonishment. Instead of tropical fruits and flowers, what the viewers saw was the inert body of an Indigenous man tied and hung from a wooden structure. (See above). Broken images lay around the central figure. Armed soldiers pointed rifles toward the viewer. As a visual commentary on American Imperialism and colonialism itself, it drew the ire of the City Fathers and of Mrs. Sterling. Although praised by Times critic Arthur Millier and mural painter Dean Cornwell, it was also rejected as “Communist Propaganda.” As a result, the mural would be condemned and eventually, “disappeared.” (Nieto). About this same time Conrad Buff was supposed to share his lithographic skills with Siqueiros but the interaction never came to pass. (he Art & Life of Conrad Buff,, p. 57).

David Alfaro Siqueiros at the Plaza Art Center, 1932. Photo by Ernesto Platt. From Herner, Irene, “What Art Could Be,” Convergence, Fall 2010, p. 10.


Bust of Siqueiros by Archibald Garner, 1932.

Phil Dike, Taxco Plaza, Mexico, 1932. Courtesy John Moran Auctioneers.

In September 1932, Arthur Millier reviewed the art on display at the Los Angeles County Fair which this year was right after the Olympics. The exhibition included work by Siqueiros and his erstwhile mentor Alfredo Ramos Martinez (first prize-winner in the oil painting category), and CAC members Millard Sheets (first prize in landscapes for “Above the New High Street”), Paul Starrett Sample (first prize in marines for “Storm Outside”), Conrad Buff, Edouard Vysekal, George Stanley, Merrell Gage (first prize in sculpture), William Wendt, Maynard Dixon, Phil Dike (first prize in the water colors for “Plaza Taxco, Mexico” (see above and earlier discussion about the Chouinard-Dike 1932 Taxco Siqueiros visit) and others. Commenting on the ever-increasing quality of the work he wrote,

“The sculpture is very well chosen this year, Merrell Gage shows his large Olympic “Shot Putter,” Archibald Garner’s “Head of Siqueiros,” (see above), George Stanley’s “Portrait of a Girl” and “Peter,” we especially remember.” (“Blue-Ribbon Art as Well Housed as Cows and Pigs,” Los Angeles Times, September 18, 1932, p. III-13).

In the same issue of the Times, Millier’s “Brush Strokes” column reported that Siquerios would be creating his third Los Angeles mural on the four walls of the auditorium at the John Reed Club symbolizing the cultural role of the club. (“Brush Strokes,” Los Angeles Times, September 18, 1932, p. III-16). On September 2nd Siqueiros lectured at the Club on, “The Vehicles of Dialectic-Subversive Painting.” Although the mural never came to pass, the Mural Bloc, or “Bloc of Painters”, including Otis Art Institute students Philip Goldstein (later Guston) and Reuben Kadish and Harold Lehman and Luis Arenal, planned an exhibition in support of the Scottsboro Nine of portable mural panels titled Negro America at the Club after Siqueiros left Los Angeles when his visa expired. (See announcement below). The Los Angeles Police Department Red Squad raided the Club on February 12, 1933 and destroyed the Bloc’s work. (Landau, Ellen, “Double Consciousness in Mexico,” American Art, Volume 21, No. 1, p. 82).

Luis Arenal, Bloc of Painters postcard, February 1933, linoleum cut print. Harold Lehman Estate, from Herner, Irene, “What Art Could Be,” Convergence, Fall 2010, p. 16.

Siqueiros’ last “legal” appearance before his visa expired was for a lecture “Dialectics of Subversive Arts” before the Creative Arts Club on October 17th. Appearing on the program with Siqueiros was his wife Blanca Luz Brum who read some of her poetry. (“Musicians to be Feted at Opening,” Los Angeles Times, October 16, 1932, p. III-18). Once Siqueiros’ visa ran out, he went into hiding with sympathizer Dudley Murphy, movie director of “The Emperor Jones,” collaborator with Man Ray and Ferdinand Légèr on “Ballet Méchanique,” mutual friend of Sergei Eisenstein and owner of a Spanish-style home in Pacific Palisades.
Murphy transformed his house into an art gallery for a three-day show of the artist’s work, and in return, Siqueiros executed a mural, “Portrait of Present-Day Mexico,” on the walls of Murphy’s patio. The show was a success. Siqueiros sold ten canvases, including two to Charles Laughton and one to von Sternberg. Murphy’s new long-term house guest moved in and began painting. Working with Fletcher Martin, Luis Arenal, and Reubin Kadish, Siqueiros took almost three months to complete the masterpiece. On the patio’s long back wall, he put two mournful women and a naked child on the steps of another pyramid. Nearby sits Plutarco Elías Calles, president of Mexico from 1924 to 1928. He had come to power as a Communist and Siqueiros depicted him as a revolutionary, but with his red mask is falling off, and money bags lie at his feet.

David Alfaro Siqueiros posing in front of his Portrait of Present-Day Mexico at the Dudley Murphy Residence, November 1932. From Herner, Irene, “What Art Could Be,” Convergence, Fall 2010, p. 14.

On the patio sidewalls, two murdered peasants are wrapped in red and blue serapes, and a soldier of the Red Army arrives to aid the cause. The front of the patio is mostly open, with two short walls at either end. Siqueiros painted one a warm amber, and on the other, across from Calles, he “hung” a gold-framed picture of American financier J.P. Morgan. (From http://www.wpamurals.com/Siqueiros.htm).

Millier reported in late October that Siqueiros was exhibiting his recent Taxco woodcut block prints of “prison characters and his memories of the miners’ lives” in a group show at the Southard Gallery with Jean Goodwin and Osar Galgiani through November 5th. He also mentioned that Siqueiros was working on a fresco in the house of Dudley Murphy. (“Orient Meets Occident in Current Art Exhibits,” Los Angeles Times, October 23, !932, p. III-18, 20). In Siqueiros’ last public show before leaving Los Angeles, his and Luis Arenal’s work was on display at the “Exposition of Arts, Crafts and Industries” at the Hollywood Plaza which opened on November 9th. (Millier, A., Brush Strokes: “Thirty Countries Will Be Represented,” L.A. Times, Nov. 6, 1932.

 

From left, Dudley Murphy, Marlene Dietrich, Noel Coward and Cary Grant, August 16, 1940, at the second series of the “Tonight at 8:30″ playlets at the El Capitan for the benefit of the British Red Cross. From Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection. (Note: Dietrich and Grant co-starred in von Sternberg’s Blonde Venus).

Murphy did not commission Neutra to design his Holiday House Motel in Malibu until 1947. It is highly likely however, that Murphy and Neutra’s paths crossed during Siqueiros’ 1932 Los Angeles visit as Murphy and von Sternberg traveled in the same Hollywood circles and von Sternberg attended Murphy’s Siqueiros exhibition and purchased one of his works. They may also have met at one of the events at Chouinard and/or the Plaza Art Center where Murphy met Siqueiros. (Delson, p. 118). In any event, Murphy hired Neutra to create what would become one of his more celebrated projects. (See Bauwelt cover below for example).


Holiday House Motel, Malibu, 1948, Dudley Murphy, owner, Richard Neutra, architect. Julius Shulman photo, Getty Research Institute.

Anna Sten, Sam Godwyn’s ill-fated “Russian Garbo,” in her Neutra-designed living room. (From Hines, Thomas S., “Richard Neutra’s Hollywood: A Modernist Ethos in the Land of Excess,” Architectural Digest, April 1996).

After bonding with fellow Austrian von Sternberg through the CAC and Siqueiros events of the early 1930s Neutra finally got down to the business of designing his Northridge retreat in 1934. This was around the time he was completing the Sten-Frenke House for Russian actress Anna Sten (see above) and her husband, Russian movie director, producer and writer, Dr. Eugene Frenke in Santa Monica Canyon. Traveling in the same social orbit as Sten and Frenke, von Sternberg also undoubtedly saw their house about this time which must have given him confidence that Neutra would provide him a quality product. For example, Los Angeles Times Hollywood columnist Edwin Schallert listed von Sternberg, fellow art collector Edward G. Robinson, Sten, Frenke, and fellow Neutra client Carl Laemmle, Jr. among the numerous celebrity guests at a “brilliant gathering” honoring German movie producer Max Reinhardt in a period column. (“Director Honors Max Reinhart,” Los Angeles Times, September 11, 1934, p. 19).

Josef von Sternberg Residence, Northridge, 1935. Photo by Luckhaus. From Hines.

There is one last link between Neutra and the Los Tres Grandes and it was through Los Angeles-born artist Isamu Noguchi. It seems plausible that Neutra initially could have met Noguchi while in New York on the way back from his previously-mentioned world tour in January 1931. Noguchi created the below bust of Orozco around the time he was working on his New School for Social Research murals with Crespo. It is also known that Neutra met close Noguchi friend Buckminster Fuller during his stay in New York.

 

Isamu Noguchi, Head of Orozco, 1931, terra cotta. (From ”Noguchi in Mexico International Theme for a Working-Class Market,” by James Oles, American Art, Summer 2001, p. 16).

Isamu Noguchi, Portrait of My Uncle, 1932. (From Millier, Arthur, “Picked From the Week’s Art,” Los Angeles Times, March 19, 1933, p. II-4).

Noguchi’s sculpture was also featured in a one-man traveling show, “Drawings and Small Sculptures by Isamu Noguchi” at the Pasadena Art Institute during March 1933, just a month after the previously-mentioned LAPD Red Squad raid at the John Reed Club. (See above). Arthur Millier’s glowing review read in part,

“He is the possessor of a precocious ability. There are some “correct” portraits of children, then, suddenly, one confronts the amazing head of Orozco, just a lump of earth mysteriously endowed with the Mexican painter’s expression. He likes unusual people and makes them live – sometimes as expression, the Orozco and John Erskine heads, for example, sometimes through carefully arranged forms, like the fine head of Marion Greenwood.” (See below). (Millier, Arthur, “East-West Races Join to Produce Art Prodigy,” Los Angeles Times, March 19, 1933, p. II-4).


Isamu Noguchi, Marion Greenwood, 1929, Cast iron. (From Oles, p. 13).

Therefore it is highly likely that Noguchi had crossed paths with the remnants of Siqueiros’ Mural Bloc and possibly also Neutra and had become thoroughly familiarized with both Siqueiros’ and Orozco’s Los Angeles murals as well as the damaged frescoes that were intended for the Negro America exhibition at the John Reed Club the previous month. This likely served as partial inspiration for Noguchi’s Death (Lynched Figure) cast shortly after his Los Angeles visit. (See below) (See more at Oles, p. 14).

Isamu Noguchi, Death (Lynched Figure), 1934. From Oles, p. 14).

It seems plausible that Noguchi may have also visited his erstwhile lover Marion Greenwood in Mexico City after his Pasadena show. (“Noguchi in Mexico International Theme for a Working-Class Market,” by James Oles, American Art, Summer 2001, see note 12).

Isamu Noguchi, Helen Gahagan (Douglas), Los Angeles, August 1935.

 

Noguchi happened to be briefly in Los Angeles during August 1935 while on his way to Mexico to again to visit Greenwood and her sister Grace. His reason for the Los Angeles stopover was a commission to do a bust of actress Helen Gahagan to make some money for his stay in Mexico. (See above). (Millier, A., “Famous Sculptor Returns to This City of His Birth; Isamu Noguchi Pauses in His Search for a ‘Community’ to Model Portraits and Design a Swim Pool,” Los Angeles Times, September 1, 1935, p. A9). The ever resourceful Weston patron Merle Armitage convinced Noguchi and friend E. E. Cummings to both sit for Edward Weston portraits. (Weston’s Westons: Portraits and Nudes, by Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr., p. 130). Neutra likely heard of this sitting from Weston and invited Noguchi to design what would have become the first ever “kidney-shaped” swimming pool for film director Josef von Sternberg’s home.A plaster model of the pool (see below) was made in the inner court of the Stendahl Gallery while Noguchi was also working on the Gahagan bust.

Isamu Noguchi with model of pool designed for Richard Neutra’s Josef von Sternberg Residence, 1935. From Rosenberg, Karen, “The Far-Ranging Artistic Alliances That Shaped a Sculptor,” New York Times, December 16, 2010.


Model for swimming pool for Josef von Sternberg, bronze, 1935. From Art Work of the Month.

The pool design was such that on one side the water could flow down a ramp, while another area would allow visitors to be completely dry and in the sun. A third part of the pool would be deep enough for swimming. According to Noguchi von Sternberg liked the design but Neutra decided not to use it. (Noguchi’s Imaginary Landscapes by Martin L. Friedman, p. 43). Though his pool was never built, the bronze sculpture seen above is an example of the artist’s inventive use of shape and function. He often included the bronze model in later exhibitions. Noguchi’s interest in making sculptures that were also useful objects led him to his future designs of playground equipment, parks, and plazas.

About this same time Neutra also tried to include his friend Weston for a meal at the bountiful von Sternberg trough. The Noguchi pool design and the below Weston letter to Ansel Adams indicate that Neutra was likely being challenged by von Sternberg to come up with unique art objects to be built into the fabric of the house.

“Dear Ansel,

I have a proposition which calls for 5 X 40 ft. photo-mural. I at once thought of you as the only one I knew who could handle the technical ends and cooperate with me. But the architect wants to get away from paper, wants them on aluminum or silver! What can we do? There should be something worthwhile in this for both of us. Party has plenty of money to spend. But has to be “shown.” Any suggestions? Write me air-mail. How can we land the order on paper? or is metal a possibility? Keep this to yourself. Architect Neutra. Home of von Sternberg.

greetings,

Edward”

(No date, ca. 1935. Courtesy of Esther McCoy biographer Susan Morgan via the Edward Weston Papers at the University of Arizona’s Center for Creative Photography).

Right after finishing the Gahagan bust and von Sternberg pool design in September 1935, Isamu left for Mexico City to visit the Greenwoods in a car he had borrowed for the trip from his close friend Buckminster Fuller, carpooling as far as the Texas border with a destitute Cummings and Marion Morehouse who were on their way back to New York. (E. E. Cummings: A Biography by Christopher Sawyer-Laucanno, p. 402 and “Noguchi in Mexico: International Theme for a Working-Class Market,” by James Oles, American Art, Summer 2001, p. 16). The Greenwoods were working on murals at the behest of Diego Rivera for the Abelardo L. Rodriguez Market. Marion was able to get Noguchi in on the action where he created his History as Seen From Mexico in 1936. (See below). Noguchi’s choice of tinted cement and concrete for his three-dimensional sculptured mural was likely influenced by Siqueiros’ waterproof cement-based work in Los Angeles.

 

Isamu Noguchi’s mural History as Seen from Mexico in 1936, at the Mercado Abelardo Rodríguez, 1936, tinted cement, concrete, and brick, 22 x 2.2 m (72 x 6.5 ft.). From Isamu Noguchi’s autobiography A Sculptor’s World, (Gottingen, Germany: Steidl, 2004). The book was originally published by Harper & Row in 1968.

While in Mexico City Noguchi met Frida Kahlo and began a short-lived, but passionate affair. An irate Rivera caught them in the act and Noguchi had to make a hasty retreat over the back fence of Casa Azul. Noguchi inscribed a copy of his recent Weston portrait of himself to Frida “For my darling, my love.” (See below).

Isamu Noguchi, 1935 by Edward Weston. From “Gelatin Silver Gossip” by James Oles in Frida Kahlo: Her Photos edited by Pablo Ortiz Monasterio, p. 293.

This article illustrates how amazingly intertwined the lives of Los Angeles’s avant-garde artists, architects and modernist intelligentsia were in the 1920s and 1930s during the evolution of modernism in Southern California. There are a never-ending web of stories waiting to be told of this simply fascinating period of Los Angeles modernist history.

For more detail on many of the same personalities see my:

 

 


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Playa del Rey: Speed Capital of the World, The Los(t) Angeles Motordrome, 1910-1913

(Click on image to enlarge)
Los Angeles Motordrome, 1910.

I recently ran across the above fascinating postcard of the long-gone Los Angeles Motordrome and started to dig into its history. The more I learned the more intrigued I became as the story began to unfold. For a brief period from 1910 until 1913, Playa del Rey was entrenched in an exciting short-lived rivalry with the Indianapolis Motor Speedway and could make a valid claim as being the “Speed Capital of the World.” Not only was the Motordrome a land-based speed mecca, but it also has a rich aviation history that very few know about. Interestingly for me, what started out to be a story on the Motordrome ended up being equally a tale of a wealthy, well-connected Los Angeles industrialist and his toys.

The Los Angeles Motordrome became a reality through the joint efforts of  three larger than life characters, Frederick E. Moskovics, Jack Prince, and Frank A. Garbutt. Garbutt, son of Los Angeles pioneer, Frank C. Garbutt, was the deep pockets behind the operation with his Loa Angeles-Pacific Railway cronies assuming one-half of the initial stock in the enterprise and a syndicate headed by Moskovics the other half. (“The New Los Angeles Motordrome,” The Automobile, January 20, 1910, p. 174). Prince, a former bicycle racer, was the designer, construction overseer and initial promoter, and Mosckovics, an early automotive engineer, was the general manager responsible for contract negotiations, securing drivers for the initial meet and lining up future motordrome development opportunities.

 

During his student days, Mosckovic’s favorite pastime was bicycle racing. On both sides of the Atlantic he met most of the celebrities of the sport including former three-time world champion, Briton John Shillington “Jack” Prince. (See above). When Prince retired from racing he came to the United States and began a successful business designing and constructing wooden velodromes for bicycle racing. He then segued into the design of banked, board tracks for the fledgling sport of motorcycle racing. Prince and Moskovics inevitably crossed paths from time to time and became great friends.

Barney Oldfield setting a record at Salt Lake City on his “Blue Streak.” From Barney Oldfield: The Life and Times of America’s Legendary Speed King by William F. Nolan, p. 97.

One of the earliest members of the Society of Automotive Engineers,  Moskovics gained valuable experience on both sides of the Atlantic first studying at the Armour Institute in Chicago and then the Polytechnic in Zurich and holding such positions as managing the Daimler-Mercedes Racing Team which participated in the first Vanderbilt Cup in 1904, was national sales manager for the Acme Motor Car Company in Reading, PA until 1906 and designing a powerful car for the new Allen-Kingston Motor Car Company in New York in 1907. One of Allen-Kingston’s first employees was test driver Ralph De Palma who would ironically become one of the featured attractions along with another ex-bicycle racer Barney Oldfield (see above) at the debut of the Motordrome. (See ad for the track opening below).

(See also “Great Auto Races Motordrome Track,” Santa Monica Daily Outlook, April 4, 1910).


It was under Moskovic’s tutelage that the young De Palma (see above) drove in his first race in 1908. When Allen-Kingston folded in 1909, Moskovic’s new employer, Remy Electric Company sent him to Los Angeles where he quickly established contacts with the local racing community including his old friend, Jack Prince who was still basking in the success of his latest design, i.e., the Los Angeles Coliseum, a 1/3rd-mile board track for motorcycle racing. (See below). By 1909 Prince had become the foremost promoter of circular, wooden speedways built in the United States.


Frank A. Garbutt.

Among the close-knit circle of racing enthusiasts of Moskovics and Prince was Frank A. Garbutt (see above), wealthy scion of early Los Angeles pioneer, Lankershim Ranch and Water Company land baron and oil tycoon Frank C. Garbutt. Known as “The Oil King” in the countless newspaper articles chronicling his exploits, the well-connected Frank A. Garbutt became the first Vice-President of the Automobile Club of Southern California in 1903 (Western Field, August 1903, p. 497), was one of the founders of the Los Angeles Athletic ClubCalifornia Yacht Club, and Riviera Country Club, and was also a pioneering resident of Playa del Rey.

Los Angeles had been speed-crazy since the day in 1903 that Oldfield, his cigar clenched between his teeth, stormed a Winton Bullet around a mile-long dirt oval at Agricultural Park in a world-record 55 seconds. Dirt clods flew and dust clouds rose 40 feet in the wake of the big machine. The spectacle captivated the populace and the press. The front page of The Times read:
“Barney Oldfield’s attempt to commit suicide at Agricultural Park yesterday only resulted in a compound fracture of the world’s automobile record. It would seem simpler and easier for him to hire some one to brain him with an ax than suffer this lingering destruction.”
Races were also held regularly at the original Ascot Park, at the intersection of Slauson and Central Avenues, considered the premier dirt track on the West Coast. On December 26, 1909, only four months before the Motordrome’s opening, Oldfield had lapped Ascot in 51-2/5 seconds at close to 70 m.p.h. in the Benz.

Garbutt was an extremely competitive individual and loved to race anything that moved. The Los Angeles papers frequently reported on his winning automobile, yacht, rowing, and speed boat racing activities not to mention his other Los Angeles Athletic Club pursuits such as handball, duck shooting and golf. The amateur Garbutt raced Barney Oldfield on fairly even terms in 1903 and 1904 in his Stewart-Garbutt race car he designed and built with fellow oilman A. C. Stewart. (See below). Motor Age reported on the A. C. Stewart Automobile Machine Works where the two men built “the fastest racing machine on the Pacific Coast.” (“Current Gossip of the Garages,” Motor Age, February 2, 1905, p. 23).

 

A. C. Stewart and Frank Garbutt in their race car ca. 1903-4 at Agricultural Park.

The Los Angeles Times reported on Garbutt winning harness races at Agricultural Park (later to become Exposition Park and the site of the Coliseum) as early as 1887 thus he knew every inch of the course when he made a healthy run at Oldfield in late 1904 in his self-designed car modeled somewhat after Oldfield’s Winton Bullet. (See above). The local papers such as the Herald and Times in Los Angeles and Daily Outlook in Santa Monica thought the larger-than-life Garbutt made great copy and were essentially his period personal Facebook pages. An example from a late 1904 Herald article covering a series of record-breaking races at Agricultural Park,

“In another race Oldfield was matched with Frank Garbutt in his Stewart-Garbutt car, which was built in Los Angeles. The two machines, with their batteries exploding like Gatling guns, dashed around the oval so close together that many times there was no light between them. Garbutt led for two miles and swept into the stretch of the last miles several yards to the good, but Barney called on his terrifying pet for an extra effort and the Green Dragon (see below) shot under the wire a winner. The contestants continued the race for another two miles and broke about even. Owing to the fact that Garbutt understood the race was to be for five miles instead of three and drove accordingly, the heat will be run again today, and some records are likely to be smashed.” (“Barney Oldfield Drives Mile in 54 Seconds Flat,” Los Angeles Herald, December 17, 1904. See also “Speedy Spins, Records Go,” Los Angeles Times, December 16, 1904, p. A-3).


Barney Oldfield in his Peerless Green Dragon, 1905. 

 

Frank A. Garbutt on the left racing his homemade car against Webb Jay’s “Whistling Billy” at Agricultural Park. From L.A.A.C. History page.




The well-traveled Moskovics knew more about the goings-on in the automobile design, manufacture and racing businesses than anyone else in the country and was intimately knowledgeable of the details surrounding Carl G. Fisher‘s recently completed Indianapolis Motor Speedway. (See above). Teaming up with Prince who was ready for his next track-building challenge, the pair approached Garbutt sometime in the fall of 1909 with a scheme to build a one-mile circular board track for racing cars to compete with and capitalize on the hype surrounding Indianapolis.

Garbutt was easily convinced and formed a syndicate with his L.A. Athletic Club, Auto Club, Los Angeles-Pacific Railway and  Playa del Rey development cronies to finance construction. Garbutt chose the Ballona Wetlands for the site due to it’s marginal real estate development potential and closeness to his summer oceanfront home in Playa del Rey. His “cottage” which was built in 1903 was used in numerous period real estate ads to promote sales for his Los Athletic Club cronies Moses Sherman and Eli Clark’s Beach Land Company and their sales agent and fellow race car driver and scion of an oil man, Fred W. Flint, Jr. (See below).

 

Beach Land Company ad featuring the homes of Frank A. Garbutt, Oliver Morosco and architect A. W. Eager, designer of the Playa del Rey Pavilion, Hotel Del Reyand many later homes in Playa del Rey. From the Los Angeles Herald, April 29, 1905, p. 4.

Garbutt was one of the first lot owners and soon built his beach home on what was then called Marine Avenue (now Ocean Front Walk). (See lower left in below map). Garbutt had also recently moved into his new $17,000, 14-room “town” house designed by noted architect John P. Krempel at the southwest corner of Alvarado St. and  Ocean View Avenue (2210) near downtown Los Angeles. (“Doings of Builders and Architects,” July 26, 1903).


Beach Land Company subdivision development map, 1902. (From “Playa del Rey: First Grand Sale of Lots Will Be Held At Beach Wednesday,” Los Angeles Times, July 13, 1902, p. IV-5).


Beach Land Company and the Los Angeles-Pacific Railway Company, with many of the same principles on the Boards of Directors including Sherman and Clark, spent at least $500,000 on the foundation work for the Playa del Rey resort. One of the principles of the Beach Land Company, recently relocated to Southern California from Seattle and later President of the California Real Estate Association, Henry P. Barbour, originally requested design proposals for a band pavilion, hotel, restaurant and dance pavilion and two railroad stations from Seattle-based architect Kirtland Cutter. The hotel (see below) was originally slated to be built on top of the bluff on the large lot set aside seen at the right center of the above plat map.

Beach Land Company ad, Los Angeles Times, November 9, 1902, p. IV-6.

 

“Beautiful Hotel and Roof Garden for Playa del Rey,” Los Angeles Times, July 22, 1902, p. II-1.


The consortium rejected the 250-room, $250,000 Cutter proposal in favor of plans from local architects Hunt & Eager. (See Cutter’s Hotel at Playa del Rey design above and below). (Kirtland Cutter; Architect in the Land of Promise, by Henry Matthews, p. 172). It seems likely that the Land Company traded a prime beach front lot to Eager in exchange for design fees for the Pavilion and greatly scaled back Hotel Del Rey below the bluff on the shoreline of Del Rey Lagoon near Garbutt’s and Eager’s houses. Sadly, it appears Playa del Rey would have been much better off with the Cutter proposal.



Hotel at Playa del Rey, 1902, Cutter & Malmgren, Architects. From Kirtland Cutter; Architect in the Land of Promise, by Henry Matthews, p. 172.

 

Cutter’s design was to be dominated by a slender, pointed tower similar to those at St. Augustine, and also reminiscent of the Campanile of St. Mark’s Square in Venice. (It is perhaps no coincidence that 1902 was the year the Venetian Campanile collapsed, creating worldwide concern for the loss of a powerful landmark.) Below the tower the hotel spread out under expansive hipped roofs. Cutter arranged it around two courtyards, one of which, named the Palm Court, had a large fountain at the center. Along the front, a loggia of Gothic arches opened off the principal rooms onto a broad, raised terrace. The restaurant and dancing pavilion, each with a gondola landing, were linked across a canal by a bridge distinctly Venetian in character. Their walls were enriched with Venetian Gothic tracery, and they offered romantic silhouettes enlivened by several towers. (Kirtland Cutter; Architect in the Land of Promise, by Henry Matthews, p. 172).


Land sales began in earnest around Del Rey Lagoon in July 1902 with the subdivision of land by the Beach Land Company with water provided by one of the partners, i. e., Frederick H. Rindge‘s Artesian Water Company. (For much more on Rindge see my Frederick L. Roehrig: The Millionaire’s Architect”). Six hundred acres of sand beach, rolling dunes and lofty bluffs were graded and prepared for building permanent residences. In leveling lands and excavating for the lagoon, more than 700,000 cubic yards of sand were used for filling in purposes. Sidewalks were constructed along the beach and the lagoon, a sewer system, water system and electric lights provided. An unusually high class of buildings was put up.

 

Development around Del Rey Lagoon as of summer, 1902. From “Electric Cars Soon in Playa del Rey,” Los Angeles Times, August 24, 1902, pp. III-8-9.

 

Original Del Rey Lagoon development scheme drawing by Hunt & Eager, Architects. Los Angeles Times, June 22, 1902, p. II-9.

View of the 1904 Playa del Rey Pavilion (center) and Del Rey Hotel (right) both designed by architect A. W. Eager from the south end of Del Rey Lagoon.ca.1906. Note Garbutt’s 1903 beach residence directly above the hotel. From USC Digital Archive.

 

Indirect rail service between Los Angeles and Playa del Rey was completed on October 17, 1902 with a final direct connection via the Ivy Park Junction beginning operation on January 24, 1903. (See L.A.-P. system map later below). The Times reported,

“Playa del, Rey, the new beach resort whose dulcet name drops into rhythmic English as “the Playground of the King,” was informally opened yesterday when the first electric car of the Los Angeles-Pacific Railway Company rolled up to the water’s edge. Thus is another seaside attraction available to the public. Beginning this morning, an eight train service will be maintained to Playa del Rey via Ocean Park over the electrized Santa Fe track, that runs to Inglewood up to Del Rey Junction whence is taken the regular branch to the new beach. The arrangement will continue about two weeks whereupon the entire Del Rey branch will be completed and cars will leave the Short Line ere Ocean Park is reached, and scurry across the marshes to the ocean thus saving several miles. …

The greatest attraction of Playa del Rey however, so far as the future is concerned, is a big lagoon with a straight-away over two miles long that affords unequaled opportunity for boating of all kinds, and with a little dredging can be made a mighty yachting station. For rowing races it will be exceedingly fine. It’s windings inland make a rowing course of over seven miles. (“More Lines to the Sea; Cars Running to Playa del Rey Beach and Improvements Progressing,” Los Angeles Times, October 17, 1902, p. II-1).

Work on the Hunt & Eager-designed $100,000 Playa del Rey Pavilion and 3,000 seat amphitheater (see above center) was rushed and it was opened to the public with a grand celebration of the occasion with boat races, dancing, and more on Thanksgiving Day, November 25, 1904. (“Santa Monican the Contractor,” Santa Monica Daily Outlook, 1904.) The $25,000 Hotel Del Rey, a handsome structure containing fifty rooms was built the same year by George A. Cook, a capitalist of Redlands who had become largely interested in Playa del Rey. Boat houses and bandstand were completed. A two story bank building had been erected (above right center), a $5,000 Los Angeles-Pacific Railway Station (foot of bluff above) and many handsome cottages had been completed along the lagoon and on the bluff including Garbutt’s which can be seen directly above the hotel in the above photo.

In June 1904 a post office was established at Playa del Rey, with Frank Lawton, lessee of the Pavilion as postmaster. The Los Angeles-Pacific Railway Lagoon Line to Santa Monica was completed, thus giving a much improved car service, as the fare to Santa Monica was made five cents. An article describing the above improvements also discussed Garbutt’s and his neighbors’ new “cottages” thusly,

“The extensive public improvements are zealously guarded by judicious building restrictions— only a desirable class of residences is permitted. Among the beautiful residences recently erected are the following: Frank A. Garbutt, Oliver Morosco, W. W. Burton, A. W. Eager (see photo in real estate ad above) and George W. Signor. (Eager would go on to design numerous homes in Playa del Rey as the community developed.) Homes will be built immediately for George B. Ellis, H. D. Lombard, N. W. Church, James V. Baldwin, F. W. Flint, Jr.,and Frank Hudson. All houses are built on uniform line, affording an unobstructed view of both lagoon and ocean. Extensive 12-foot board walks have been laid, a 20-foot surfaced speedway (see discussion below) has been built, a sewer system has been provided, also water, gas and electric lights aligning the lagoon are attractive features in the evening- and promenading in one of the delightful recreations at this time.” (For more see “Playa del Rey, The Aquatic City,” Los Angeles Herald, May 21, 1905, p. 1).

During 1905, two suspension bridges were thrown across the lagoon and an incline railway constructed to the top of Mount Ballona, as the bluff was then known. (See below).
Playa del Rey Incline, 1905. From Electric Railway Historical Association.


Soon after his beach house was built Garbutt considered Playa del Rey his personal fiefdom and playground. On behalf of the the Auto Club’s Committee on Contests and Runs, the unabashedly self-serving Garbutt presented to the Club’s Board of Directors a proposal to build a gravel “Speedway” from his doorstep in Playa del Rey (see above just left of hotel) to connect to Speedway in Ocean Park to make the southerly community more accessible to the more fully developed Santa Monica area. Garbutt’s report read in part,
“It seems reasonably certain with the resources at our command we can build, maintain and own a piece of road that will become famous, both for its quality and its utility, as well as for the world’s records that will be made on it.”  (“New Del Rey Road a Sure Thing,” Los Angeles Times, December 6, 1903, p. II-2).

It is not hard to imagine Garbutt racing down Speedway (see above) in his Stewart-Garbutt racer from his Playa del Rey house to Venice and back,”trying to establish new world’s records” between the two communities. Soon to follow was a proposal pushed by Garbutt for the Auto Club to expend funds to build a road from the southwestern part of Los Angeles to Playa del Rey over many Club members objections. The Times reported,

 

“Frank A. Garbutt, vice-president of the club in speaking of the proposition said: “Yes, there is some objection being made to the project. It has been insinuated that the proposed Playa del Rey road is a scheme to help Clark and Sherman and the Beach Land Company. I would like to state that personally I have no interests whatever with these gentlemen but I certainly think they are entitled by reason of their liberal support of the project to derive some benetlt therefrom. The actual donation ot the land itself is something and their subscriptions have also been most liberal.” (“Ballot of Automobists,” Los Angeles Times, May 2, 1904, p. 7).

Despite Garbutt’s denial of involvement with the Beach Land Company, it seems likely that he received his prime beach front lot as a quid pro quo for obtaining Auto Club financing for both the “Speedway” to Venice and connecting road from Los Angeles.
Overview ca. 1905 of Del Rey Lagoon showing Garbutt’s “Speedway” and the Los Angeles Pacific Railway Lagoon Line tracks to Venice and Santa Monica completed on August 26, 1904. From USC Digital Archive


Double track Lagoon Line, Los Angeles-Pacific Railway paralleling Garbutt’s “Speedway” between Venice and Playa del Rey. From a real estate ad in the Los Angeles Herald, February 12, 1905, p. 6.

Garbutt’s daughter Melodile was featured in Otis Chandler’s Los Angeles Times in the fall of 1905 undoubtedly to help promote sales of his Beach Land Company and Athletic Club cronies. (See below). The lengthy piece described her mastery of the new lightweight sculls under the tutelage of Professor William Franklin.


(From “Racing Shell Easy for Her; Miss Melodile Garbutt Able to Give Men Lessons, Los Angeles Times, October 15, 1905, p. III-4).

Playa del Rey Pavilion (upper left) and Garbutt’s house (directly left of Del Rey Hotel at top center). From Playa del Rey History.


Garbutt soon therafter used his influence at the L.A.A.C. to bring another of his interests to his doorstep with the finding of a home at the Playa del Rey Pavilion for the rowing crew and it’s state-of-the-art rowing shells recently ordered from San Diego.

“A committee headed by Frank Garbutt and Coach J. E. Franklin of the Los Angeles Athletic Club visited Playa del Rey yesterday afternoon and selected headquarters tor the boat crews that are to be placed, In the field as a branch of the club’s sports. The home at the oarsmen will be the old grillroom of the Auditorium (see above) and this will be fitted up suitably tor the accommodation of the crews and the boats ordered.” (“Boat Crews Have a Home,” Los Angeles Times, June 27, 1906, p. II-3 and “Athletic Club Buys Shells,” June 30, 1910, p. II-3)).

An excerpt from the much more detailed Herald story describing the new facilities read,

“A section of the lower floor of the pavilion has been reserved as a boating and club house with ample accommodation for a large number of speeding craft. A landing will be built at the entrance enabling ready access to the waters of the lagoon. An amphitheater will be erected at the head of the inlet overlooking the entire course.” (“Brawny Oarsmen Will Struggle,” Los Angeles Herald, June 27, 1906, p. 5).


Garbutt’s yacht Skidbladner moored at Mexico ca. 1908. From Pemsimpe.com.

In 1906 Garbutt’s interests with water sports expanded to include motor-yachting as he and auto-racing partner A. C. Stewart collaborated on the design of his personal yacht Skidbladnir (see above) built by the A. C. Stewart Automobile Company. This excerpt from the Herald describes the burgeoning motor boating industry,

“Probably the largest and most completely equipped yacht on the coast is the Skidbladnir, which was designed under the personal supervision of her owner, Frank Garbutt. Her 300-horse power, six-cylinder engine was built by the A. C. Stewart Automobile company from ideas furnished by Mr. Garbutt, and is a decidedly novel piece of mechanism. In addition to being one of the largest marine engines ever built on this coast, it is self-starting and reversing, so that the ordinary reversing gear Is not needed. The propeller is of the feathering pattern, that will cause no drag when the yacht is under sail. Mr. Garbutt’s intention was to design a boat that will perform equally well under either sail or power, and while the boat sharps all said it could not be done, it begins to look is though he has done it, though the boat has not been fully tried out as yet.” (“Motor Boating in Southern California,” Los Angeles Herald, December 22, 1907).



With the completion of the new Venice Bath House in 1908, Garbutt organized the addition of the Venice Annex of the Los Angeles Athletic Club in a section of the new facility, saving himself and other members the long trek downtown to use the club’s handball facilities when they were summering at the beach. Garbutt was the Club’s perennial handball champion beginning as early as 1897. (“Athletic Club Notes, Los Angeles Times, February 18, 1897, p. 5). Garbutt’s bio in the above article on the new Annex reads,

“Frank A. Garbutt is vice president of the club and is very popular among the members. He everywhere is known as a lover of true sport. He is extensively interested in oil interests in Southern California. He also is a prominent member of the South Coast Yacht club. He was born at Mason City, Iowa in 1868. At the age of 3 years he moved with his parents to Colorado and came to Los Angeles in 1882. He attends to the general business of the club and devotes a great portion of his time to the organization.” (See link under above photo).

The opportunistic Garbutt, oil magnate and soon to be movie mogul via Bosworth, Inc. acquired through shady circumstances, and Famous Players-Lasky, was well aware of the new motor speedway recently constructed in Indianapolis through the local press when approached by Moskovics and Prince. (See “The Mystery Man of Motion Pictures“). He also saw the wild popularity of the motorcycle racing then underway at 1/3-mile banked, board Los Angeles Coliseum Motordrome recently completed by Prince and realized that the timing was right to come up with a larger board track designed for automobile racing.

Garbutt and his syndicate quickly bought a 100-acre site in the Ballona Wetlands 500 yards east of his home on the beach in the then resort community of Playa del Rey, retained Moskovics as General Manager and front man for the operation and commissioned Prince to design and oversee construction of the project. Moskovics and Garbutt provided design  input based on their engineering and racing experience.

 


Mosckovics came up with the idea for the one-mile circular concept. He put his engineering training to work to assist Prince on the design making the track 45-feet wide at a three-to-one slope forming essentially a saucer which the press immediately coined the “pie pan.” Garbutt’s idea of steel guard rails at the upper railing was implemented as was Moskovic’s design for the lower car-containing guard rails. A thirty-foot wide strip of compacted disintegrated granite followed by an infield fence 125 ft. from the track edge for spectator safety. A 1/4-mile length of repair pits were also to be built. Spectator comfort was also provided for in the covered grandstand. (See design sketch below). (From The Golden Age of the American Racing Car by Griffith Borgeson, pp. 17-18).


Rendering of the Motordrome. Note the concrete subway lower left for cars to drive under the track into the infield. From “Wooden Saucer Track for Motors at Los Angeles Latest Incentive to Speed,” New York Times, March 27, 1910. For more New York Times coverage see Motordrome.

Henry X. Goetz from Ingersoll’s Century History, Santa Monica Bay Cities by Luther A. Ingersol, p. 15.

A construction contract was signed in late January with contractor Henry X. Goetz (see above) which called for 2,000,000 board feet of lumber, 28 tons of nails, 2,000 ft. of bleachers and a covered grandstand 1,000-feet long. Goetz was a well-connected President of the Santa Monica Board of Trade, builder of the Playa del Rey Pavilion in 1904, Venice Canals in 1905, Venice Bath House and countless other facilities, and former partner with Frederick H. Rindge in the Santa Monica Investment Company. Goetz had a reputaion as a man who could build things in a hurry completing the Venice Canals in only 30 days. The Motordrome contract specified a 25-working day construction period which began on January 31st. In addition to the $75,000 that was spent to build the facility, the forward-thinking Moskovics and Garbutt shelled out $10,000 for a generating plant to illuminate the “pie pan” for night racing. (See below). (“Santa Monican to Build Monster Saucer Motordrome,” Santa Monica Daily Outlook, January 27, 1910, p. 1).


Oldfield “under the lights” at the Motordrome, April 10, 1910.

A December 1909 article in the Santa Monica Daily Outlook stated that Prince had ordered two shiploads of lumber for the undertaking and a 100-acre site had been purchased between Playa del Rey and Venice and that arrangements were underway for a rail spur to the site which would enable handling 40,000 spectators an hour. Prince expounded on the  record-setting success of his 1909 Coliseum design and presciently predicted further records at Play del Rey. (“To Build One-Mile Circular Motordrome Near Del Rey,” Santa Monica Daily Outlook, December 21, p. 1). The Motordrome Spur was .736 miles in length (see map below) and was located 1.12 miles from the Playa del Rey Station and was a joint project with the Los Angeles-Pacific Railway and the track. (From Trolleys to the Surf: The Story of the Los Angeles Pacific Railway by William A. Meyers, p. 71).

Los Angeles-Pacific Railway System Map ca. 1910. (From Trolleys to the Surf: The Story of the Los Angeles Pacific Railway by William A. Meyers, p. 16).

Motordrome Site. From 1924 USGS Topo Map. (Note channel left center dredged from the site in 1910 to drain the area surrounding the Motordrome).

Jack Prince at the Motordrome on the second day of construction describing how the survey for the layout of the track would radiate from the above center post. Los Angeles Herald, February 1, 1910, p. 11.

Prince on the left directing the perimeter staking of the one-mile circular course. (From “Work on Auto Track Rushed,” Los Angeles Herald, February 1, 1910, p. 10).


After a press junket organized by Moskovics, the Herald reported on the army of workers commencing work on the Motordrome, design and safety features of the track and the first automobile to drive on the site (see below) and predicted,

“Few can estimate what this means to Los Angeles. It will bring to this city the largest automobiles manufactured in Europe and America, driven by the fastest drivers on earth.”

 

(From “Work on Auto Track Rushed,” Los Angeles Herald, February 1, 1910, p. 10).

 

Mother Nature, recoiling from the destruction of her wetlands, blew down 600 ft. of framework during a storm the night of February 14th. (“New Motordrome Suffers From Effects of Storm Last Night,” Santa Monica Daily Outlook, February 15, 1910, p. 1). The unfazed Goetz got construction back on schedule in short order.

 

The Motordrome February 12, 1910, two days before the wind damage mentioned above. (From “Aero Club to Have Station,” Los Angeles Herald, February 13, 1910, p. III-4).

Frank Garbutt organized a press junket to show off the rapid construction of the Motordrome and to hold the operation’s first Board meeting on a special Los Angeles-Pacific Railway car on the way to the site from downtown Los Angeles. The Herald reported,

“Manager Moskovics called the newly chosen directors together and while the car was speeding from Los Angeles to the motordrome site at Playa del Rey the directors organized with Garbutt as president, F. E. Moskovics, vice president and treasurer; H. G. Feraud, secretary; directors, including the officers, R. A. Rowan, Fred Flint, Harry Lombard and Henry Keller.” (“Garbutt Heads Motordrome Company; Prominent Local Capitalist Named President,” Los Angeles Herald, February 13, 1910, p. III-3).

A tour of the facilities and the construction status can be seen in the above and below photos from the same issue. It was also announced that Moskovics would manage the facility until the opening meet (after which Walter Hempel from Ascot Park took over) and that the Aero Club of California would be sharing the site. (“Aero Club to Have Station,” Los Angeles Herald, February 13, 1910, p. III-4).

Los Angeles Motordrome under construction, (From “Aero Club to Have Station,” Los Angeles Herald, February 13, 1910, p. III-4).

“Constructive Features of Los Angeles “Dish,” The Automobile, March 3, 1910, p. 461.

 

Construction of the Motordrome was meeting with great interest in the national press and trade journals evidenced by the illustrated article from the March 3, 1910 issue of The Automobile.

 

Los Angeles International Air Meet Poster.

Emboldened  by the entrepreneurial opportunities presented by the birth of the aviation industry through the hype surrounding the upcoming Los Angeles International Air Meet, Garbutt bravely took a test flight at Dominguez Field in late December a few weeks before the meet. The Herald reported,   

“William M. Garland, millionaire realty dealer, and chairman of the aviation committee, and Frank A. Gurbutt, millionaire yachtsman, skimmed  the skies and looked from dizzy heights yesterday with Walter H. Brookins, the daring young aviator, as passengers on two of the aviator’s trips in his Wright biplane at Dominguez Fleld. Brookins was forced to swear by all that was manly that he would “cut out” all “dips and curves” on the trips before he secured his distinguished passengers.” (“Garbutt and Garland Soar With Brookins” and ” Garbutt, Frank A., “Flying is Great Stuff Says Initiate in Art,” Los Angeles Herald, December 30, 1909, pp. 1, 3).


Los Angeles International Air Meet, January 1910.

Liking what he saw and surviving the thrilling experience and immediately envisioning the possibilities for the Motordrome site, Garbutt’s enthusiasm must have been further charged after hearing Professor H. La V. Twining  speak on the history of flight and the Aero Club of California on the eve of the Dominguez Field meet. (“See Benefit to City in Aviation,” Los Angeles Herald, January 9, 1910, p. 4). Garbutt likely learned of Indianapolis Motor Speedway’s “Auto and Aero Club” from Moskovics and quickly instructed him to negotiate a contract with the multi-talented educator, author and inventor H. La V. Twining (see below) and his California Aero Club to similarly share the Playa del Rey facilities.

 

H. La V. Twining. Courtesy Library of Congress.

Moskovics signed a $7,000 contract on Garbutt’s behalf with the Aero Club of California, soon to become affiliated with the Aero Club of America, to provide facilities for “year-round experiments and great annual contests” including a 1/3rd-mile long infield runway, clubhouse and a hangar large enough to house 14 planes and a machine shop equipped with lathes for constructing and refitting the aeroplanes in the Motordrome’s infield. An adjacent runway outside the confines of the Motordrome up to five miles in length was also under discussion.

Presaging the City of Los Angeles’s Mines Field (later LAX) a couple miles to the south and Howard Hughes‘s makeover of the Ballona Wetlands a couple miles further east for his Hughes Aircraft Company and Airport and Spruce Goose development activities a generation later, Moskovics confidently predicted that the area will become “a great aviation center and the big playground of flying machines and aviators, professional and amateur.” (“Big Hangar to be Located at Del Rey,” Santa Monica Daily Outlook, February 16, 1910, p. 1).


The Los Angeles Herald reported the same day that Howard W. Gill (see above) had already made three flights with his Gill-Dosh biplane at the facility. “Aviation Field Made Certainty,” Los Angeles Herald, February 16, 1910, P. 1). Like Garbutt, Gill was a wealthy young sportsman who was also interested in automobile races until 1906. He took up ballooning in 1906 and in 1909 began “aeroplaning.”


This must have been an extremely exciting development for the principles, not to mention the general public, as the Los Angeles International Air Meet held at nearby Dominguez Field less than a month before was among the earliest air shows in the world and the first major air show in the United States. Moskovics, Garbutt and Prince must have been drooling in anticipation as attendance at Dominguez Field numbered approximately 254,000 over 11 days of ticket sales. The Los Angeles Times called it “one of the greatest public events in the history of the West.” (See Dominguez Air Meet by D. D. Hatfield, Northrop University Press, 1976 for more detail).



The February 24th edition of the Herald reported on Garbutt, Prince and Moskovic’s scheme to essentially “franchise” the design concept for the Motordrome,

“After having fortiiled his position by applying for patents on ten claims in the name of himself and Jack Prince, F. E. Moskovlcs left last night for San Francisco to make preliminary arrangement to construct a motordrome on the plan of the one being built in Los Angeles, and if the track here proves a success for racing he proposes to extend a chain of tracks throughout the country, with Los Angeles the first link.” (“Plans Circuit of Motordromes“).

On February 26, 1910 The Outlook reported that the Los Angeles-Pacific Railway had announced round-trip fares from downtown Los Angeles to the Motordrome had been set at $.40 and that there would also be direct service from Venice. (“Along the Southern Beach“).

The February 27th Herald article “Plan Test of Airship Motors; Aero Club Members Work at Motordrome” discussed  the 1/3rd mile runway, hangar and machine shop being built by Jack Prince and Garbutt’s ideas for airplane engine and propeller experiments he was planning at the Motordrome Aero Club facilities. Apparently, much interesting airplane development would soon place at the Aero Club’s Motordrome facilities as the New York Times reported in 1911,

Rear Admiral Nathan C. Twining of the United States Navy is spending all his energies to make air craft unsafe, at least in warfare, while H. La V. Twining, brother of the Admiral, is seeking daily to improve aerial navigation. Rear Admiral Twining bas just invented a gun (see below) which, it is believed, will meet and prevent the menace of bomb-throwing airmen.” (“Studying Airships in War; H. La V. Twining Builds Planes – Admiral Twining Has Gun to Destroy Them,” New York Times, September 20, 1911).

Admiral Twining’s anti-aircraft gun from courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Twining reported on the advances in the aviation field after the second Los Angeles International Air meet in the February 1911 issue of Aeronautics. (See below).

Twining Monoplane designed by Sidney J. Twining, son of H. La. V. Twining, treasurer of the Aero Club of California.
Source: Aircraft, April 1912, page 51.

As with his racing car collaborator, A. C. Stewart, Garbutt must have had great fun tinkering with both Twining and Griffith in the Motordrome Aero Club machine shop developing his ideas for airplane engines.

On March 2, 1910 The Outlook reported that a lumber schooner docked at the Long Wharf (see below) with a consignment of lumber for the motordrome. (“Lumber Schooner In“). From the Long Wharf the lumber had to be transported under special arrangement on the Los Angeles-Pacific Railway tracks along the Inglewood Line to the Motordrome site.

Long Wharf, Santa Monica, ca. 1910. From the Los Angeles Public Library Photo Collection.

The March 4th issue of the Herald reported on the construction status of the Motordrome and described in detail the facilities being rushed to completion including the following excerpt.

“A paddock 300 feet long, a dozen repair pits and a complete inner track on the dirt to include the paddock board track, were included in the construction work at the motordrome at Playa del Rey yesterday. In addition to the work on the grandstand and bleachers, two subways are in process of construction (one for pedestrians and one for autos) also, and within a few days all the rough work on these jobs will be completed. The grandstand is being roofed over and will be equipped with boxes fitted with chairs. The bleachers are open and will have five tiers of seats. … “Neither of the tunnels is large enough for aeroplanes, unless they are in sections, but Builder, Jack Prince has arranged to have a drawbridge built over the track to have the machines pulled over. Lincoln Beachey, who drives the Glll-Dosh biplane, says the enclosure is sufficiently large for flights without going outside, as the best exhibitions in the future will be over small spaces of ground. He believes that races around a mile track will be the chief events of the future.”

 

Motordrome Work Rushed,” Los Angeles Herald, March 4, 1910, p. 11.

The opening day hype began in earnest with the March 10th issue of the nation-wide publication, The Automobile, running a feature on the new track and published the complete racing schedule for the inaugural 10-day meet. (See below).

 

“Large Cash Prizes at Los Angeles Motordrome,” The Automobile, March 10, 1910, p. 521.

 

On March 11th The Outlook reported that the Goetz has announced that the Motordrome is finished but work was still under way on concession stands and buildings to house the officials and that Los Angeles Pacific was installing sidetracks in anticipation of heavy crowds expected for the opening. (“Motordrome Finished“).

 


On March 15th The Outlook published a complete schedule of the Motordrome’s opening weekend slate of races and prize money. (“Complete Program of Motordrome Races“). On the same date the Times reported on important visitors, Mac Purcell and Moffatt Irving, recognized experts on ignition systems representing the Wheeler-Schebler Carburetor Company of Indianapolis, in town for the Motordrome’s opening meet.

“The name or Jack Prince is synonymous with ‘all right’ with almost almost any eastern racing driver or factory expert” said Purcell yesterday, “and that’s the reason the big men in the motor industry are coming to Los Angeles for the big opening because they know whatever Prince constructs in the line of a track is the best that can be built. I have never met Prince personally but I have driven on his tracks and that is good enough for me.” (“Motor Experts are Here to Stay,” Los Angeles Times, March 15, 1910, p. I-6).

Wheeler-Schebler was in the forefront of the movement to use auto racing to promote their product  as evidenced by the above group portrait of the drivers after the first day of sanctioned racing at the Motordrome proudly sporting the firm’s colors on a variety of sportswear and a later Herald ad below in which the Motordrome was mentioned in the same breath with the Indianapolis Speedway.

 

 

On March 16th The Outlook reported that developer R. C. Sherman of the Beach Land Company announced that Speedway would be paved all the way from Ocean Park to Playa del Rey by April 15th to bring the Motordrome “to the very doors of the cities of the Bay.” (“Speedway to be Paved From the Ocean Park City Limits to the New Del Rey Motordrome“).

On March 19th The Outlook reported that Ralph De Palma and Barney Oldfield will make appearances at the Motordrome’s grand opening slate of events, April 8-17th. (“Fast Men Will Race at ‘Drome“).

 

Nick Nikrent and his mechanician D. W. Semple speeding around the Motordrome at 79 mph in a time trial in his Buick. From “Drivers Will Test Pie Pan,” Los Angeles Herald, March 20, 1910, p. III-1.

The March 20th issue of the Herald (see above) featured an in-depth preview of the upcoming meet at the Motordrome and the efforts to bring together De Palma and Oldfield for the big match race.

Ray Harroun, winner of the inaugural Indy 500 in 1911. Photo courtesy of Indianapolis Motor Speedway.

On March 23rd The Outlook reported on pre-opening tryouts at the Motordrome with a 73 mph run yesterday and with Ray Harroun (see above and below), Nick Nikrent (see three below) and others testing the track today. (“Trying Out Track at Motordrome“). The Automobile reported in late March on Harroun’s six-cylinder Marmon “Yellow Jacket” (aka Wasp), built specifically for the upcoming racing season and in which he also won the inaugural Indianapolis 500 the following year in a slightly modified version.


“With the Agencies,” The Automobile, March 31, 1910, p. 655.

 

“Los Angeles Motordrome Opening,” The Automobile, April 14, 1910, p. 702.

 


Joe Nikrent from Real Road Racing: The Santa Monica Road Races by Harold Osmer and Phil Harms.

Joe Nikrent raced in five Santa Monica Road Race events, finishing second in the Medium Car division in 1911 and ’12. He and brother Louis would combine to compete in 10 Santa Monica races overall.

“News in General,” The Automobile, March 24, p. 613.

 

On March 24th The Automobile reported that Vanderbilt Cup winner George Robertson would be driving the 90-horsepower Simplex in the inaugural Motordrome meet. (See above). The same day The Outlook reported on speed trials at the new track and the building excitement surrounding the impending opening weekend with 1,200 invited guest witnessing Harry Hanshue’s one-mile circular track record-breaking performance in the Apperson Jackrabbit (see below) turning the mile course in 44-2/5 seconds or 81 mph shaving 6-2/5 seconds off the old record. The article describes the track and lists the celebrity drivers scheduled to appear. (“Fast Time and a Big Crowd at Try-Out at New Motordrome“).

 


Harris Hanshue won the first Santa Monica Road Race in 1909 in the Apperson Jackrabbit averaging 64 miles per hour for 202 miles (24 laps) over the 8.4 mile course. Hanshue also bears the distinction of being the first driver to crash at the LA Motordrome. He had to be carted off in a horse-drawn ambulance. (Discussed later below).


On March 29th The Outlook reported on the completion of a big canal being dredged to the lagoon to drain the alkali salt flats and protect the Motordrome from flooding and future plans to flush the land with fresh water to remove the salts and make the land suitable for farming. (“Big improvement at Motordrome is Close to Finish“). The canal work would have been similar to Motordrome contractor Henry X. Goetz’s crews at work excavating and dredging Abbott Kinney‘s nearby Venice Canals seen in the photos below.

Venice Canals, construction work under way by Henry X. Goetz, contractor. From Wikipedia.


Draining Ballon Wetlands swampland during construction of the adjacent Venice Canals, ca. 1905. From the USC Digital Collection.

On March 30th The Outlook reported on the smashing of records during time trials specifically by Ralph De Palma and Caleb Bragg. The article also discusses the flaming arc lights which make possible night racing and that the Los Angeles Pacific Railroad in anticipation of a large opening day crowd is planning three separate routes to the Motordrome with spurs built to handle an off-loading of 25,000 passengers hourly. (“All Records Smashed on Saucer Track Here“).


On March 31st The Outlook reported on the continuing assault on the record books by De Palma and Caleb Bragg and the muddy access road conditions. De Palma turned a two-mile in 1 minute 21-1/5 seconds in his Fiat Cyclone, Caleb Bragg a 41 second one-mile in his Fiat “Sixty” and Jo Nikrent a 45-3/5 in his Buick “Forty.” (“Time Again Broken by De Palma on Big Motordrome Track“). A companion article in the same issue reported on the status of the 40×400 ft. airplane hangar under construction in the infield, the judges and timers stands, the ticket offices and enclosure of the outside perimeter of the underside of the Motordrome with 18-miles of wire to keep intruders from going underneath the track. (“Eighteen Miles of Wire Screen to Surround the Big Motordrome Stands“).


On April 1st Ray Harroun and Jack De Rosier were clocked at 38-4/5s, Caleb Bragg in 41-2/5 and Ralph De Palma in 42s. Barney Oldfield was to arrive that day, reportedly “on the wagon” since the first of the year. (“Records Go to Pieces on Motordrome Track“).



On April 3rd the New York Times reported on the record-breaking time-trials going on at the Playa del Rey track and that most of the drivers were speculating that famous mile motordrome record of 37.7 seconds held by Lewis Strang (see above) would be broken. (“Los Angeles Track Will Open Friday“).


On April 4th Barney Oldfield took to the course for the first time and established a new world’s record of 36-1/5s or 99-44/100 mph in his “Lightning Benz.” Barney said, “I have promised Jack Prince I will do a mile in 35 seconds and that will be fast enough to win from any car now here.” (“Oldfield Broke Record Once More“). In the same issue erstwhile three-time world’s bicycling champion and Motordrome designer Jack Prince introduced world’s women’s bicycling champion whom he formerly managed, Tillie Anderson (see below), to a roaring crowd at the track and reminisced about their old days together on the circuit. (“World’s Champion Bicyclist Gets Ovation at the Motordrome“).



On April 5th The Outlook assured readers that the Los Angeles Pacific Railroad will be providing cars leaving every 10 minutes from North Beach over the Inglewood Line beginning at 12:30 on race days and that half-hour service will be provided on the Lagoon Line from Playa del Rey through Montana Ave. to the Motordrome. (“Cars Will Leave for Motordrome Every Ten Minutes for Races“). A separate article “Entry List at Motordrome” delineated the key entrants and what they were driving.


The April 6th  issue reported the names of guards the Santa Monica police chief assigned to duty at the Motordrome. (“Guards Are Chosen for Motordrome“). The same issue also reported on the first accident at the track with Al Livingston’s Corbin breaking a steering knuckle and the car rising to the top of the track, hitting the steel guard rail put in at Frank Garbutt’s insistence and safely coming to a stop. Without the steel rail the wheel caps would have cut into the wood and thrown the car. The article also chronicled Oldfield’s activities mentioned that he took Tillie Anderson for a few laps around the track. (“First Accident at Motordrome Monday“).


The April 7th issue reported on the readiness of the track, travel arrangements (see below) and Jack Prince’s predictions for many records, weather permitting. (“Start to Break Records at Big Motordrome Tomorrow Afternoon“).

Los Angeles Herald, April 8, 1910, p. 2.

The April 7th issue described the readiness and the gathering of the crowd and that the Gill-Dosh aeroplane had a tryout this morning and got about a dozen feet off the ground and that it would make a real attempt at aviating in the afternoon if the wind wasn’t too strong for flying. (“Races Now Going On At Del Rey“). In a related article it was reported that ambulance service will be available at the track. (“Todd Ambulance Will Be At Motordrome”).


On opening day the Herald included the above composite illustration featuring Motordrome Vice President F. E. Moskovics in the center surrounded by clockwise from the lower right, Jack Prince, designer; A. L. McMurtry, chairman of the technical committee; F. T. Wagner, starter; and S. B. Stevens, referee. The drivers featured going clockwise from the bottom include: Barney Oldfield, “Lightning Benz; Ralph De Palma, Fiat “Cyclone”; Joe Nikrent, Buick; Ray Harroun, Marmon; Caleb Bragg, Fiat “90″; Kershner, Darracq; Harry Hanshue, Apperson ‘Jackrabbit”; Endicott, Cole “30″; and Siebel, Reo “Bird.” The four corner photos highlighted the facilities including clockwise from the upper left: Main Entrance; Judges and Press Stand; Garage and Repair Shops; and Repair Pits and Grandstand.

“A speed brush between Buick, Cole “30″ and Apperson automobiles on Los Angeles Board Track.” From “Los Angeles Motordrome Opening,” The Automobile, April 14, 1910, p. 701.

Headlines for Herald’s full-page spread announced,

“THOUSANDS EAGERLY AWAIT RACES AT OPENING OF NEW MOTORDROME; Fastest Cars in the World Being Groomed for Titanic Struggle That Will Eclipse All Auto Contests – It Is Estimated that at Least 150,000 Persons Will Attend Giant Speed Carnival. Entire Motor World Will Have Its Eyes on the Initial Official Performances on Already Famous Course.”

Los Angeles Herald, April 9, 1910.
Start of the 10-mile race. From the Los Angeles Examiner, April 9, 1910.

In 1910, the emphasis was on short-distance speed records in match races. Cars were still a novelty, and it hadn’t been long since Oldfield had made his first mile-a-minute ride. Oldfield, as was the case nearly any time the crusty old campaigner showed up, didn’t disappoint. Two days before the opening, the big boys couldn’t wait. Oldfield ran a mile at 99 m.p.h. in the Benz. De Palma answered the challenge by breaking Oldfield’s five-mile mark with a 92.10 m.p.h. average.

The seven-day meeting, which was patterned after horse racing with a series of sprints each day, was climaxed by a match race between Oldfield, in the Benz, and young Bragg, in his Fiat 90, which had been given him upon graduation from Yale a short time earlier. Promoters had been plugging Oldfield vs. DePalma for the two-mile match race but each time it was scheduled, DePalma withdrew his car. Finally, Bragg was named to replace DePalma.
The smaller Fiat proved more adaptable to the sharp cornering on the slick surface and when Oldfield skidded up the track on the second lap, Bragg darted through the opening and crossed the finish line 5/100ths of a second ahead, about the length of the Fiat’s hood. Bragg’s society friends from Pasadena carried him around the track on their shoulders as the 10,000 spectators roared their approval. “I only had the throttle half open,” Oldfield said. After congratulating his young rival, Oldfield said that henceforth he would limit the Benz’s appearances to straightaway tracks.
The only distance races were two 100-mile free-for-alls on opening (see below) and closing (see later below) day. Harroun and his Marmon won them both, the first in 1 hour 25 minutes 22 seconds. Much was made of the fact that Harroun’s time was seven minutes better than Louis Strang had done in the debut of the Indianapolis Motor Speedway the previous year. A week later, Harroun lowered the time to 1:16.21 for an average of  78.8 m.p.h.

 

The April 9th issue of the Outlook reported “All Records Once More Upset at the Bay Motordrome.”

April 10th was an exciting day at the track as a serious accident in the Apperson driven by Harris Hanshue blew a tire. The Outlook reported,

“The car was going at a swift pace when the tire exploded and Hanshue rather than risk an accident to the spectators, turned the car towards the bottom. As the rubber strips from the outer tire casing were torn off they became clogged in the chain and the rear wheels were locked.

Bouncing like a ball, the Apperson turned over and ove with the two men beneath the wreckage. The radiator was torn from the engine and hurled 100 feet away. Every wheel was smashed and heavy rods were bent and twisted as if they had been toothpicks. The mounted police rushed to the scene and Dr. Fielding, who is the official surgeon of the track, was there in a flash with the ambulance and at Hanshue’s side. He found the man badly bruised and shaken up but not seriously hurt. He then turned his attention to the Mechanician King whose escape was equally remarkable.” (“First Accident on Motordrome Track Thrills Spectators“). The below photos from the Herald the same day illustrate the crash.


The April 13th issue of Horseless Age and April issue of Motor Age reported on  the Motordrome’s opening weekend’s results showing the national interest in the record-breaking potential of the “Pie-Pan.” (“Wholesale Shattering of Records at Los Angeles.” Horseless Age, April 13, 1910, pp. 537-9).

Above, 1915 Indy 500 winner Ralph De Palma in action, below, Endicott in Cole “30.”  (“Wholesale Shattering of Records at Los Angeles; Board Motordrome Proves Fastest Circular Course in Country – Indianapolis and Atlanta Marks Beaten.” Horseless Age, April 13, 1910, pp. 537-9).

 

 

On

April 14th the New York Times Motordrome article headline read “Five American Speedway Records: Oldfield Performance Was Most Noteworthy at Los Angeles Auto Meet” and listed Oldfield’s records for the half-mile and kilometer at 17.91 and 22.88 seconds respectively, lowering his mark in the latter made at Indianapolis the previous year by 1.4 seconds.

 

“Los Angeles Meet Proves Success,” The Automobile, April 21, 1910, p. 777.


Inaugural 1911 Indy 500 winner Ralph Harroun winning the second of his two 100-mile victories at the Motordrome. Los Angeles Herald, April 18, 1910, p. 7.

Michelin ad from the L.A. Times near the end of the meet announcing the cars and drivers who broke records using Michelin tires. April 17, 19100, p. VII-6.

Fiat ad listing records by Caleb Bragg and Ralph De Palma at the Motordrome from the Automobile Club of America Club Journal, April 16, 1910, p. 2.
Jake DeRosier on his Indian. From Indian Motorcycle Classics.



The Motordrome could only obtain a limited number of sanctioned auto-racing events from the A.A.A. so Hempel had to also include motorcycle races to make the Motordrome a more profitable venue. The first big motorcycle records at the Motordrome were established  by Jake DeRosier (see above) on May 8, 1910 in a F.A.M.-sanctioned 100-mile run against the clock on his Indian. He compiled 74 miles and 667 yards in one hour stopping to refuel at the 53-mile mark and finished 100 miles in 1h., 26m., 14 2/5s. despite running out of gas on the last lap and pushing the bike across the line which cost him about five minutes. He broke every five-mile interval record along the way. (“Jake in Record Ride,” Los Angeles Times, May 9, 1910, p. 19 and “De Rosier Breaks Row of Records,” Motorcycle Illustrated, May 15, 1910, p. 33).

Indian ad touting DeRosier’s record-breaking run at the Motordrome. Motorcycle Illustrated, May 15, 1910.

Morgan & Wright Tires ad touting Whittler and DeRosier record-breaking runs at the Motordrome. Motorcycle Illustrated, May 15, 1910, p. 69.

The May 15th Herald reported,

“Frank A. Garbutt, Los Angeles, is endeavoring to develop a distinct American type of aeroplane, utilizing the experience of others and avoiding the radical but without copying. He has associated himself with Leigh M. Griffith, who has made a specialty or internal combustion design.”
The article went on to describe in great detail the specifications for the engine he was developing at the Motordrome. (“Los Angeles Man Has New Type of Aeroplane,” p. 3).

After the conclusion of the Indianapolis Speedway’s Memorial Day Weekend racing activities the New York Times made a comparison of the records at both the L.A. Motordrome and the Indianapolis Motor Speedway and concluded that for anything longer than a mile, the Playa del Rey track was definitely faster and that the mile-long straightaways at Indy were faster for shorter events. (See below).

The Motordrome site was not only making headlines and capturing the imaginations of Angelenos for a continuous onslaught of automobile and motorcycle speed records on the track but with the even more fledgling aviation industry. For their inaugural event at the Motordrome, the Aero Club of California commemorated their second anniversary in existence by staging an open house-picnic open to the public to show off their new facilities and planes and have Garbutt properly dedicate their new hangar. (See below). (“Aero Club Invites Public to Big Picnic,” Los Angeles Herald, May 20, 1910, p. 2 and “Young Aviators Have Their Day,” May 30, p. 12).

Aero Club of California Hangar at the Los Angeles Motordrome with planes on display ca. 1910. From Twining, H. La V., “Los Angeles News,” Aircraft, Volume 1, September 1910, p. 256.

The Los Angeles Motordrome was one mile in circumference, thus making it 1,700 feet in diameter. On account of the space occupied by the track and the field fence, there was scarcely 1,000 feet for a straight run inside the track. A course outside the enclosure was graded and a track a mile in length was provided to give the planes freedom to roam and experiment.
Eaton-Twining biplane after a rough landing in the Ballona Wetlands near the Motordrom. From Dominguez Air Meet by D. D. Hatfield, p. 132.

An excerpt from Aero Club of California President H. La V. Twining’s article in the September 1910 issue of Aircraft read

“Above is a photo of the Eaton-Twining machine, standing on its nose. This machine is a biplane of the Bleriot type, except that it has sliding planes at the wing tip for securing lateral stability. This machine has been making small jumps for a couple of weeks. It is equipped with a Ford automobile engine of 22-1/2 h.p., four-cylinder, water-cooled. The power plant weighs 200 pounds, and the whole machine 700 pounds, including the aviator. Warren S. Eaton was driving the machine when it went over on to its nose. It was running on the ground at the rate of 25 miles per hour when the front axle broke. As the tail was high in the air at the time, the tips of the skids stuck in the ground, and it ended up as shown. Mr. Eaton was thrown into the framework, but escaped unhurt.”

On October 2nd Jake DeRosier lowered his 100-mile Motordrome F.A.M.-sanctioned motorcycle record by 5m., 15s. to 80m. 50 3-5s. on the Indian and F. E. Whittler lowered De Rosier’s May 8th 50-mile mark of 39m., 16-1/5s. to 36m., 30s. on a Merkel. (“New Records Made by De Rosier and Whittler,” Los Angeles Times, October 3, 1910, p. I-8 and “De Rosier Smashes Two World’s Records in Trial,” Los Angeles Herald, October 3, 1910, p. 6).

From Los Angeles Herald, October 22, p. 2.

As the subheadings for the front page article on the Aero Club’s second Motordrome event (see ad above) indicate, such as “Birdman Gives Thrilling Exhibitions at Field on Playa del Rey Line”; “Slavin Spills in Descent”; and “Cannon Supplies Excitement While Being Towed Around Grounds by Large Auto.” The latter was likely the first time an aeroplane was towed by an automobile around an enclosed racetrack. What a thrill it must have been for the spectators in attendance to witness the early evolution of machines that would rapidly change life as they knew it.

Twining reported in the December issue of Aeronautics,

“All machines without motors were wheeled out and lined up along the paddock. (See earlier photo above). Saturday afternoon at 3 o’clock the program was opened by a towing flight by Jack Cannon. Considerable difficulty was experienced, owing to the lack of power on the part of the towing automobile. After several attempts it was exchanged for a more powerful vehicle, a 72 h.p. Stoddard-Dayton driven by Mortimer, a member of the club. Owing to rains some days previous the ground was slippery and complete circles were not made but short flights were obtained. Inside the Motordrome the other machines developed engine troubles and did not attempt to fly.”

Jack Cannon’s biplane from “Walsh Captures First Prize in Airship Flights,” Los Angeles Herald, October 24, 1910, front page.

An excerpt from the October 23rd Herald article also sets the scene,
“Jack Cannon furnished the greatest excitement of the afternoon with his towed flights in the biplane built by the Cannon brothers. (See above). Towed by a big Stoddard-Dayton (see below) driven by L. Mortimer, which skidded around the curves in the soft ground, Cannon guided his machine several times around the inside course of the motordrome paddock without coming to the ground. The crowd cheered as he went by the grandstands and commented on the ease with which the aerial machine made its rounds us compared with the difficulties under which the automobile party labored. Cannon won the only prize awarded for an exhibition inside the motordrome and L. Mortimer, the owner of the automobile, received an honorable mention.” (Note: Garbutt crony and sales agent for the Beach Land Company in Playa del Rey, Fred W. Flint, Jr., owned the local Stoddard-Dayton dealership.)
Period ad for the Stoddard-Dayton. Publication unknown. Producing 40 horsepower, the engine in the Stoddard-Dayton was remarkably ahead of its time employing an overhead valve design that included two spark plugs per cylinder.

Walsh with outer wall of Motordrome in background. Los Angeles Herald, October 23, 1910, p. 1.

The Herald (see above) reported on the activities at the meet at the Motordrome describing short flights to the beach and back, towed flights around the infield and announcing the various prize winners at the Aero Club of California two-day event mostly dominated by Charles F. Walsh. (See below).
“Walsh made a variety of flights, circling about in any direction desired and landing easily at the starting point. He did not attempt to fly high, and the altitude prize was at first awarded to Slavin, but on a protest from Walsh’s friends the contest committee decided in favor of the San Diegan. The trophy for highest flight is a silver cup presented by business men of San Diego. Other cups won by Walsh at this meet are the Whitley Jewelry company’s trophy for endurance, the W. H. Leonard cup for the best circular flight and a newspaper trophy for distance.”
Charles Walsh ca. 1910. From earlyaviators.com Earl Sansome collection.


Walsh at the Motordrome on the cover of the January 1911 issue of Aeronautics.

Walsh flew his 3-cylinder Eldridge “Featherweight” powered biplane to victory in every event during the two day “Novice” Meet. He flew cross-country over the Ballona Wetlands circling the course nine times before landing.
B. F. Roehrig pictured upper left in the above Eldridge Engine Company ad from Aircraft, December 1910, p. 386.

Bernard F. Roehrig, another San Diegan, was awarded the Roy Knabenshue Cup for longest flight by a Southern California machine.

Powerplant on Roehrig Aeroplane. From Twining, H. La V., “Flights by B. F. Roehrig, Aeronautics, November 1910, p. 172.

Bernard F. Roehrig courtesy San Diego Air and Space Museum.

The November 3, 1910 issue of the Herald reported that Walsh soared to a height of 50 feet in a Curtiss biplane warming up for tomorrow’s altitude contest with B. F. Roehrig and J. J. Slavin. (“San Diego Flyer Makes Ascent at Motordrome“). The next day’s issue announced Roehrig’s “unofficial” amateur altitude record of between 500 and 600 feet stating that he circled the Motordrome 4-1/2 times and remained in the air twenty minutes. In landing he went into a ditch, damaging the skids, axle and propeller blades. (“Roehrig Wins Amateur Airship Height Record“).

The next big auto racing event at the Los Angeles Motordrome was scheduled for November 26th and 27th, Thanksgiving weekend. Motordrome manager Walter Hempel was hoping for a headline matchup between Barney Oldfield and Teddy Tetzlaff. Despite his contract with Hempel, Oldfield was disqualified from appearing by the A.A.A. for participating in an unsanctioned match race with heavyweight boxing champion Jack Johnson on October 20th in Brooklyn. (“Oldfield to Race Jack Johnson Today; A.A.A. Definitely Suspends Barney,” New York Times, October 20, 1910). Tetzlaff participated in a road race in Santa Monica on November 25th and only made a token appearance at the Motordrome on the 26th.

On the 26th Joe Nikrent broke Ray Harroun’s world’s record of 73-1/2 miles in 60 minutes set at the Motordrome at the inaugural meet in April by covering 74 miles in Barney Oldfield’s Knox. Oldfield was in the stands undoubtedly thinking he could have done better if allowed to run. The next day, again using Oldfield’s Knox, he shaved 1-4/5th seconds from Oldfield’s April Motordrome meet world record for five-miles covering the distance in 3 minutes, 30-2/5th seconds. The A.A.A. was pleased with the safety record at the track as no serious accidents occurred. (“Fast Motors Break Records,” Los Angeles Times, November 28, 1910, p. I-10). A 24-hour endurance race was tentatively scheduled by Hempel for Christmas Day 1910 but would not take place untill the following April.

Glenn Curtiss rode the world’s first V-8 motorcycle to a speed of 136 mph and became known as “the fastest man on earth.” From “The Life and Times of Glenn Hammond Curtiss” by David Langley.


Curtiss at Reims, August 1909. From U.S. Centennial of Flight Commission.


Glenn Curtiss’s Reims Racer being wheeled back to the hangar after his victory in the Gordon Bennett speed race, August 28, 1909. From Smithsonian Air & Space Magazine.



The November 17th issue of the Times announced that noted aviator Glenn H. Curtiss (see two and three above) would be setting up shop and a flight training school at the Aero Club facilities at the Motordrome and that he would be managing a series of meets (see ad below) at the facility beginning with the first scheduled for December 9, 10 and 11. (“First Meet in December; Curtiss to Manage Events at Motordrome”). In the November 20th issue, W. H. Leonard reported on the Cutiss plans and the advantages of the Motordrome site and facilities for experimentation with an article headlined, “Great Center for Aviation; Southern California First With Experiments; Great Flying Promised All the Year Around; Local Organisations Unite in Boost Campaign.

Curtiss Aeroplane ad listing Training Grounds address as the Motordrome. From Aircraft, January 1911, p. 409



Curtiss signed a lease in early December with Motordrome manager Walter Hempel and Vice-President Fred Moskovics for the use of the Aero Club’s facilities at the Motordrome and fully intended to spend the winter experimenting on his first seaplane design. Curtiss was the only American to appear at the first ever aviation meet in Rheims, France in his “Golden Flyer” (see above two photos) in August 1909 and was honored with the first flight at the Dominguez meet in January 1910. Curtiss knew Prince and Moskovics well as he also cut his teeth on motorcycle racing. (See earlier above). The Herald reported,

Mr. Curtis brought his entire workshop with him from his home in New York. There are several cars filled with machinery, designed especially for airship construction, a carload of aeroplane parts and twelve ‘machines complete. With these to work with Mr. Curtiss will conduct his experiments as soon as he is able to get a suitable place to work.

Mr. Curtiss has retired from exhibition flying and now devotes his time to the construction of airships and to experimenting with them. He is endeavoring at the present time to work out and perfect some method by which an aeroplane may be used at sea.

“At present the experiment in which I am most interested is the use of the aeroplane at sea. I have experimented to a certain extent with my machines on the water and am going to do a whole lot more of it while here.” (“Glenn H. Curtiss Here to Conduct Air Experiments, Los Angeles Herald, December 7, 1910“).

Somewhat confusingly, both the San Diego Union-Tribune (December, 23, 1910) and Los Angeles Times (January 3, 1911) reported that Lt. Theodore Ellyson of the U.S. Navy has been detailed by the Secretary of the Navy to receive flight training from Curtiss thus becoming the first ever Naval Aviator. The Times article reported ,“Ellyson will consult with Curtiss regarding the location of experimental work this winter and expects to become an expert in the handling of the aeroplane by next spring.” (“Officer Arrives,” Los Angeles Times, January 3, 1911, p. I-7).

Through Ellyson, Curtiss was informed that the U.S. Navy’s superior facilities at North Island in San Diego were even more ideal for his seaplane experiments as were opportunities for government contracts so he decided to relocate his base of operations there. Curtiss, who would soon go on to fame for providing 10,000 of his “Jennies” to the Allies during World War I, opened a Naval flight training school and finished development the seaplane float design possibly begun at the Motordrome. (See below). The new pontoon enabled him to take off and land on water for the first time on January 26, 1911 at North Island, San Diego. The seaplane was a regular Curtiss pusher airplane, with a central pontoon and wing tip floats. The pilot sat in a tricycle framework, in front of and below the wings.  Early versions had a 25-hp, 4-cylinder engine, and later versions had a 50-hp, 8-cylinder engine. Incorporating what he learned from Curtiss, Lt. Ellyson would go on to make the first successful launching of an airplane (A-3) by catapult at the Washington Navy Yard in 1912 as a prelude to the development of the aircraft carrier. H. La V. Twining reported at length on the first takeoff from water in the March issue of Aeronautics. (“Success of the Curtiss Hydro-Aeroplane,” Aeronautics, March 1911, pp. 86-87).

Curtiss Seaplane, San Diego, 1911. From Patent Pending Blog.

 

Glenn H. Curtiss, Time, October 13, 1924.

Although Hempel, Moskovics and Garbutt were likely sad to see Curtiss leave for San Diego, there was much activity to get the track ready for a big meet on the boards scheduled for January 14-15. The January 11, 1911 issue of the New York Times reported on the vaunted National racing team’s West Coast invasion,

Howard Wilcox, Charles Merz, and Don Herr have gone to Los Angeles. Calif. where they will pilot the National motor cars upon the mile board track motordrome Jan. 14 and 15. The trio of National cars which the pilots will handle in the two-day speed carnival were shipped to the “Golden West. … Wilcox is one of the youngest and best pilots in the country. His last notable performance was his non-stop victory in the 100-mile race for the Remy Brassard and Trophy Cup on the Indianapolis Motor Speedway last September. He covered the century in 83 minutes and 8 seconds, after a great battle with the foremost stock chasis performers of the country.” (“Racing Pilots Going West; Wilcox, Herr and Merz to Drive at Los Angeles Motordrome,” New York Times, January 11, 1911).

Howard “Howdy” Wilcox, 1919 winner of the Indy 500.


The Los Angeles Times headlines the day after the first scheduled day of racing summarized the events, “De Palma in big Simplex Wins Motordrome Races; Takes Five Events, Every One in Which He Is Entered – Merz in National 40 Takes Twenty-Five Mile Contest – Bert Dingely in Pope-Hartford Takes a Second Place.” (Los Angeles Times, January 15, 1911, p. VII-1). Rain on the 15th flooding the subways into the track postponed activities until the following Sunday.
Times headlines during the week hyped the event thusly: “MOTORDROME’S BATTLE ROYAL.; STARS OF THE EAST AND REAL SPEEDSTERS OF WEST; Clash to Come on the Pie-Pan Sunday When the Fastest Motor Pilots on Earth Meet in Series of Automobile Races Which Should Thrill Thousands, January 18; NINETY-HORSE POWER MOTOR GIANTS TO PARADE STREETS, January 19; WHITE RACER MAY BE SENSATION ON BOARDS OF THE MOTORDROME, January 20; DEATH-DEFYING AUTO PILOTS PRIMED FOR GRUELING RACES, January 21; RACERS GROOMED FOR SPEED BATTLES ON PIE-PAN BOARDS, January 21; and Ralph De Palma and Frank Dearborn to Hook Up in Fierce Five Mile Battle on the Boards of the Motordrome This Afternoon–Wilcox. Dingley, Nikrent and Merz to Figure in Distance Events, January 22.
Page from the National 1911 Sales Catalog highlighting the team’s January 14 and 22, 1911 performances at the Los Angeles Motordrome.

Post-race headlines summarized: MIGHTY MOTOR SPEEDSTERS SMASH RECORDS ON PIE-PAN; Wilcox in the National six-cylinder Monster Is Champion on Boards of the Motordrome, Where Thousands Cheer Nervy Drivers on to Victory – De Palma Wins Speed Duel From Frank Dearborn. At the end of the month the Times reported that a planned match race between Wilcox and De Palma could not take place due to a previous commitment of the National team to race in Oakland’s Panama-Pacific Road Race. (“National Team Spirited Away,” January 31, 1910, p. III-3). The seriousness with which National took its racing activities to improve design and promote sales can be sensed from the above page from their 1911 sales catalog.

A few days later the Times posted a tongue-in-cheek piece on Wilcox’s Motordrome duck-hunting exploits made possible by the heavy rains before he left for Oakland.

“The crack racing pilot took his shotgun and sneaked across the infield of tile track where he has won such signal victories. A mallard, alarmed at the sight of the wiry young autoist, flew away and ”Coxy” feared he had lost his meal. He dropped to his stomach in the mud and began a record crawl of half a mile. He reached the edge of tbe pool without disturbing the two red heads. Jumping to his feet Wilcox took careful aim and fired. In his excitement he pulled both triggers and was kicked backwards into the slush. When he recovered he saw the brace of ducks floating on the water. He waded into the pool and earned his toothsome meal.” (“National Racer Scores; Wilcox Bags Brace of Ducks in Center of Pie-Pan Track,” Los Angeles Times, February 3, 1911, p. III-3).

Jake DeRosier was back at the Motordrome a few days after Wilcox’s departure for another record-smashing run. He shattered every mile-record from 1 to 92 before running out of gas on the 93rd lap. The article compared De Rosier’s times to his auto-racing contemporaries and stated that he would certainly have beaten Roy Harroun’s 100-mile mark had he had enough fuel to finish. (“Skims Over Pie-Pan; World’s Records Smashed by De Rosier on Motor[drome],” Los Angeles Times, February 8, 1911, p. III-1).
Teddy Tetzlaff, 1912 Indy 500 2nd place finisher, after his 100-mile match race win against De Palma. From “Tetzlaff in the Lozier Wins Century Duel,” Los Angeles Times, March 20, 1911, p. II-1.



Local boy, Teddy Tetzlaff driving a Lozier in a much-hyped 100-mile match race with 1915 Indy 500 winner Ralph De Palma in a Simplex established four new world’s records at the Motordrome on March 19th building upon his convincing victory at the Santa Monica Road Race the previous November. (See below). The New York Times reported,

“The race was finished in 1 :14:29 1-5, lowering the previous record of 1:16:21 made by Harroun. De Palma was six and a half miles behind when Tetzlaff finished. The following intermediate records for a speedway regardless of class also were established: Twenty-five miles-18:22 2-5, former record. 18:52. Fifty miles-36:35 4-5; former record, 37:55 3-5. Seventy mlles-54:50 1-5; former record, 57:15 3-5. It is practically certain that the hour record of seventy-slx miles also was broken, but the time was not taken.” (“World’s Auto Records; Tetzlaff in Lozier defeats De Palma,” New York Times, March 20, 1911).

Teddy Tetzlaff winning the Santa Monica Road Race, November 1910. From J. W. Collinge.


Halliwell ad touting Tetzlaff’s win. Los Angeles Times, March 21, 1911, p. III-24.




1911 was a banner year for Indian motorcycle racing teams. While Indian motorcycles were winning most races on dirt and board tracks, a 4′-10″ ninety-pound, 16 year-old named Don Johns burst into the national headlines when he shattered all amateur records from 2 to 20-miles on the Playa del Rey track on April 4th. Riding a standard-valve Indian, Johns tied Ray Seymour‘s professional record for the mile and shaved 2/5th of a second off the professional record for two-miles of 1m. 24 1-5s. set by DeRosier on the same track two months earlier. His average speed of over 83 mph for 20 miles easily eclipsed the best English record of 56 mph. (“Motorcycle Racing, American and Foreign Records,” World Almanac and Encyclopedia, 1911, p. 414).


Amateur Johns certainly rode like a pro and was soon hired for a four-year stint on the Indian factory racing team. From that time on he was known as the “man to beat” wherever he raced, and the old-timers who knew him and raced against him agreed that if he wasn’t the greatest dirt track racer of his time, and perhaps of all time, there never was anybody around who could prove otherwise.



The long-delayed 24-hour endurance race at the Motordrome took place on the first anniversary of its opening on April 8-9, 1911 and was refereed by Frank Garbutt. There was a great build-up for the marathon event in the local press with almost daily stories in the Times. Though no big names entered the race due to lengthy delays caused by the earlier heavier than usual seasonal rains and other reasons, fourteen cars and 28 drivers were slated to start and attempt to break the 1,253 mile record set at Brighton Beach. The Times reported on the testing of the lights the night before the race,

“The $25,000 lighting plant was put into service last night at 7 o’clock and thousands of incandescent bulbs with hundreds of the new flaming arc searchlights flooded the grounds and board surface with light. For miles in each direction the lights glowed like an aurora borealis and attracted a large crowd from the beach resorts. Many hurried over in automobiles and trolley cars to see what was going on.” (Smith, Bert C., “Bright Lights to Glow as Speed Demons Spin,” Los Angeles Times, April 7, p. III-1 and “Twice Around Clock Grind,” April 2, 1911, p. VII-8).

 

Start of the Motordrome 24-Hour with the Cadillac on the pole and the Fiat in the center of the front row. (“Fast Foreign Fiat Wins Twenty-four Hour Race; World’s Records Broken on Motordrome Boards,” Los Angeles Times, April 10, 1911, p. II-1).

Throngs of fans camped overnight in the infield and the concession stands did a booming business. R. A. Wynne reported on the world-record shattering results the day after with the Fiat “Forty-Five” driven by Valentine Hush and Frank Verbeck compiling 1,491 miles during the race for an average speed of 62.125 mph versus the previous record of 52 mph set the previous August at Brighton Beach. George Adair in the Cadillac “Thirty” (see ad below) also broke the record finishing with 1,448 miles. (“Fast Foreign Fiat Wins Twenty-four Hour Race; World’s Records Broken on Motordrome Boards,” Los Angeles Times, April 10, 1911, p. II-1 and “Fiat Car Makes New World Mark,” New York Times, April 10, 1911).


Los Angeles Times, April 11, 1911, p. III-4.

Naturally, the Times was flush with ads from suppliers of cars, tires and parts of the well-performing vehicles. The Elmore Motor Car Co., local dealer for the Stearns which held the Brighton Beach record, placed a sour grapes ad (see below) which elaborately calculated, using the differential between Barney Oldfield’s Benz times on Ascot’s dirt track and the Motordome’s boards that the Fiat would have had to average 67.92 mph to have beaten the Stearns record. Hempel and Moskovics must have been thrilled with the ad and used it in attracting drivers to future racing events as it was more a testimonial for the record-breaking potential of the Motordrome than anything else.

Los Angeles Times, April 12, 1911, p. III-4.

Dave Lewis in the No. 10 Stutz White Squadron car and Charles Mertz in the No. 7 National, October 22, 1911. From Moore, George, “America’s Early Years of Board Track Racing: Playa del Rey: Birthplace of the Boards,” Cars & Parts, January, 1981, p. 47.


Stressed from the constant scheduling problems caused by rain delays and Barney Oldfield’s A.A.A. suspensions, Walter Hempel resigned as manager of the Motordrome after the 24-hour event and was replaced by A. M. Young for a meet in October sponsored by the Automobile Dealer’s Association of Southern California. (“Giant Racers Ready for Motordrome Speed Fest,” Los Angeles Times, October 18, 1911, p. III-3). Teddy Tetzlaff and Harris Hanshue highlighted the card for the October 21-22, 1911 races at the Motordrome with no records being set. (“Five Thousand Fans See Great Motordrome Races,” Los Angeles Times, October 22, 1911, p, VII-1). The two-day meet drew record-breaking crowds of over 12,000 to witness wins by Tetzlaff, Lee Oldfield, and Roscoe Anthony among others. (See above and below). (“Great Crowd at Motordrome,” Los Angeles Times, October 23, 1911, p. II-1).


Roscoe Anthony in the Regal driving to victory in a five-mile sprint race, October 21, 1911. From Moore, George, “America’s Early Years of Board Track Racing: Playa del Rey: Birthplace of the Boards,” Cars & Parts, January, 1981, p. 43.

 

Stressed from the constant scheduling problems caused by rain delays and Barney Oldfield’s A.A.A. suspensions, Walter Hempel resigned as manager of the Motordrome after the 24-hour event and was replaced by A. M. Young for a meet in October sponsored by the Automobile Dealer’s Association of Southern California. (“Giant Racers Ready for Motordrome Speed Fest,” Los Angeles Times, October 18, 1911, p. III-3). The two-day meet on October 21-22 drew record-breaking crowds to witness wins by Teddy Tetzlaff and Lee Oldfield among others. (“Great Crowd at Motordrome,” Los Angeles Times, October 23, 1911, p. II-1).


Eddie Hasha

Also beginning in 1911, a young rider from Texas, Eddie Hasha, began to make his mark on one of the Hedstrom-designed Indian 8-valves. Hasha was very fast, and in May, at the Playa del Rey Motordrome, he set a new record for the mile, attaining a speed of 95 mph.


Teddy Tetzlaff and Harris Hanshue highlighted the card for the October 21, 1911 races at the Motordrome with no records being set. (“Five Thousand Fans See Great Motordrome Races,” Los Angeles Times, October 22, 1911, p, VII-1).

Los Angeles Times, May 6, 1912, p. III-1.

A crowd of 10,000 viewed a big card of events at the Motordrome on May 5, 1912. The drivers, tired from the grueling Santa Monica Road Race the day before set five new records on what was still widely considered the world’s fastest track. (See above). The subheadlines read,

“Caley Bragg Is New World Short – distance Motor Champion and Joe Nikrent Star of Distance Events. (See Case Racing Team and ad below). Ralph de Palma a Strong Contender With the Mercer - E.M.F. Team Defeats Large Field.”

The Case Racing Team (see below) led the way with Joe Nikrent setting new world’s records in the 5 and 25-mile events, Louis Disbrow establishing a new mark in the 10-mile and Neil Whalen winning a 5-mile free-for-all handicap.

 

The Case Team of 1912 (right to left) Joe Nikrent, Louis Disbrow and Neil Whalen. From Moore, George, “America’s Early Years of Board Track Racing: Playa del Rey: Birthplace of the Boards,” Cars & Parts, January, 1981, p. 45-6.

The article also reported on an unplanned air show which gave the crowd additional excitement.

“Two daring aeroplanists came hurtling through the air over the boards of the pie-pan and gave the throng a new thrill yesterday While the fastest motors on earth were ripping world records to pieces, Parmalee in his biplane and Turpin in another biplane, soared through the air. The spiral dip caused a hush from the thousands The man in the air was vieing with the drivers on the boards. He won the applause. It was the first time the throng had been given a chance to judge between the ships of the air and tho kings of the speedway. The honors went to the airship as far as the spectacular part of the programme was concerned.” (“Case Cars Crack World Mark on Greasy Pie-Pan,” L.A. Times, May 6, 1912, p. III-1).

 

The Case Team of 1912 (right to left) Joe Nikrent, Louis Disbrow and Neil Whalen. Nikrent won a 25-mile event and Whalen won a five-mile free-for-all handicap on May 5, 1912. From Moore, George, “America’s Early Years of Board Track Racing: Playa del Rey: Birthplace of the Boards,” Cars & Parts, January, 1981, p. 45-6.


Los Angeles Times, May 7, 1912, p. III-2.


Lee Humiston aboard his Excelsior.

On December 30, 1912, Excelsior gained world renown for being the first motorcycle to officially reach 100 mph. On that day, at the one-mile board track in Playa del Rey, Excelsior rider Lee Humiston circled the banked 1-mile track on his direct-drive Excelsior in 36 seconds flat becoming the first motorcyclist officially timed at 100 mph by a sanctioning organization. Even Barney Oldfield never achieved the magic century at Playa del Rey, his best time (36.1 seconds or 99.72 mph) set in a match race against Terrible Teddy Tetzlaff two weeks later on January 12, 1913 eight months before the track burned to the ground. Humiston  also continued on to break every record through twelve miles. (“Humiston Dashes Around Motordrome in Fast Time,” Los Angeles Times, December 31, 1912, p. III-4).


At the same track a few days later, on January 7, 1913 Humiston took every time record for the distance between 2 and 100 miles, breaking the previous 100 mile record of 75 minutes, 24-2/5 seconds with his time of 68 minutes, 1-4/5 seconds. (From Reocities).


Lee Humiston. From Pioneers of American Motorcycle Racing.

Excelsior had won the race to the magic 100 mph mark and they had smashed the Indian-held record for the 100-mile distance as well.  The publicity was enormous. Every school boy in America knew that a man had traveled at 100 miles per hour on a motorcycle, and that he had accomplished this feat on an Excelsior built in Chicago.

 

Teddy Tetzlaff after beating Oldfield at the Motordrome, January 12, 1913.


January 11-12, 1913 featured a much-hyped three heat match race between Oldfield and Teddy Tetzlaff. Barney drove his 300-horsepower Christie to a one-mile record of 36-1/5 seconds in the opening heat. During the same card of events Felix Maggone driving a 120-horsepower Fiat lowered the five-mile free-for-all record by over 11 seconds to 3minutes 15-3/5 seconds. The next day saw Tetzlaff winning the final two heats with Oldfield blowing a cylnder in his Christie during the final heat. (See above). (“Oldfield Makes New World’s Record,” Los Angeles Times, January 12, 1912, p. VII-1 and “Great Auto Race Won by Teddy Tetzlaff,” January 13, p. III-1).

Walter Hempel was back at the helm of the Motordrome in the spring of 1913 and began planning a 500-mile race for the venue featuring Barney Oldfield. The race never came about. (“Barney Oldfield in Many Races,” Los Angeles Times, May 4, 1913, p. VIII-1). On the afternoon of Aug. 11, 1913, a fire broke out under the wooden track in Playa del Rey. A Los Angeles Times news story detailing the fire blamed it on vagrants sleeping beneath the track who were careless with matches. The article also stated that the track owned by the Pacific Electric Railway had outlived its useful life and would not be rebuilt and the remaining portions of the track and grandstand would be dismantled by railway laborers.

Wooden tracks eventually died out as other surfaces such as asphalt began to be used for auto racing tracks in the 1920s, replacing the more dangerous wooden structures. (“Famous Race Course Burns,” Los Angeles Times, August 12, 1913, p. II-4). Legendary sportswriter Damon Runyon wrote after the track was destroyed, “Playa del Rey burned last night with a great saving of lives.” (From The Golden Age of the American Racing Car by Griffith Borgeson).

The closing chapter on the Motordrome in the California Outlook read,

“The Motordrome near Playa del Rey which was built five years ago at a cost of $110,000 and which has been the scene of several races of importance, is now being torn down and its three million feet of lumber disposed of, in order to devote its space to the growing of sugar beets. This circumstance is interesting in view of the doleful utterances of certain prophets of evil who have been telling us that the sugar-beet industry of California is on the road to ruin and that the $15,000,000 invested in it is to prove a dead loss, because we can’t compete with imported beet sugar. The war in Europe has made a mockery of all such talk, and goes also to prove that it takes an uncommonly wise man to be a reliable prophet.” (“From Motordrome to Sugar,” California Outlook, August 29, 1914, p. 16).
The last vestiges of the Motordrome disappeared in 1918 when the Pacific Electric Railway received permission from the California Board of Railroad Commissioners to remove a portion of its spur at the Motordrome Station at the old Motordrome site in the Ballona Wetlands. (Annual report of the Board of Railroad Commissioners of the State of California, 1918).


Just as Walter Hempel and the Motordrome owners were cursed by nature and fire during the track’s brief existence, so was the community of Playa del Rey. The town’s tourist facilities were damaged or destroyed by nature and fire as well. A large portion of the fishing pier collapsed in July 1911 and again in July 1917. Tide gates, which maintained high water in the lagoon (and the wetlands surrounding the Motordrome site), had to be dynamited during a heavy winter rainstorm because nearby Venice and the vast flat ground between became flooded. Soon the grandstands were torn down and sand clogged the boat course. The pavilion burned before WW I and the Del Rey Hotel, which had become notorious as a house of prostitution in 1917, burned in a disastrous fire on May 31, 1924.

Ballona Wetlands Restoration Alternative 5.



Playa del Rey to this day remains somewhat of jinxed community which may yet recover after the State makes peace with mother nature with the completion of long-awaited Ballona Wetlands Restoration Project. (See above). This effort will enhance the remnants of the wetlands remaining after the channelization of Ballona Creek by the Corps of Engineers in 1938 and the wetlands-killing dredging, also by the Corps, which created Marina del Rey in 1960.



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